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BOOKS xvI. 66-95 AND XVII 





© The President and Fellows of Harvard College 1963 



Printed in Great Britain 


BOOK xvI (cHaPs. 66-95) 




INDEX . . 








5 1 
` 21 
. 105 
. 473 
. 475 
At end 



Dioporus’s CHRONOLOGY 

Tue parts of Diodorus’s Library of History which are 
covered in this volume offer few serious chronological 
problems. As elsewhere, Diodorus identifies each 
year by the Attic archon and the Roman consuls, 
adding the number of the Olympiad every four years. 
As elsewhere, he tries to complete the narrative of 
each event at one time, and this often leads him to 
continue a story beyond the year to which it belongs, 
or to begin its account later than would be strictly 
correct. Specific dates as an aid to the reader are 
here added in footnotes, when they are known. 

Consuls’ and archons’ names differ not infrequently 
from those which are attested otherwise, either in 
part or in whole, and these latter are supplied in foot- 
notes, the archons from J. Kirchner’s Prosopographia 
Attica (Vol. 2 (1903), 635) and the consuls from T. R. S. 
Broughton’s The Magistrates of the Roman Republic 
(Vol. 1, 1951). The manuscript form of the names is 
kept in text and translation. For the consuls, it is 
enough to refer to the study of the problem by G. 
Perl, Kritische Untersuchungen zu Diodors römischer 
Jahrzählung (1957). The years covered by this vo- 
lume, 345 to 323 B.c., offer fewer problems than else- 
where. Since he lacks the so-called dictator years, 
one of which (333 s.c.) falls within this period, the 
consuls are dated by Diodorus two or three years 
later than in the Varronian chronology. 



For some reason, the consuls of 345 B.c. are placed 
three years earlier than in other lists. 

The problems of the calendar year employed by 
Diodorus to date events in the Alexander story has 
recently been investigated by M. J. Fontana, Kokalos, 
2. 1 (1956), 37-49. His conclusion that Diodorus here 
follows the Macedonian year which began in the 
autumn, but identified it by the names of the archon 
and the consuls who took office up to eight or nine 
months later, seems well founded. In the later years 
of Alexander’s life, Diodorus’s chronology becomes 
quite confused.: 

Earlier, in Book 16, on the other hand, the assign- 
ment of the battle of Chaeronea to 338/7 B.c. (chaps. 
84-87) shows that Diodorus was there not following 
the Macedonian calendar. His choice in each case 
was presumably made for him in his source. His 
assignment of the sieges of Perinthus and Byzantium 
to 341/0 s.c. (chaps. 74-76), while they were narrated 
by Philochorus under 340/39 s.c. (F. Jacoby, Frag- 
mente der griechischen Historiker, no. 328, F 54), is ex- 
plained by the fact that the events occurred in the 
spring and summer of 340 B.c. 


Boox XVI 

Unlike Book 17, which only rarely interrupts the 
story of Alexander’s career to mention events else- 

1 The chronological system followed by the Marmor Pa- 
rium is somewhat different, and seems to have no bearing on 
the tradition of Diodorus. Cp. Jacoby, Fragmente der griechi- 
schen Historiker, no. 239, B 1-8, and Jacoby’s commentary, 
pp. 698-702. 



where, the second half of Book 16 contains two prin- 
cipal narratives, interspersed by two literary refer- 
ences (chaps. 71. 3; 76. 5-6) and a number of notes 
referring to other matters, chiefly of a chronological 
interest : the Molossians (chap. 72. 1), Caria (chap. 
74. 2), Tarentum (chap. 88. 3-4), Heracleia Pontica 
(chap. 88. 5), Cius (chap. 90. 2) and Rome (chaps. 69. 
1; 90. 2). There are two references to Athenian 
activities (chaps. 74. 1; 88. 1-2). Otherwise the 
stories of Timoleon and of Philip are interwoven on a 
chronological basis (Timoleon : chaps. 66-69. 6; 70. 
1-6; 72. 2-73. 3; T7. 4—83; 90. 1; Philip: chaps. 
69. 7-8 ; 71. 1-2; 74. 2—76. 45; 77. 2-3; 84. 1—87. 3 ; 
89; 91-95). The source or sources of all this have 
been much discussed, and certainty is impossible. 

In one chapter (83), it is reasonable to suppose that 
Diodorus, the Siciliote, is writing from his own obser- 
vation, as he expressly does of Alexandria in Book 17. 
52. 6. Otherwise the problem of Diodorus’s sources 
is complicated by the fact that we have very few 
specific fragments of earlier historians whom he may 
have used in this period. Since we have so little, for 
example, of Ephorus, Theopompus, Diyllus, Timaeus 
and the rest, and since J. Palm has shown how drasti- 
cally Diodorus not only abridged and even distorted 
his sources but also rephrased them (Über Sprache 
und Stil des Diodorus von Sizilien, 1955), all analyses 
based on style are unrewarding. On the other hand, 
there are certain indications which may be mentioned. 

In the latter part of Book 16, Diodorus quotes 
Demosthenes (chaps. 84-85) and Lycurgus (chap. 88), 
possibly also Demades (chap. 87), and these quota- 
tions may or may not have been direct. On one oc- 
casion he uses a word which may be traced back to 



Theopompus (chap. 70. 3; p. 37, n. 6). He specifi- 
cally mentions Theopompus (chap. 71. 3) and Ephorus 
and Diyllus (chap. 76. 5) as authors whom he knew 
and presumably had read. Once he seems to differ 
from the little known historian Athanis (chap. 82. 5; 
p. 67, n. 6). Diyllus, Ephorus, and Theopompus to- 
gether can have covered all the events here described 
by Diodorus. I do not feel, with most of the com- 
mentators, that chap. 71. 3 means that Theopompus 
dealt with no Sicilian events later than the expul- 
sion of Dionysius; he merely did not devote any 
books exclusively to the area after Book 43. 

A certain presumption exists that Diodorus took 
his account of Timoleon from Theopompus (or pos- 
sibly from Diyllus, but we know almost nothing about 
him), or, at any rate, not from Timaeus, in view of 
the markedly different tone of his narrative from that 
of Plutarch. Plutarch’s Timoleon is a barely probable 
and clearly tendentious eulogy ; ep. E. Schwartz, 
Real-Encyclopädie, 5 (1905), 687, and especially the 
analysis of H. D. Westlake, Timoleon and his Relations 
with Tyrants (1951). Diodorus, on the other hand, 
while laudatory, is generally credible. If Plutarch’s 
account goes back to Timaeus, as is very likely in 
view of that writer’s great partiality for Timoleon 
(Polybius, Book 12 ; ep. Jacoby, op. cit. no. 566 ; R. 
Laqueur, Real-Encyclopädie, A 11 (1936), 1156-1162 ; 
T. S. Brown, Timaeus of Tauromenium, 1958), then 
Diodorus must have drawn on another source. 

In the case of Philip, the only specific evidence we 
have is that (in contrast with the situation in Book 17) 
the story of Diodorus differs sharply from that of 
Trogus-Justin. Diodorus’s account of Philip is gener- 
ally favourable. The Greeks joined Philip willingly 



out of gratitude and affection (chaps. 69. 8; 71. 2); 
Philip preferred to make friends rather than to defeat 
enemies (chap. 95. 3). In Justin, on the other hand, 
Philip is wily and treacherous. I make no suggestion 
as to the source of Justin, but it is not uņreasonable 
to suppose that Diodorus’s portrait is taken from 
Theopompus. Itis true that the preserved fragments 
of the Philippic History do not give a rounded picture 
of Philip. Many of them are concerned with his con- 
viviality (or depravity, depending on how you look at 
it). Theopompus was evidently interested in stories 
of the festive life in general, and so was Athenaeus, 
through whose agency most of these reports have 
been preserved. Drinking and conjoined activities 
were a Macedonian pleasure. We see this also in 
the case of Alexander. In Diodorus, however, this 
is all controlled and made serviceable to Philip’s 
political ends, as in the celebration following the 
victory of Chaeronea (chap. 87) and in the wedding of 
Cleopatra (chap. 91). Essentially the same balance 
appears in Theopompus (note especially Jacoby, op. 
cit. no. 115, F 162). We may remember Theopompus’s 
critical attitude toward Demosthenes, as reported in 
Plutarch, Demosthenes, 13. 1 ; 25-26. This strongly 
suggests a favourable attitude towards Philip.: 

As to the narrative in the second part of Book 16 
in general, Diodorus displays the unevenness for 
which he is well known. He indulges in vague gen- 
eralities and often fails to get things quite right. 
On the other hand, he is capable of writing, or of 

1 Cp. further the useful studies of the sources of Book 16 
by P. Treves, Annali della R. Scuola Normale Superiore di 
Pisa ; Lettere, Storia e Filosofia, 2. 6 (1937), 255-219, and 
N. G. L. Hammond, Classical Quarterly, 31 (1937), 79-91 ; 
32 (1938), 136-151. 



repeating, dramatic and exciting stories. His account 
of the siege of Perinthus (chaps. 74-76), of the battle 
of the Crimisus (chaps. 79-80), of Chaeronea (chaps. 
84-87), and of the death of Philip (chaps. 91-95) are 
good reading, all the more because in all but the 
second instance they are our only surviving account 
of these events. Diodorus is interested in the opera- 
tion of Fortune and the reverses which that deity 
could produce (chap. 70. 2) and he is piously delighted 
when sacrilegious men meet their just deserts (chaps. 
78—79. 1 ; 82. 1-2). We may be grateful that he has 
been preserved. 


Boog XVII 

Diodorus does not name his source or sources in 
the Alexander History,! nor does he anywhere cite 
any of the historians of Alexander except in Book 
2. 7. 3, where Cleitarchus is quoted as his authority 
for the size of Babylon. Ptolemy, the future king 
and Arrian’s principal source, is mentioned only as an 
actor in the story. Diodorus does not even give in a 
literary note information about historians who dealt 
with the period, as he does frequently elsewhere ; 
for example, in Book 16. 71. 3 and 76. 5. Once he 
refers to his own observation in Alexandria and what 
was told him of the city and the country during his 
visit to Egypt (chap. 52. 6). Otherwise he tells a 
factual story on his own responsibility, rarely insert- 

1 The only direct quotation (chap. 4. 8) is from Aeschines, 
and as with that from Demosthenes in Book 16, the quotation 
probably occurred in his immediate source. 



ing an “ it is said ” or “ they say ” in support of a 
specific statement (chaps. 4. 8; 85.2; 92. 1; 110. 
7; 115. 5; 118. 1). Twice he introduces an item 
with the words “ as some have written,” in one case 
(chap. 73. 4) certainly, in the other (chap. 65. 5) 
probably, to give a variant version ; the language of 
the latter instance-is confused in a way which else- 
where is most naturally explained as due to Diodo- 
rus’s careless abridgement of his source.: 

Our knowledge of the career of Alexander the 
Great is based primarily upon the surviving accounts 
of Diodorus, Quintus Curtius, Plutarch, and Arrian, 
and upon the excerpts of Pompeius Trogus made by 
Justin ; the earliest of these belongs to the period of 
Augustus. Behind them lie the narrators of the early 
Hellenistic period, the fragments of whose histories 
have been collected by Jacoby and translated by 
Robinson.? Ever since the beginning of modern 
scholarship, commentators have been busy with the 
problem posed by these relationships in the attempt 
to provide a scientific basis for reconstructing the 
personality and the accomplishments of the great 
Macedonian. Their answers have varied all the way 
from that of Schwartz, who regarded Diodorus’s Book 
17 as merely an abridgement of the history of Clei- 
tarchus of Alexandria, to that of Tarn, who believed 
that Diodorus used a variety of sources including 

1 These instances are listed by W. W. Tarn, Alexander the 
Great, Vol. 2 (1948), p. 63, note 5. There is also the mention 
of the “ Caucasus, which some call Mt. Paropanisus ” (chap. 
83. 1). Diodorus visited Egypt in 60-56 s.c. (Book 1. 44. 1; 
46. 7). 

2 Teby, Fragmente der griechischen Historiker, nos. 11- 
153; C. A. Robinson, Jr., The History of Alezander the 
Great, Vol. 1 (Providence, 1953). See Addenda. 


Aristobulus, Cleitarchus, and a ‘“‘ Mercenaries Source ” 
never mentioned by any ancient writer.! 

I suspect that the question has been phrased 
wrongly. When, for example, we find Diodorus giv- 
ing the number of Sambus’s subjects killed as 80,000 
(chap. 102), and Curtius, in giving the same figure, 
attributes it to Cleitarchus, are we then required to 
suppose that Diodorus, or Curtius either, used Clei- 
tarchus as his source ? Curtius’s statement establishes 
that Cleitarchus gave that figure, but that is all. We 
may speak of Diodorus and Curtius as “ following ” 
Cleitarchus, but there is nothing to prove that they 
did not find Cleitarchus’s statement in another history 
than his own. It was the custom for abridgers and 
compilators in antiquity to pass on such comments 
in their sources, even when these were not precisely 
applicable to their own texts.? 

Completeness in these matters is impossible to at- 
tain, but I may list instances which I have observed 
where Diodorus “‘ follows ” one or another of the 
primary historians of Alexander. The evidence is 
given below in notes on the relevant passages. 

Crows guided Alexander on the road to Siwah 
(chap. 49 ; Callisthenes and Aristobulus). 

The meaning of the oracle of Ammon was con- 

1 E. Schwartz, Real-Encyclopädie, 5 (1905), cols. 682-684 ; 
Tarn, Alexander the Great, pp. 63-91. For criticisms of 
Tarn’s analysis cp. T. S. Brown, American Journal of Philo- 
logy, 11 (1950), 134-155; M. J. Fontana, Kokalos, i (1955), 
155-190; O. Seel, Pompei Trogi Fragmenta (1956), 84-119 ; 
E. Badian, Classical Quarterly, 52 (1958), 144-157. 

2 Curt Wachsmuth, Ueber das Geschichtswerk des Sikelioten 
Diodorus, Vol. 2 (Leipzig, 1892), pp. 3-6. R. Laqueur, Her- 
mes, 86 (1958), 257-290, thinks that Diodorus used little but 
scissors and paste. 


veyed by nods and signs (chap. 50; Callisthe- 


Alexandria was founded after Alexander’s return 
from Siwah (chap. 52; Aristobulus). 

Thais incited Alexander to burn Persepolis (chap. 
72; Cleitarchus). 

Alexander found in Hyrcania a tree dripping honey 
(Onesicritus) and a ferocious bee (Cleitarchus ; 
chap. 75). 

The queen of the Amazons stayed with Alexander 
thirteen days in Hyrcania ! (chap. 77; Cleitar- 
chus,? Onesicritus, and others). 

In northern India, Alexander found imitative 
monkeys (Cleitarchus), snakes sixteen cubits long 
(Cleitarchus) and small poisonous snakes (Ne- 
archus), as well as huge banyan trees (chap. 90 ; 
Onesicritus and Aristobulus}. 

Alexander found the Adrestians practising suttee 
and the subjects of Sopithes admiring human 
beauty (chap. 91 ; Onesicritus). 

Alexander killed 80,000 subjects of Sambus (chap. 
102 ; Cleitarchus). 

1 Plutarch, Alexander, Sect. 46, is our source. He states 
at the beginning of the section that the visit of the Amazon 
took place entautha. Just previously, Plutarch has referred 
to Alexander’s crossing of the Jaxartes River, and Tarn and 
Jacoby take the entautha to refer to that area. That refer- 
ence, however, is introduced only as an illustration of Alex- 
ander’s disregard of his bodily injuries or infirmities, and the 
thread of the narrative shows that the visit of the Amazon 
occurred about where Diodorus places it. At the beginning 
of section 45, Alexander advanced into Parthia, and at the 
beginning of section 47, he marched into Hyrcania. The 
incident of the Jaxartes is an obiter dictum, remote from its 
chronological and geographical location. 

2? On this historian cp. recently: T. S. Brown, Onesicritus, 
A Study in Hellenistic Historiography (1949). 



The Oreitae exposed their dead (Onesicritus), and 
the Gedrosians let their fingernails grow long 
(Cleitarchus) and built their houses out of whales’? 
ribs (Nearchùs ; all chap. 105). 

Alexander celebrated his own and Nearchus’s safe 
completion of the journey from India (chap. 106 ; 
somewhat variously in Nearchus and Onesicritus). 

Nearchus reported whales frightened by noise 
(chap. 106 ; Nearchus). 

Harpalus kept various mistresses (chap. 108 ; Clei- 
tarchus and Theopompus). 

This is evidently not the material from which sta- 
tistics are built, but it may be noted that Diodorus 
“follows ” Cleitarchus eight times, Onesicritus six 
times, Nearchus and Aristobulus three times each, and 
Callisthenes twice. No one has ever supposed that 
Diodorus wrote in such an eclectic fashion, even if we 
were to believe that he would have dissembled his eru- 
dition by failing to mention it. Evidently these attri- 
butions are of different sorts. From Aristobulus and 
Callisthenes came a basic narrative, from Nearchus 
details of his own voyage and Indian experiences, 
and from Cleitarchus and Onesicritus various curio- 
sities. Since all of these authors wrote systematic 
histories, it is clear that they all must have told much 
the same story, differing in detail. Perhaps the later 
of them referred by name to their predecessors. 
Diodorus can be best supposed to have followed a 
single manuscript which contained all of this material. 

Little more can be asserted positively, in view of 
our lack of certainty as to Diodorus’s method of work 
in general. Probably he followed one source for any 

1 Jonas Palm, Ueber Sprache und Stil des Diodorus von 
Sizilien (Lund, 1955). 



given subject, rewriting rather than excerpting, and 
adding additional material when it occurred to him. 
It has been impossible to establish any instance where 
he collated two or more parallel accounts. If, then, 
we should look for a single source for Book 17, what 
can that have been ? 

Lacking any extensive text of any of the primary 
historians, and in some uncertainty as to the scope 
and manner and even the date of many of them, it is 
impossible for us to prove or to disprove that Diodorus 
used, for example, Aristobulus or Cleitarchus.! It 
seems certain, of course, that he did not use Ptolemy ; 
and specific disagreement with Aristobulus and Clei- 
tarchus makes it unlikely that he used them directly.? 

1 Tarn (Alegander the Great, pp. 5-43) argues with great 
ingenuity that Cleitarchus was a later writer than Aristobulus, 
insisting particularly that Aristobulus wrote in the 280s at 
the latest, that the geographer Patrocles wrote 281 or later, 
and that Cleitarchus used, and so followed, Patrocles. This 
is, however, at the cost of mistranslating (p. 11, note 3) the 
clear statement of Strabo (11. 7. 3) that Aristobulus used 
Patrocles. I am myself willing to take the statement of Dio- 
dorus (Book 2. 7. 3) literally when he refers to ‘*‘ Cleitarchus 
and some of those who later crossed with Alexander to Asia.” 
I find nothing in the fragments of Cleitarchus to demonstrate 
that he was not with Alexander during the campaigns, and 
whatever may have been his manner or his substance of 
writing, he was as much an eyewitness of the events as 
Aristobulus. Which of the two wrote earlier may well be 
impossible to say, but there is a report that Aristobulus wrote 
late in life, like Ptolemy (Lucian, Macrobioi, 22 = Jacoby, 
no. 139, T 3 ; in the opposite sense, Lucian, Quomodo historia 
conscribenda, 12 =Jacoby, T 4). Cp. further Fontana and 
Badian, op. cit. 

2 It is always hard to prove a negative. When Diodorus 
gives an account differing from a known fragment of an 
earlier writer, he may not have used him or he may sinply 
have omitted or altered his account for some reason. There 
is little evidence against Diodorus’s following Cleitarchus, 



On the other hand, in spite of the objections of Tarn, 
I regard it as certain that whatever source Diodorus 
used, it was the same as that employed by Curtius.! 
Schwartz assembled a formidable list of parallels be- 
tween the two writers, without exhausting the sub- 
ject.? Itis adequate to prove the point. To recon- 
struct this source would be a useful task ; it obviously 

although we might have expected him in that case to include 
Ptolemy with Peucestas as Alexander’s champion in the city 
of the Malli (chap. 99 ; cp. Jacoby, no. 137, F 24). There is 
more in the case of Aristobulus, who did not report the visit 
of Alexander and Hephaestion upon the Persian queen dow- 
ager (chap. 37 ; Jacoby, F 10) nor that of the Amazon upon 
Alexander (chap. 77 ; Jacoby, F 21). He confined the fiora 
of the Caucasus to terebinth and asafoetida (chap. 83; Ja- 
coby, F 23) and he omitted Alexander’s well-known commis- 
sion of his kingdom “‘ to the strongest ” (chap. 117; Jacoby, 
F 60). On. the other hand, Diodorus often agrees with him, 
as in the arrest of Bessus by his generals, not by Ptolemy 
(chap. 83; Jacoby, F 24); Ptolemy wrote that he had done 
it (Jacoby, no. 138, F 14). This list of agreements and dis- 
agreements could be extended, but additional, more or less cer- 
tain examples would prove no more. Diodorus often agrees 
with Aristobulus and Cleitarchus, sometimes differs from 
them. Considering Diodorus’s known method of work, it is 
easier to suppose that he used a source which was based on 
their histories than that he himself was so selective. 

1 Alexander the Great, pp. 91-122. Tarn believed that the 
account of Curtius was unfriendly to Alexander, that of Dio- 
dorus friendly in part, and so the two could not be based on a 
common source, He believed that similarities in the narra- 
tives could be accounted for by the supposition that Curtius 
used Diodorus (pp. 116-122). It is unnecessary to point out 
that this argument is highly subjective. Cp. Badian, loc. cit. 

2 Schwartz, loc. cit. His list of parallels is so full that I 
do not need to comment further. Again and again, Dio- 
dorus and Curtius agree so closely that the hypothesis of a 
common source is inescapable, while one or the other, usually 
Curtius, is often so much fuller that they cannot have in- 
fluenced each other directly. 



cannot be attempted here. Both Diodorus and Curtius 
give much which the other lacks and certainly add 
much of their own, especially Curtius: the long 
speeches with which his narrative abounds may be 
his own composition. Enough remains in Justin to 
suggest, although not to prove, that the history of 
Trogus was at least very similar. 

Like Diodorus, Trogus wrote a universal history. 
He gave like Diodorus an account of events in Greece, 
like Diodorus also omitting contemporary events in 
the West. It was long ago suggested that Diodorus’s 
source was a general history, and Wachsmuth’s sug- 
gestion of Diyllus of Athens, although rejected by 
Jacoby, would seem to fit well enough, although we 
know very little of Diyllus. Fontana suggests that the 
source was Duris of Samos, but again, we know very 
little of Duris. Both are mentioned in Book 21. 5-6, as 
if still used. Is it, on the other hand, possible that 
Diodorus used Trogus ? For Curtius, writing in the 
Flavian period, there is no chronological problem, but 
Diodorus and Trogus were contemporaries, writing 
under Augustus, and we have no way of knowing 
which was the earlier. This is, in fact, the conclusion 
of Seel (op. cit., especially p. 116), as I discovered after 
I had found myself moving inevitably in the same 
direction. Itis true that Diodorus did not use Trogus 
in Book 16 (above, p. 4). But the three writers 
worked in Rome, and must have been known to each 
other. Trogus used Greek sources and wrote in Latin, 
a language with which Diodorus was familiar (Book 
1.4.4). Curtius also wrote in Latin. If Diodorus and 
Curtius had used Trogus, they had reason enough 
not to say so. Ancient historians did not like to cite 
secondary sources by name, and in the case of Dio- 



dorus, the admission that he followed the narrative 
ofa contemporary would be a confession of plagiarism, 
only slightly mitigated by the fact that his source was 
a Gaul who wrote for Romans while he was a Sicilian 
who wrote for Greeks.! 

In any event, the account of Diodorus is of interest 
and importance, although his conventional style of 
writing and his carelessness in abridgement often 
deprive him of the clarity and dramatic effect for 
which he aimed.? His expression is turgid and la- 
boured. True to his principles expressed in his intro- 
duction (Book 1. 1-5), he administers praise and 
blame and attempts to edify, calling attention to the 
reversals inflicted by Fortune. This has been thought 
to have a Stoic tone, but his enthusiasm as a narrator 
is called forth by valiant deeds of war, battles and 
sieges. This leads to a somewhat stereotyped pattern 
of engagement, combat with fluctuating success, and 
disengagement, and makes one suspect both that 
historical details have been blurred and that extrane- 
ous rhetorical material has been introduced. Never- 
theless in more than one instance Diodorus preserves 
specific and statistical information which we should 
otherwise lack. 

Without attempting completeness, I may list some 
of the incidents told by Diodorus which are lacking 
in the other preserved historians. 

1 If Diodorus was using a Latin source for Book 17, we 
should have an explanation for his lack of technical termino- 
logy. The éraîpot of Arrian appear as ġiào (but cp. chap. 
114. 2), even when the reference is to the Companion Cavalry 
(chap. 57. 1; Plutarch, Alexander, also uses ġiìon but not 
always, cp. 19. 3). The óracmoraí (correctly in chap. 99. 4) 
appear as Silver Shields (chap. 57. 2) or as úrņpéra (chap. 
109. 2: Latin satellites ; in chap. 110. 1, the term is used of 
the Companion Cavalry}. See Addenda. 2 Palm, loc. cit. 




. The removal of Attalus (chaps. 2, 5). 
2. Description of Mt. Ida, and of Memnon’s 
campaign in the Troad (chap. 7). 
3. Appeal to Alexander by Antipater and Par- 
menion to beget an heir before crossing over 
to Asia (chap. 16). 
4. no figures of Alexander’s army (chap. 
5. The fallen statue of Ariobarzanes (chap. 17). 
6. The Persian order of battle at the Granicus 
(chap. 19). 
7. Dispatch of Memnon’s wife to the Great King 
(chap. 23). 
8. Exploits of Ephialtes and Thrasybulus at Hali- 
carnassus (chap. 25). 
9. Suicide of the Marmares (chap. 28). 
10. Alexander’s substitution of the forged letter 
from the Great King (chap. 39). 
11. Mechanisms of attack and defence at Tyre 
(chap. 43)! 
12. Description of Alexandria (chap. 52). 
13. Revolt of Memnon in Thrace (chap. 62). 
14. Reorganization of the army (chap. 65). 
15. Transport of fruit from the country of the Uxii 
to Babylon (chap. 67). 
16. Description of Persepolis (chap. 71). 
17. The institution of suttee (chap. 91). 
18. Description of Ecbatana (chap. 110). 
19. Description of Hephaestion’s funeral pyre 
(chap. 115). 
On other occasions, Diodorus gives a narrative 
differing from that of the other historians of Alex- 

1 Tarn (p. 121) thinks that Diodorus’s source may have 
been a Hellenistic siege manual, but this is pure speculation. 



ander. Sometimes, but by no means always, he is in 



His account of the siege of Thebes is longer 
than that of Arrian ; the Thebans fight well, 
and Alexander’s victory is gained by a strata- 
gem (chaps. 8-13). 

. The account of events at Athens is short, and 

emphasizes the part of Demades; Phocion 
does not appear, and no one is exiled (chap. 

. At the Granicus, Diodorus has Alexander cross 

the river unopposed in the morning, probably 
locating the battle downstream from Arrian 
(chap. 19). 

. Neoptolemus is killed while fighting on' the 

Macedonian side at Halicarnassus (almost 
certainly wrong ; chap. 25). 

. Alexander did not receive Parmenion’s appeal 

for help at Gaugamela (chap. 60). 

. Alexander was wrecked on the Indus (chap. 


. The Oreitae expose their dead to be eaten by 

wild beasts (Onesicritus in Strabo 11. 11. 3 
tells a similar story of the Bactrians, but the 
victims were the sick and elderly ; chap. 105). 

At times, Diodorus omits elements which are 
traditional parts of the Alexander history. 



The boyhood of Alexander. 

The heroism of Timocleia of Thebes. 

The sweating statue of Orpheus in Pieria and 
the visit to Diogenes at Corinth. 

The adoption of Alexander by Ada, the Carian 
queen, and Alexander’s attack on Myndus. 


5. The miraculous passage of the Climax in Lycia 
and the episode of the Gordian knot. 

6. There is no description of Babylon (already in 
Book 2. 7. 3) or of Susa. 

7. Alexander feels no shame for the'’burning of 
Persepolis. . 

8. No real mutiny on the Hyphasis. Alexander 
saw and pitied his soldiers’ weariness. 

9. No voyage to the Rann of Kutch. 

In these idiosyncrasies, of course, Diodorus invites 
comparison with Curtius and Justin, rather than with 
Plutarch and Arrian, whose sources were different. 
The Persian or Greek point of view which Diodorus 
reflects at times may have been lacking in Ptolemy 
and perhaps in Aristobulus also. On the other hand, 
taken in contrast with Curtius, Diodorus writes es- 
sentially sober history little coloured by rhetoric, and 
I find it quite impossible to follow Tarn in finding in 
Diodorus an unhappy blend of favourable and un- 
favourable elments drawn from different traditions.? 
As a matter of fact, prejudice may always exist in 
our sources, although such comments as that of 
Arrian (Book 7. 14. 2-3; cp. Just. 12. 12. 12) are 
directed to the moral judgements of historians ex- 
pressed as judgements, not by way of distortion of 
fact. Probably ancient as well as modern historians 
have tended to omit or to stress traditional stories 
depending on how these fitted their own concept of 
Alexander. Nevertheless there is a risk in our fol- 
lowing this principle too enthusiastically in source 
criticism. How can we know, for example, that any 
given ancient would have regarded the burning of 
Persepolis (it was, of course, a little silly to burn 

1 So also Badian, loc. cit. 


your own property) or the massacre of 80,000 sub- 
jects of Sambus as unworthy of the great Mace- 
donian ? - 

* * * 

The editing of this volume was originally assigned 
to Professor Sherman, who had so capably handled 
the problems of Volume VII of this series, and came 
into my hands after his untimely and regretted death. 
He had made a good beginning with the translation, 
and I owe much to him, although, translation being 
a subjective thing, not much of his phrasing remains. 
I thank Mrs. Martin A. Peacock for her meticulous 
care in typing my manuscript. 

For the manuscripts of these books, I may refer to 
the notes in the previous volumes of this series. My 
text is essentially that of C. Th. Fischer in the 
Teubner, and I have made no independent collation 
of the readings. It will be noted, however, that I 
have been more conservative than Fischer, more con- 
servative than Professor Post would wish, in admit- 
ting corrections. Ihave preferred to follow the manu- 
scripts as closely as possible in view of their differences 
rather than to make corrections of even obvious 
errors. The impression which others have formed of 
Diodorus’s often careless method of abridgement of 
his sources leads me to suspect that these errors are 
as likely to be due to Diodorus himself as to copiers, 
and in any given instance it is difficult if not impos- 
sible to determine the responsibility. Preferable 
readings and corrections will be found in the notes. 

The footnotes appended to the translation are in- 
tended to furnish material of use to a general reader 
interested in this period of classical antiquity, and 
also, especially in the Alexander story, to provide a 



guide to the parallel accounts of other ancient writers. 
In editing Diodorus, it is impossible to attempt the 
harmony of the Alexander historians for which we 
look confidently to Professor C. A. Robinson, Jr. In 
pointing out, however, the close parallelism which 
exists between the narratives of Diodorus, Curtius, 
and Justin, in contrast especially with that of Arrian, 
I have intended to furnish documentation of my 
thesis of a common origin of these three, mentioned 
earlier in this Introduction. 









66. Er’ dpxovros yàp Abúvnow Eùßovàov “Pw- 
patot karéorņnoav únrárovs Mápkov Ďdßiov ral 
Zepoúiov Lovàrikiov. èri ðè roúrwv Tiuoàéwv ó 
Kopivhios mpokeyeipiopévos órò trv moùrâv èri 
Tùv èv Xupakovooas orparnyiav mapeckevdtero 
2 mpòs ròv eis rv Pureàlav ëkmàovv. érrakoclovs 
êv ov évovs èpolóocaro, orparrwrôv Sè réo- 
capas? Tpirýpeis TÀņpócas kal Tayvvavtoðoas Tpeîs 
egémÀevoev èk Kopivðov. èv mapáràw Sè mapà 
Aevkaðiwv ral Koprupaiwv rtpeîs vas mpocàaßd- 
pevos êneparobro éka? vavol ròv `Ióviov kadoŭ- 
uevov Tõpov. 

3 "Ibiov Òé re kal mapdðoéov ovvéßn yevéoðat TÔ 
1 téooapas] mévre PX. Cp. chap. 68. 5-6 and Plutarch, 
PER E E the total is ten. But Anaximenes, 
u ske Tr pi f e patose is evvéa Tprýpeci Bonbýcavres. 






66. When Eubulus was archon at Athens, the 345/4 s.c. 

Romans elected as consuls Marcus Fabius and Servius 
Sulpicius.! In this year Timoleon the Corinthian, 
who had been chosen by his fellow-citizens to com- 
mand in Syracuse, made ready for his expedition to 
Sicily. He enrolled seven hundred mercenaries and, 
putting his men aboard four triremes and three fast- 
sailing ships, set sail from Corinth. As he coasted 
along he picked up three additional ships from the 
Leucadians and the Corcyraeans, and so with ten 
ships he crossed the Ionian Gulf.? 

During this voyage, a peculiar and strange event 

1 Eubulus was archon from July 345 to June 344 B.C. 
Broughton (1. 131) gives the consuls of 345 s.c. as M. Fabius 
Dorsuo and Servius Sulpicius Camerinus Rufus, 

2 The narrative is continued from chap. 65. There is a 
parallel but often differing account of these events in Plutarch, 
Timoleon, wherein (7. 1-3; 8. 3) the ten ships are itemized 
as seven Corinthian, one Leucadian, and two Corcyraean. 
This distinction between triremes and “‘ fast-sailing ships ” is 
artificial. i 



Tiuoéovri karà rov nàoûv, ToÔ Öaruoviov ovvemt- 
Àafopévov rijs èmpoàĝs kal mpoosnuaivovros TÙV 
couévyv nepi aùrov eùðoéiav kat AauntpóTnTa TV 
npáćewv: Š OÀns yàp Ts vvkròs mponyeîro ap- 
TAS karouévn karta tòv oùpavòv uéxpi o ovvéßn 
4ròv oródov eis tùv `Iraàiav rkararàcoar ó ğe 
Tiuoàéwv mpoarykows v èv Koprbw rv rfs 
AńunņrTtpos kat Kópns ieperðv rı karà ròv Ünvov 
aùraîs ai Îeat mpońyyerdav! ovunàceúoechat Toîs 
mepi ròv Tiuoàéovra kard rov màoðv ròv eis Tùv 
5 iepav aùrôv vioov. Šıórep ó Tiıpoàéwv ral oi 
avunÀćovres mepiyapeîs hoav, os TÔv eðv ovvep- 
yovoðv aùroîs. rův © àpiorņyv rÕv veðv kabe- 
põocas raîs eais ò Tiuoàćéwv œvóuacev aùrùův 
AńunTtpos rat Kópns iepáv. 
aranàeúoavros è roô oróàov ywpis kwõúvwv 
cis Meraróvriov ris `Iraàlas èmixarérievoe Kap- 
xnåovia trprýpns ëyovoa rpeoßevràas Kapynõoviovs. 
6 ofroi Ò évruyóvres T Tıpoàéovri Šrepaprúpavro 
HÀ katápxew moàéuov unë’ èmpaivew ri Eireàig. 
ó è Tipoéwv, èmxadovuéevvwv aùròv rôv ‘Py- 
yvwv kåt ovuuaxýoew èrayyeouévwv, è£érÀev- 
cev eùléws ék roô Merarovriov orevðwv phdoar 
T TYV mepi aùròv pýunv: oġóðpa yàp eùdaßeîro uý- 
more Kapynòðóvior Badacookparoðvres rkwóowow 
aŭròv eis Xekeàlav ĝiamàeoai. oĝros èv oĝv 
katà orovõùv èréàei tòv eis ‘Púyiov màoôv. 

67. Kapynòóvior è Bpayù mpò roúrwv rv ka- 
põv mvlópevot Tò puéyelos toô kar Pıkreàlav 
Esopévov moàéuov raîs èv karà Pixeàlav ovu- 
payior móàcoi hidavhpónws mpooepépovro kal mpòs 

t So MSS, except PX mpoohyyeriav. 
24 f 

BOOK XVI. 66. 3—67. 1 

happened to Timoleon. Heaven came to the support 345/4 B.o. 

of his venture and foretold his coming fame and the 
glory of his achievements, for all through the night he 
was preceded by a torch blazing in the sky up to the 
moment when the squadron made harbour in Italy. 
Now Timoleon had heard already in Corinth from the 
priestesses of Demeter and Persephonê ! that, while 
they slept, the goddesses had told them that they 
would accompany Timoleon on his voyage to their 
sacred island. He and his companions were, in conse- 
quence, delighted, recognizing that the goddesses 
were in fact giving them their support. He dedi- 
cated his best ship to them, calling it “ The Sacred 
Ship of Demeter and Persephonê.” 2? 

Encountering no hazards, the squadron put in at 
Metapontum in Italy, and so, shortly after, did a 
Carthaginian trireme also bringing Carthaginian am- 
bassadors. Accosting Timoleon, they warned him 
solemnly not to start a war or even to set foot in 
Sicily. But the people of Rhegium were calling him 
and promised to join him as allies, and so Timoleon 
quickly put out from Metapontum hoping to outstrip 
the report of his coming. Since the Carthaginians 
controlled the seas, he was afraid that they would 
prevent his crossing over to Sicily. He was, then, 
hastily completing his passage to Rhegium. 

67. Shortly before this, the Carthaginians on their 
part had come to see that there would be a serious 
war in Sicily and began making friendly representa- 
tions to the cities in the island which were their 
allies. Renouncing their opposition to the tyrants 

1 Plutarch, Timoleon, 8. 1. a 
2 Plutarch, Timoleon, 8. 1, states that this dedication was 
made by the Corinthians before the departure of the flotilla. 



TOoÙS KaTà TÙV vÅoov Trupávvovs Tův ĝiaßopàv kara- 
2 la l ! ` ` e t 
AŬúsavrtes piÀiav ovvébevro, pdňiora ğe rpòs ‘Ikérav 
“a A m 
Tov TrÕv Xvupakociwv Ôvvaoreðovra tà TÒ TOÔTOV 
a 109? 2 SE UNE ` z ? 
2 mÀeTovi ioyúew, aùrol è modà Šúvauıv vavrikýv 
Te kal nekie mapackevacdpevoi ießißacav eis 
Zikediav, "Avvæwva orparnyòv ênmiorhoavres. ebyov 
Òe meoùs pèv mevrakiopvpiovs,? dppara sè Tpia- 
ld lá PIPE, i 4 A 7 ~ ` 
kóota, ovvwpiðas è úrèp ràs ŝıoyıdias, ywpis Šè 
Toútrwv órmàa kal Béàn mavroðaràa kral pnyavàs 
ToopkNTikàs maunànleis kal ocirov kal rv dAdwv 
3 A 
Emirnõciwv nàhhos dvuréppànrov. 
E $ lA ` + ~ 3 d l4 
mi nporyv è riw rv `Evreààvæov rów 
? ? 
EÀbóvres Týv Te xpav eôńwoav kal Troùs èyywpiovs 
eis moÀopkiav ovvékàeroav. ot È TÙV TÓÀAW kaTot- 
koðvres Kauravol karandayévres rò uéyelos tis 
Z ? 3 
õvvduews ééénembav eis ràs &àdas mécs tàs 
> + 
dàdotpiws ıakeruévas mpòs Kapynõoviovs mepi 
’ Pai S 
Ponleias. rÕv èv oĝv Awv oùõeis úrýkovoev, ot 
` bi ld ~ a 
e riv T'adepiar” mów oikoðvres é£énephav aùroîs 
FA e [a 
aTparuðTas ÖrÀiTas yıÀlovs. roúrois È Órmavrý- 
e [d ~ 
oavres ot Doivikes kal mepiyvhévres TÔ mànbe 
? LA Ẹ ~ 
4 mavras karékopav. ot òè ryv Airvyv karoikoðvres 
Kaumavol rò èv mpôrov nmapeokeváčovro ovu- 
2 3 l4 kd 
paxiav éknéunew eis Thv ”Evreňav ĝià Tùv ovy- 
! ` ` “~ m 
yéverav, pera òè rara riv rôv Tadepivwv ovp- 
` > lA 
fopàv akoúsavres črpiwav ńovyiav yew. 
A X m~ 
68. Toô è Aiovvolov rupevovros rôv Evpa- 

+ Hertlein suggested metrov, but Hicetas controlled only 
part of Syracuse. 

2 The loss, e.g., of immeîs è... xiàlovs was suggested by 
Madvig. l 3 So PREF : Taàéperar X. 


BOOK XVI. 67. 1—68. 1 

throughout the island, they established friendship 345/4 s.. 

with them, and particularly they addressed them- 
selves to Hicetas, the most powerful of these, be- 
cause he had the Syracusans under his control. They 
prepared and transported to Sicily a large sea and 
land force of their own, and appointed Hanno to the 
command as general. They had one hundred and 
fifty battleships, fifty thousand infantry, three hun- 
dred war chariots, over two thousand extra teams of 
horses, and besides all this, armour and missiles of 
every description, numerous siege engines, and an 
enormous supply of food and other materials of war. 

Advancing first on Entella, they devastated the 
countryside and blockaded the country people inside 
the city. The Campanians who occupied the city 
were alarmed at the odds against them and appealed 
for help to the other cities that were hostile to the 
Carthaginians. Of these, none responded except the 
city of Galeria. These people sent them a thousand 
hoplites, but the Phoenicians intercepted them, over- 
whelmed them with a large force, and cut them all 
down. The Campanians who dwelt in Aetna were 
at first also ready to send reinforcements to Entella 
because of kinship, but when they heard of the di- 
saster to the troops from Galeria, they decided to 
make no move. 

68. Now at the time when Dionysius was still mas- 

1 This anticipates the action described in chap. 68, but 
according to Plutarch’s account (Timoleon, 1. 3; 9. 2) 
Hicetas had become an ally of the Carthaginians even before 
Timoleon left Corinth. 

2 The charioteer receipts of P. Petrie, 2. 25, dated in the 
21st year of Ptolemy Philadelphus (265/4 sB.c.), show that it 
was customary for chariots to be accompanied by spare 
horses, trained to work in pairs. 'Fhis account of Carthagi- 
nian operations is not given by Plutarch. 



kovocðv ‘Ikéras ëywv mepi éavrov'ačióàoyov ĝúva- 
pv orpárevoev émi tràs Lvpakovocas kal TÒ pèv 
npõrov ydpaka Badóuevos mepi rò 'Oìvuretor 
Õreroàépet TÖ kparoðvre rijs móàews rTvpávvw,? 
2 ypovi%oúonņs ðè rs moňopkias kal rv emirnõeiwv 
ekùróvrwv ò èv ‘Ikéras åvéķevćev eis Aeovrivovs 
(èk raúrņs yàp ©ppâro? ris mócews): ó è Aio- 
vúoios emakodovhłýcas aùroîs ral karañaßov riv 
3 oùpayiav ovveorýoaro páyņnv. ó © ‘Ikéras èm- 
orpéjas mi ròv Aiovýciov ovvie uáyņyv kal 
mÀeiovs TÕv TpioxiÀlwv* mobodópwv åveň®wv rovs 
Àorroùs huyeîv ùvdyracev. dée? è T Srwyuð 
XPyodpevos kai ovveronreoav Tois pevyovow eis Tv 
TÖÀAw êkpárnoe rv Lvparovosðv mày ris Núoov. 
Kai rà uèv mepi ròv ‘Ikérav ral Aiovýoiov èv 
z oA 
ToúrToLs Îv. 
4 Tiuoàéwv ôè pera tiv kardàņbiv rv Zvpakovo- 
ov Tpow ýuépas vorepov karéràevoev els TÒ 
5 “Pýyiov kal rabðwpuioðn mànoiov ris móìews. èm- 
katanàevodvrwv è kat rÕv Kapynõoviwv eïkoot 
Tpýpeor kat rÔv ‘Pyywav ovvepyoúvvrwv rÔ 
Tiuodćovri kal kowhv èkkàņnoiav èv tH móet ovv- 
ayayóvrwv kal mept ovààúoews ônunyopoúvrwv o 
èv Kapynêdvior Srañafóvres ròv Tiuoàdovra re- 
obýoechar ròv eis Kópwbov åróriovv morðoacðar 
palóuws eÎyov rà kara tràs pudards, ó 8è Tiuoàéwv 
oùðeuiav éuhpaow Sods roô paco? aùròs pèv 
mànoiov roð Puaros čuewe, Adbpg 8è maphyyerde 
6 ràs évvéa vaĝs dnondeðoar Tùv raylornv. mepi- 
onwpévæv è rv Kapynõoviæv raîs puyaîs mepi 
roùs ykaĝérws ònunyopoðvras uakpôs trv ‘Py- 
1 *Ovumetov PX : ’Odóumorv cet. (cp. chap. 83. 2). 

BOOK XVI. 68. 1-6 

ter of Syracuse, Hicetas had taken the field against 345/4 n.c. 

it with a large force,! and at first constructing a stocka- 
ded camp at the Olympieium carried on war against 
the tyrant in the city, but as the siege dragged on 
and provisions ran out, he started back, to Leon- 
tini, for that was the city which served as his base. 
Dionysius set out in hot pursuit and overtook his 
rear, attacking it at once, but Hicetas wheeled upon 
him, joined battle, and having slain more than three 
thousand of the mercenaries, put the rest to flight. 
Pursuing sharply and bursting into the city with the 
fugitives, he got possession of all Syracuse except the 

Such was the situation as regards Hicetas and 

Three days after the capture of Syracuse, Timoleon 
put in at Rhegium and anchored off the city. The 
Carthaginians promptly turned up with twenty tri- 
remes, but the people of Rhegium helped Timoleon 
to escape the trap. They called a general assembly 
in the city and staged a formal debate on the subject 
of a settlement. The Carthaginians expected that 
Timoleon would be prevailed upon to sail back to 
Corinth and kept a careless watch. He, however, 
giving no hint of an intention to slip away, remained 
close to the tribunal, but secretly ordered nine of 
his ships to put to sea immediately. Then, while 
the Carthaginians concentrated their attention on the 
intentionally long-winded Rhegians, Timoleon stole 

ł Plutarch, Timoleon, 1. 3. 2 Plutarch, Timoleon, 9. 2. 
3 The same story is told by Plutarch, Timoleon, 9. 2—10. 5. 

? tup. TG A. X: r. kal A. P; 7. A. R; A. tô r. F. 
3 öppûârto] óppâro P; &punro Dindorf. 
4 Hertlein suggested reading tpioyiàiwv Tôv. 



yivwv éàabev ò Tiıpoàéwv iaðpas émi Tùv node- 
Àciuuévyv vav kat rayéws ééénàcvoev. ot è Kap- 
xNõóviot karaorparnynlévres neßddovro Siwrew 

7 Toùs nepi Tròv Tipodéovra: èkeivwv òè nmpoeiàngd- 
Tæwv ikavòv idora kait Ts vuktos émiÀaßoúons 
éphacav oi mepi ròv Tiuoàéovra dromàeúcavres 

8 eis rò Tavpopévieov. ó è rs móňews rTaúrns 
ýyoúuevos, Ña mavròs meppovnykæs Tà trÕv Žvpa- 
kociwv, ` Avõpõuayos, piňodpõővws úreðéćčaro rTovs 
Òrwkopévovs kal Toà ouveßdàero mpos tv ow- 
Typiav aùrôv. 

9 Merà òè rara ð uèv ‘Ikéras dvaňaßav rtôv 
Tevoev ènmi Toùs °` Aspaviras AVTINPÁTTOVTAS QAÙTÕ 
kal mÀņoiov ris móàews kareorparonésevoev' d 
òè Tıuoàéwv mpoodaßóuevos mapà rôv Tavpope- 
viwv otparwras dvé%evćev k roô Tavpopeviov, 

10 Toùs dmavras éywv où mÀclovs TÕv yiÀiww. àpyo- 
Lévņns è ris vukròs afopuýcas kal ŝiavýoas èri 
Trò ”Aðpavov ðevrepatos aveàriorws ènébero rToîs 
mepi ròv ‘Ikérav ĝeirrvororovuévois' maperoneoawv © 
eis Tùv napeufpoàñv kal doveðoas mÀelovs rôv 
Tpiakooiwv,: Cwyphoas è mepi éakoocíovs ris 

11 mapeupoàfs êkpárnoe. roúrw è TÔ oTparnyh- 
patı čTepov ènceodywv mapaypiua mi tràs Evpa- 
koúocas &ġópunoe kal Špopaîos rhv óv Sıavóoas 

1 tpiakosiwv (cp. Plutarch, Timoleon, 12. 5)} rerpakooiwv 
x p P 

1? This was the father of the historian Timaeus, who may 
30 l 

BOOK XVI. 68. 6-11 

away unnoticed to his remaining ship and quickly 345/4 p.c. 

sailed out of the harbour. The Carthaginians, though 
outmanæœuvred, set out in pursuit, but his fleet had 
gained a substantial lead, and as night fell it was able 
to reach Tauromenium before being overtaken. An- 
dromachus,* who was the leading man of this city 
and had constantly. favoured the Syracusan cause, 
welcomed the fugitives hospitably and did much to 
ensure their safety. 

Hicetas now put himself at the head of five thou- 
sand of his best soldiers and marched against the 
Adranitae, who were hostile to him, encamping near 
their city. Timoleon added to his force some soldiers 
from Tauromenium and marched out of that city, 
having all told no more than a thousand men. Set- 
ting out at nightfall, he reached Adranum on the 
second day, and made a surprise attack on Hicetas’s 
men while they were at dinner. Penetrating their 
defences he killed more than three hundred men, 
took about six hundred prisoners, and became master 
of the camp.? Capping this manœuvre with another, 
he proceeded forthwith to Syracuse. Covering the 
distance at full speed, he fell on the city without 

have been tyrant of the city, although Plutarch also (Timo- 
leon, 10. 4) describes his position by the same non-technical 
term as is used here. 

2 Plutarch, Timoleon, 12. 3-5, give the same figures for 
Hicetas’s casualties but states that Timoleon had “ no more 
than 1200 men,” and adds that one faction in Adranum had 
invited him. It is possible that Timoleon’s success in the 
surprise attack was due in part to the circumstance that 
Hicetas was fooled because he still regarded Timoleon as an 
ally (H. D. Westlake, Timoleon and his Relations with Ty- 
rants (1952), 15 f.). Plutarch gives the road distance between 
Tauromenium and Adranun as three hundred and forty fur- 



ånpooðokýrws npocéreoe Ttaîşs ÉXvupakoðocats, 
karatayńhoas Toùs arò rhs tponfjs peúyovras. 

Tara èv ov èrpáyðn kara Torov rov êviavróv. 

69. Er &pyovros © `Abúvnoi Avkiorov “Pw- 
uaîoi karéornoav órdrovs Máprov Oùadépiov kat 
Máprov Hóràov, dàvumàas © ġx0n ékaroor) kat 
vdr, kab’ ñv èvika ordðrov ’Apıoróàoyos Abn- 
vaos. èm ðè roúræv ‘Pwpaiois uèv npòs Kapn- 
2 Šovlovs mpôrTov ouvira èyévovro. KkaTà Õè TÜV 
Kapiav ’Ispieùs ó ðuvvádorns rv Kapôv éredeúrnoev 
àpéas ërņ énrá, rův è apxùv Siaðekauévy ”Aða ù 
aed) kail yuv) dduvdorevoev éry Téocapa. 

Kara è rv Xixeàiav Tiuoàéwv èv ° Aòpaviras 
kal Tvuvõapíiras cis ovupaygiav mpociafópevos 
orpatióras oùk oÀiyovs map aùrôv rapéaßev, èv 
òè rais Bupakoúooais moMÀù) Tapay) kareîye TV 
mów Aiovusiov èv rhv Nfoov ëyovros, ‘Ixéra ðè 
ts `Aypaðwis kat Néas róews kvpieúovros, 
Truoàćovros 8è rà Aornà ris móews maperànhóros, 
kal Kapynðoviwv tpiýpeot èv ékaròv kal mevrTý- 
kovra karanerÀàeukótrwv eis Tòv péyav Àuéva, 
roneðevkőrwv. Õiðnep TÕv mepi ròv Tiuodéovra 
karanrerÀnypévwv TÒ nAÑlos rTÕv moàeuiwv dÀoyós 
4 ris kal nmapdõðočos yévero ueraßoàń' mpõðTov uèv 

1 Ilouriàov P; Ilouriàov X. 

1 According to Plutarch, Timoleon, 13. 2-3, Timoleon got 
his first foothold in Syracuse only when Dionysius voluntarily 
surrendered his holdings to him. 

2 Lyciscus was archon at Athens from July 344 to June 
343 B.c. The Olympic Games were celebrated in mid- 
summer of 344 s.c. M. Valerius Corvus and M. Popilius 
Laenas were consuls in 348 s.c. (Broughton, 1. 129). 


BOOK XVI. 68. 11—69. 4 

warning, having made better time than those who 345/4 B.o. 

were routed and fleeing.! 
Such were the events that took place in this year. 

69. When Lyciscus was archon at Athens, the 344/3 s.c. 

Romans elected as consuls Marcus Valerius and Mar- 
cus Publius, and the one hundred and ninth Olympiad 
was celebrated, in which Aristolochus the Athenian 
won the foot-race.? In this year the first treaty was 
concluded between the Romans and the Carthagi- 
nians.? In Caria, Idrieus, the ruler of the Carians, 
died after ruling seven years, and Ada, his sister and 
wife, succeeding him, ruled for four years.* 

In Sicily, Timoleon took the Adranitae and the 
Tyndaritae into his alliance and received not a few 
reinforcements from them. Great confusion reigned 
in Syracuse, where Dionysius held the Island, Hi- 
cetas Achradina and Neapolis, and Timoleon the rest 
of the city, while the Carthaginians had put in to the 
Great Harbour with a hundred and fifty triremes and 
encamped with fifty thousand men on the shore.’ 
Timoleon and his men viewed the odds against them 
with dismay, but the prospect took a sudden and 
surprising change for the better. First Marcus,’ the 

3 This treaty is mentioned also by Livy, 7. 27. 2, and Poly- 
bius, 3. 24. Diodorus does not know of the earlier treaty 
given by Polybius, 3. 22 (cp. H. M. Last, Cambridge Ancient 
History, 1 (1928), 859 f.; A. Aymard, Revue des Études 
Anciennes, 59 (1957), 211-293). 

4 Continued from chap. 45. 7. 

5 Plutarch, Timoleon, 17. 2, gives the same number of 
ships, but 60,000 men. Tyndaris was a city on the north 
coast of Sicily thirty miles from Tauromenium. 

ê Plutarch, Timoleon, 13. 1, and elsewhere, calls him 
“ Mamercus,” and Diodorns’s name may be due to a scribal 
error. On the other hand, as an Italian, Mamercus may well 
have borne the praenomen Marcus. 

VOL. VIII c 33 


yàp Mápros* ó rôv Karavaíwv rúpavvos ývapıv 
dérdàoyov čywv npocélero r® Tıipodéovri, čmera 
moa rv ġpovpiwv öpeyóueva rijs ¿éàevÂepias 
åmékÀwe nmpòs aùróv, TÒ è Tedevratov Kopivhior 

5 etaréoreiàav eis tràs Xvpakoúocas. Ôv mpaylév- 
Twv Tipoàéwv pèv èbdppnoev, oi è Kapynëóvior 
poßnÂévres dréràevoav èk toô Ùpévos dàðyws kal 

6 amnààdynoav. povwbhévros è roô ‘Ikéra Tipo- 
Àéwv mepryevópevos TÕv moàepiwv èkpáToe TÕV 
Evpakovosðv. eùhùs ðè kal ryv Meoońvyv uera- 
reberuévyy? npòs Kapynõoviovs åverrýoaro. 

Kat rà èv karà Łikediav èv roúrois Ñv. 

7 Karà è rův Makeðoviav Oirros marpikhv 
éxÂpav iaðeðeyuévos mpòs IAvpioùs kat tùv ĉia- 
popàv aperdðerov ëywv èvéßadev eis rùv IAàv- 
piða perà mods Övváuews. moplýcas è Tùv 
xyópav kal Toà TÕv moMopátrwv yerpwoduevos 
perà Toiðv Aapúpwv êmavĵàlev cis rv Maxeðo- 

8 viav. perà ĝè rañra mapeàbav cis thv OQerrañiav 
kal roùs Tupdvvovs êk rv nmõňewv ékfaàwv iði- 
ovs Taîs eùvoiais ènorýoaro Toùs Qerradoús: NAmE 
yàp ToúTovs čyav ovupáyovs kal rovs “EdÀnvas 
pgiws cis eŬvorav mporpéfacbar: rep kat ovvéßn 
yevéoðar. eùhùs yàp ot mÀqyorðywpor trv ‘EAń- 

1 Mápepros Casaubon (cp. Nepos, Timoleon, 2. 4; Plu- 

tarch, Timoleon, 13. 1). 
2 So Dindorf; perarbepévyy. 


BOOK XVI. 69. 4-8 

tyrant of Catania, came over to Timoleon with a 344/3 B.C. 

considerable army, and then many of the outlying 
Syracusan forts declared for him in a move to gain 
their independence. On top of all this, the Corin- 
thians manned ten ships, supplied them with money, 
and dispatched them to Syracuse.: Thereupon Timo- 
leon plucked up courage but the Carthaginians took 
alarm and unaccountably sailed out of the harbour, 
returning with all their forces to their own territory.? 
Hicetas was left isolated, while Timoleon victoriously 
occupied Syracuse.3 Then he proceeded to recover 
Messana, which had gone over to the Carthaginians. 

Such was the state of affairs in Sicily. 

In Macedonia, Philip had inherited from his father 
a quarrel with the Illyrians and found no means of 
reconciling the disagreement. He therefore invaded 
Illyria with a large force, devasted the countryside, 
captured many towns, and returned to Macedonia 
laden with booty.ë Then he marched into Thessaly, 
and by expelling tyrants from the cities won over the 
Thessalians through gratitude. With them as his 
allies, he expected that the Greeks too would easily 
be won over also to his favour ; and that is just what 
happened. The neighbouring Greeks straightway as- 

1 According to Plutarch, Timoleon, 16. 1-2, the Corinthi- 
ans sent 2000 hoplites and 200 cavalry to Thurii, but the 
TN made its way to Sicily only somewhat later (Timoleon, 

2 Plutarch, Timoleon, 20, tells a different and more circum- 
stantial and picturesque account of the Carthaginian with- 

3 Plutarch, Timoleon, 21. 3. 

4 Plutarch, Timoleon, 20. 1, places this event earlier. 

5 This campaign may be the one referred to below, chap. 
93. 6. The narrative of Philip’s activities is continued from 
chap. 60. 



vwv ovveveyhévres Ti TÔ Oerraàôv kpioet ovu- 
paxiav mpołópws mpos aùròv émovoavrto. 

70. °Er dpyovros © `Abúvyot Hvloðórov “Pw- 
uaîoi karéornoav únárovs Idiov Hàaúriov kal 
Trov Mádiov. èm. è roúrwv Tipoàéwv kara- 
mÀņéduevos Aiovýciov ròv Túpavvov čmeoev aŭTòv 
napaĝoðvar Thv àkpóroàw kal tv àpxův anrolé- 
uevov àmeàbeiv eis Iedoróvvnoov únróorovõðov, 

2 ëčyovra Tà ia yphpara. oĝros èv ov Ò? avav- 
Splav ral rarewóryra puyis týv tre mepipónrov 
rupavviða kal eceuévyv, os épacav, dðápavrı TOV 
cipņnuévov Tpórov anéùime kal kateßiwoev åmopoŭ- 
evos èv Kopirðw, ròv © iov Biov kai Tùy pera- 
Boàùv doye mapdðeryua rToîs kavywpévois ahpõvws 

3 èml rals eùrvylas: ó yàp ëxywv rTerpakocias* 
Tprýpeis mer? òàlyov èv mrp otpoyyúw TÀoiw 
karénàevoev eis rhv Kópwðov, mepißàentrov éywv 
TÅv Tijs peraßoñs úreppoàńv. 

4 Tipoàéwv ðè mapadaßav rhv Nĝoov kai ppoúpia 
tùy Noor? dkrporóàces kai rà tvupavveîa karé- 
akape, roîs è dpovpiois anéðwre Tùv èñevhepiav. 

5 eùlùs è kal vopoypadeiv ÙÑparo, Tibets npo- 
kpatıkoùs võuovs Kal Tà mepi TÔV lÖLwWTIKÕV ovu- 

1 terpakocias] tpiakocias PX. 
2 rv Nĝoov Rhodoman; vràs výoovs PXR; rs výoov 


1 This operation continued earlier movements of Philip in 
Thessaly (chaps. 35.1; 38. 1; 52. 9). For Philip’s relations 
with the tyrants of Pherae cp. H. D. Westlake, Thessaly 
in the Fourth Century z.o. (1935), 191-198; Marta Sordi, 
La Lega Tessala fino al Alessandro Magno (1958), 215-293. 


BOOK XVI. 69. 8—70. 5 

sociated themselves with the decision of the Thessa- 344/3 s.c. 

lians and became his enthusiastic allies.? 

70. When Pythodotus was archon at Athens, the 343/2 s.c. 

Romans elected as consuls Gaius Plautius and Titus 
Manlius.? In this year? Timoleon frightened the 
tyrant Dionysius into surrendering the citadel, re- 
signing his office and retiring under a safe-conduct 
to the Peloponnese, but retaining his private posses- 
sions. Thus, through cowardice and meanness, he 
lost that celebrated tyranny which had been, as 
people said, bound with fetters of steel,t and spent 
the remaining years of his life in poverty at Corinth, 
furnishing in his life and misfortune an example to 
all who vaunt themselves unwisely on their successes. 
He who had possessed four hundred triremes ’ ar- 
rived shortly after in Corinth in a small tub of a 
freighter, conspicuously displaying the enormity of 
the change in his fortunes. 

Timoleon took over the Island and the forts which 
had formerly belonged to Dionysius. He razed the 
citadel and the tyrant’s palace on the Island, and 
restored the independence of the fortified towns. 
Straightway he set to work on a new code of laws, 
converting the city into a democracy, and specified 

2 Pythodotus was archon at Athens from July 843 to June 
342 B.c. C. Plautius Venno and T. Manlius Imperiosus Tor- 
quatus were the consuls of 347 s.c. (Broughton, 1. 130). 

3 Plutarch, Timoleon, 13. 2-5. 

4 This was an oft-quoted metaphor credited to the elder 
Dionysius ; cp. above, chap. 5. 4; Plutarch, Dion, 1. 3 
and 10. 3. 

5 The same figure in chap. 9. 2; Plutarch, Dion, 14. 2. 
Nepos, Dion, 5. 3, mentions five hundred. 

€ This term is traceable to Theopompus (Polybius, 12. 4a. 
2; Jacoby, Fragmente der griechischen Historiker, no. 115, 
F 341), where Timaeus used vas. 



3 m~ l 
Boňaiwv Sikara kai räààa mávra drpipôs ıéTağe. 
la lA LA 
6 mÀelornv povriĝa ris icótnTos moiroúpevos. kKaTÉ- 
lA 3 lg 
A A 
iv aupıroàlav Aròðs `Oàvpriov kaàoĝow Lvpard- 
m k] ? ¥ 
cor kal Ņpébn npõrTos duphiroos Aròs 'Oàvuriov 
Kadùiuévns °Aàkdõa' kal rò Aorròv Õieréàcoav ot 
Evpakóciot roùs èviavroùs émiypáħovres TOÚTOLS 
Ttoîs àpyovoi uéypie TÕvõe rv ioroprðv ypago- 
Lévwv kal tTÑs karà tùv noùTeiav dààayhs’: TV 
yap ‘Pwpaiwv peraĝóvrwv rtoîs LikeMórais Tis 
moùTeias ) trv appiróàwv apx) èranmewwby, 
Õiapeivaca ëT) mÀeiw TÖV Tpiakosiwv. 
` ` ` ` D 4 ? A S 
Kai rà uèv karà Tùv Lukeàlav èv roúrois Ñv. 
71. Kard è tv Makreðoviav Piirros tràs èmi 
A 2 d AÀ IÒ kd EA À ld 
Opárny ródeis “Ednvðas ecis eüvorav mpookañecó- 
2 9 , »% 4 , K Aé ` 
evos? éotpártevoev émi Opakyv. KepooßàénrTtys yàp 
ó Baciàcùs rôv Oparðv dieréàct ras èp ‘Edno- 
nóvrw? móàces ðuopoúoas T Opáky karaorpedó- 
2 pevos kal tùv yøopav karadheipwv. Bovàópevos 
F > LA m~ 2 ` e 4 kd £ 
ov éudpačar rv Bapßápwv rův ppv otpdrevoev 
39 3 ` ` la á z ` + 
erm’ aùroùs oùv moÀÀÑ Õvváuei. vikýoas è nmÀcioct 
páyas rtoùs Opåâkas roîs pèv kararoàceunheic. 
Bappápois mpooséraćče ðekdras reàe®v rots Make- 
dow, aùros © èv roîs èmikaiporis TóTois krioas 
1? Fischer corrects to the common name Alcidas, perhaps 
rightly ; Alcadas seems to be otherwise unknown. 
2 Dindorf corrected to mporaecópevos, which is the usual 
expression, but cp. SIG 3, 748. 47. 
3? EMoróvrov PX. 
1 Plutarch, Timoleon, 22. 1-2 ; Nepos, Timoleon, 3. 3. 
38 l 

BOOK XVI. 70. 5—71. 2 

in exact detail the law of contracts and all such 8348/2 n.e. 

matters, paying special attention to equality. He 
instituted also the annual office that is held in highest 
honour, which the Syracusans call the “ amphipoly ” 
of Zeus Olympius.? To this, the first priest elected 
was Callimenes, the son of Alcadas, and henceforth 
the Syracusans continued to designate the years by 
these officials down to the time of my writing this 
history and of the change in their form of govern- 
ment. For when the Romans shared their citizenship 
with the Greeks of Sicily, the office of these priests 
became insignificant, after having been important for 
over three hundred years.’ 

Such was the condition of affairs in Sicily. 

71. In Macedonia, Philip conceived a plan to win 
over the Greek cities in Thrace to his side, and 
marched into that region.t Cersobleptes, who was 
the king of the Thracians, had been following a policy 
of reducing the Hellespontine cities bordering on his 
territory and of ravaging their territories. With the 
aim of putting a stop to the barbarian attacks Philip 
moved against them with a large force. He overcame 
the Thracians in several battles and imposed on the 
conquered barbarians the payment of a tithe to the 
Macedonians, and by founding strong cities at key 

2 This priesthood is not mentioned by Plutarch, and may 
be a personal observation of Diodorus himself. 

3 This humbling of the amphipolate probably consisted in 
making it no longer eponymous ; instead of a local priest- 
hood, the Syracusans thereafter dated by the Roman con- 
suls. The reference may be to the grant of jus Latii to the 
Sicilians by Caesar (by 44 s.c.: Cicero, Ad Atticum, 14. 
12. 1), or to later grants by Augustus (A. N. Sherwin-White, 
The Roman Citizenship (1939), 175). 

4 Continued from chap. 69. Justin’s account (9. 1. 1) of 
these operations is drawn from a source hostile to Philip. 



Aéroàóyovs mées čmavoe roô Opaoovs roùs Opĝ- 
kas. ĝıðnep al rÔv ‘EdMúývwv ródeis arodvheoa 
rÕv póßwv els tùv ovupayiav roô Didinrov mpo- 
Ovuórara karerdyínoav. 

Tôv 8è ovyypaġéwv Oeórouros ð Xios êv r 
rôv PirmirÂv istopi karérae tpeîs Búßdovs 
mepieyovoas Xikeùkàs mpdéeis' åpéduevos è darò 
Ts Aiovvoíov roô mpeofurépov Tvpavviðos SGAO 
éknrwow Aiovvolov roô vewrépov. ciol òè at pú- 
Bor tpeîs, arò rs pâs Teooapakooris Axpi TÌS 

72. Er čpyovros © °`Abúvyoi Dworyévovs ‘Pw- 
paîor karéorņnoav úrdrovs Máprov Oùtadépiov Kai 
Máprov Tvatov Tlóràov.* émi dè roúræwv `Apúu- 
Bas? ó rôv Modàorrõv Bacıideùs èredeúrnoev äpéas 
éry éka, aroùmæv viov ròv lúppov marépa Ataki- 
ônv: rhv © apxùv redééaro Adéfavõpos ó dðeàpòs 
 ’Oàvumiadðos, ovvepyýoavros Diinrov roô Maxe- 

Kara òè rhv Heikeàiav Tiuodéwv uèv éorTpdrevoev 
emi Aeovrivovs’ eis raúryv yàp Tv mów “Ikéras 
kareneheúyet merà vuvauews dÉroàóyov. TÒ uèv 
ov mpôrov nmpocéßae tri Néa kadovuévy móňev 
perà è rara modÀàðv orparrwrôv év T móde 
ovykekàciouévwv kal pgðlws darò TÕv TexÂv åpv- 
vouévwv ătrpakrtos yevóuevos čÀvoe TÙův moňtopkiav. 

1 So PXQ; other MSS. omit Tvaîov. 
2 ”Apúpßas] `Apóßßas X. 

1 Similar references to literary figures are a recurring 
feature of Diodorus’s narrative (E. Schwartz, Real-Encyclo- 


BOOK XVI. 71. 2—72. 2 

places made it impossible for the Thracians to commit 
any outrages in the future. So the Greek cities were 
freed from this fear and gladly joined Philip’s alliance. 

Theopompus of Chios, the historian, in his History 
of Philip, included three books dealing with affairs in 
Sicily. Beginning with the tyranny of Dioñysius the 
Elder he covered a period of fifty years, closing with 
the expulsion of the younger Dionysius. These three 
books are XLI-XLIII. 

72. When Sosigenes was archon at Athens, the 
Romans elected as consuls Marcus Valerius and Mar- 
cus Gnaeus Publius.? In this year, Arymbas king of 
the Molossians died after a rule of ten years,’ leaving 
a son Aeacides, Pyrrhus’s father, but Alexander the 
brother of Olympias succeeded to the throne with 
the backing of Philip of Macedon. 

In Sicily, Timoleon made an expedition against 
Leontini, for this was the city where Hicetas had 
taken refuge with a substantial army.* He launched 
an assault on the part called Neapolis, but since the 
soldiers in the city were numerous and had an ad- 
vantage in fighting from the walls, he accomplished 
nothing and broke off the siege. Passing on to the 
pädie, 5 (1905), 668 f.). Cp. also chap. 76. 5-6 below. These 
are usually, although not always, historians, and we must 
suppose that Diodorus was familiar with their writings. To 
what extent they are to be taken as his specific sources is un- 
known. Diodorus referred to the beginning of Theopom- 
pus’s Philippica above, chap. 3. 8. 

2 Sosigenes was archon at Athens from July 342 to June 
341 s.c. The consuls of 346 s.c. were M. Valerius Corvus and 
C. Poetelius Libo Visolus (Broughton, 1. 131). 

3 His accession is not mentioned by Diodorus under the 
year 351/0 B.c. Alexander’s accession is otherwise known 
from Demosthenes, 7. 32. 

4 Continued from chap. 70. Cp.:Plutarch, Timoleon, 24. 


343/2 B.C. 

342/1 B.C. 






mapeàbàv Sè npòs mów ”Eyyvov, Tupavvovpévyv 
órò Aerrivov, mpooßoñàs ovveyeîs èroieîro pov- 
Àóuevos ròv pèv Aerrtivny èkpadetv èk ths TOEWS, 
rots § ’Eyyvivòrs Tùy edevhepiav amoðoðvar. mept 
rara è roð Tıuoàéovros övros “Ikéras mavõnuei 
orpareúcas èk trv ANeovrivwv énmoMópket TAS 
Zupakoúsoas, modoùs è TÖV OTPATLWTÕV ATO- 
Baňav rayéws émavàlev eis roùs Aeovrivovs. © 
Sè Tiuoàéwv kararànédpevos Tov Aertivnv ToîToV 
èv únróonmovðov éćéremjev eis rhv Iedoróvvnoov, 
evõeikvýpevos toîs “EAÀņo. tràs trv kararoàeun- 

OŬons õè kal ris rÔv ° Aroàwviarðv ródews Ýrò 
ròv Aerrivyv mapaàaßaw tùy ° Anrodwviav traúry 
re kat TÅ TÔv ` Eyyvivwv anéðwke Tv aùTovouiav. 

73. ` Anopoúpevos Sè ypnudtrwv eis tràs TÕv éé- 
væv moloðocias ééaréoreiie orparıwras ŅgIiÀlovs 
erà trÕv déoàoywrdárwv hyeuóvwv eis TV TÔV 
Kapynõðoviwv émikpárerav. oroi Õè mTodàùv ywpav 
noplýocavres kal Aadúpwv mÀAñņÂos kouísavres map- 
édwkav r Tiuoàéovri. o è Aaduporwàńoas TÙV 
Àclav kal ypnuáræwv nàñlhos dðpoisas éðwke rToîs 
pohopópois cis mÀàeiw ypóvov roùs molovs. kpd- 
roe ðè kal rs ` Evréààns ral roùs rà Kapyxn- 
õoviwv páora hpovoðvras mevrekalðeka Bavarw- 
oas Toîs dÀAdois dnéverue TÅv eevlepiav. rto Õè 
Tiuodéovros ačéouévov T Te Õvvápuer kal T kaTtà 

` $ lg e ` e lá f e 
Tův orparņyiav ðóén at èv “Ednviðes módcs at 
katrà Thv Xikeàiav aracari mpobóuws únerádynoav 
TÔ Tiuodéovri Sià TÒ maoas Tàs aùrovouias aro- 
Dóra, rv òè uikeàðv kal Likavôv kat TÕV 
dààwv rÕv úro roùs Kapynõðoviovs rerayuévwv 
42 i 

BOOK XVI. 72. 3—73. 

city Engyum, which was controlled by the tyrant 842/1 s.c. 

Leptines, he assailed it with repeated attacks in the 
hope of expelling Leptines and restoring to the city 
its freedom. Taking advantage of his preoccupation, 
Hicetas led out his entire force and attempted to 
lay siege to Syracuse, but lost many of his men and 
hastily retreated back to Leontini. Leptines was 
frightened into submission, and Timoleon shipped him 
off to the Peloponnese under a safe-conduct, giving the 
Greeks tangible evidence of the results of his pro- 
gramme of defeating and expelling tyrants. 

The city of Apollonia had also been under Leptines. 
On taking it, Timoleon restored its autonomy as well 
as that of the city of Engyum. 

73. Lacking funds to pay his mercenaries, he sent 
a thousand men with his best officers into the part of 
Sicily ruled by the Carthaginians.? They pillaged a 
large area, and, carrying off a large amount of 
plunder, delivered it to Timoleon. Selling this and 
realizing a large sum of money, he paid his mer- 
cenaries for a long term of service. He took Entella 
also and, after putting to death the fifteen persons 
who were the strongest supporters of the Carthagi- 
nians, restored the rest to independence. As his 
strength and military reputation grew, all the Greek 
cities in Sicily began to submit themselves volun- 
tarily to him, thanks to his policy of restoring to all 
their autonomy. Many too of the cities of the Sicels 
and the Sicanians and the rest who were subject to 

1 Probably the Leptines mentioned in chap. 45. 9, and 
probably the nephew of the elder Dionysius (T. Lenschau, 

Real-Encyclopädie, 12 (1925), 2073). 
2 Plutarch, Timoleon, 24. 4; 25. 2. 



moàdàal Sienpeoßevovro ródeis, onevðovoat mapa- 
àngOivar mpòs Tùv ovupayiav. 

Kapynëóvior Šè roùs karà tùy Zireàiav oTpaTN- 
yoùs ópðvres dyevvðs Tòv mÖÀcpov ÕrorkovTasS EKpt- 
vav érépovs dnooréàdeiw perà vvápewv peydňwv. 
eùlùs ov rôv nmoùrõv karéàeyov TOÙS ApioTovS 
elis rù}v orparelav kal rv Apúwv roùs eùhérovs 
èorparoàóyovv, ywpis è roúrwv mpoyeipiodpe- 
vor ypņnudræwv nÀfbos pmohopópovs éÉevoàóyovv 
"IBnpas kaè Keàroùs xat Aiyvas: évavnyyoðvro ðè 
kal vaðs pakpàs kai poprnyoùs moňààs ÑOporbov 
kal Thv AANV rapackeviv dvunrépßànrov énorovro. 

74. Er čpyóvros © ’Alńvnot Nixouayov “Pw- 
paot karéornoav ónárovs ldiov Mdpxiov kai Ti- 
rov Mádààov Topkovârov. èmi ðè roúrwv Pwkiwv 

` e9 Ka ~ t f h > 
èv ô ° Abnvatos kareroàéunoe Kàeirapyov tòr ° Epe- 
2 rpias Trúpavvov kaleorauévov nò Ďiàimmov. karà 
Sè rùv Kapiav Ilibóðapos* ó vewrepos Tv dðed- 
pôv eééBadev èk tis ðvvaoreias ”Aðav kal éðvvd- 
arevoev éry mévre čws èm tùv ’Adeédvðpov 
Srdbacıv cis rv ° Aciav. 

Pirros è del pâňov aùkópuevos émi rùv Ilé- 
pwbov éorpárevoev, evavriovuévyv uèv éavr® mpos 
Sè ’Abnvaiovs arokàivovoav. ovornodpevos ðè 
Toopkiav kal pnyavas mpoodywv ti) móde kab’ ġ- 
3 uépav ék ĝiaðoyis mpocéßaddev rofs treiyeow. òy- 

1 Iebóðapos PX, Inéwdwpos R, Iinéódopos F; IMiéwðapos 
in Arrian, 1. 23. 7; Strabo, 14. 2. 17; Head, Historia 
Nummorum?, 630 (Fischer); ILiéóŝapos Plutarch, Alewan- 
der, 10. 1-2. - 

1 Plutarch, Timoleon, 25. 1. 
2 Plutarch, Timoleon, 21. 3. 


BOOK XVI. 73. 2—74. 3 

the Carthaginians approached him through embas- 
sies in a desire to be included in his alliance. 

The Carthaginians recognized that their generals in 
Sicily were conducting the war in a spiritless manner 
and decided to send out new ones, together with 
heavy reinforcements.* Straightway they made a 
levy for the campaign from among their noblest citi- 
zens ? and made suitable drafts among the Libyans. 
Furthermore, appropriating a large sum of money, 
they enlisted mercenaries from among the Iberians, 
Celts, and Ligurians.* They were occupied also with 
the construction of battleships. They assembled many 
freighters and manufactured other supplies in enor- 
mous quantities. 

74. When Nicomachus was archon at Athens, the 
Romans elected as consuls Gaius Marcius and Titus 
Manlius Torquatus.* In this year, Phocion the Athe- 
nian defeated and expelled Cleitarchus, the tyrant 
of Eretria who had been installed by Philip. In 
Caria, Pizodarus,’ the younger of the brothers, ousted 
Ada from her rule as dynast and held sway for five 
years until Alexander’s crossing over into Asia. 

Philip, whose fortunes were constantly on the in- 
crease, made an expedition against Perinthus, which 
had resisted him and inclined toward the Athenians.’ 
He instituted a siege and advancing engines to the 
city assailed the walls in relays day after day. He 

3 Plutarch, Timoleon, 28. 6, mentions Libyans, Iberians, 
and Numidians. 

4 Nicomachus was archon at Athens from July 341 to June 
340 s.c. The consuls of 344 s.c. were C. Marcius Rutilius 
and T. Manlius Imperiosus Torquatus (Broughton, 1. 132). 

5 Above, chap. 69. 2. 

€ These events in Philip’s career are barely noticed by 

Justin, 9. 1. 2-5, and onlÌy casual references to them occur 


342/1 B.C. 

341/0 B.C. 


Sonkovrarýyeis è múpyovs KATAOKEVÁOIS, únep- 
aipovras moàù rv kara Tùy Iépiwbov mópywv, éé 
Únepoyis kareróvyet ToùÙs moÀopkovpévovs" ðuoiws 
Sè kal ða rÔv kpv cadeówv Ta Teixn kal ôd 
Tis peraàÀelas ÚropúTTæv mi Toàù pépos Tò Teîxos 
karéßaàev. apvvopévæov òè rôv Iepivhiwv cùpa- 
oTwS kal Tayù TEOS ETEpOV dvrorxoðouyodvrwv 
åyðves Îavpaocroi rai Teyopayiat avvioTavTo. 
4 peydàns è pioriuias e¢ aupotépwv OVVLOTAMÉVNS 
ó pèv Paoideùs moddoùs éxwv Kal mavroðaroùs 
déupedeîs cià roúrwv roùs emi rÕv emdàgewv òi- 
A z e b [A ` 
aywviouévovs iéphepev, ot È Mepivhior modÀoùs 
kaf’ huépav amoßdovres ovupayiav kat Rén kal 
kararéàras mapa rv Bvbavriwv mpoceàdfpovro. 
èérowbévres ov máùw Toîs moàceuiois avehdppnoav 
kal reroàunkórws roùs Ónèp Ts matpiðos kiwvðúvovs 
úréuevov. où uùv ô Baoideùs eànye ris pidoriuias, 
dÀÀa icÀduevos tàs Õuváuetis cis mÀclw uéÉpy cvv- 
cyÔs êk iaðoyis êreiyopdyet kal kab’ huépav kal 
vúkrwp. Tpiouvpiovs © éywv orpatruóras kal pe- 
Aôv kal uyyavôv moMopkyrekðv nAjbos, ére Õè 
tràs dAdas unyavàs? dvurepßàńrtovs kareróvet ToS 

75. Ts è moMopkias moàvypoviov ywopévns 
kal TÕV KaTÀ TÙY TÓW TOAÀAÔV èv dvarpovévwv, 
oùk oàiywv ĝe rpavpaTiGopévwv, TÕv & èmirnõeiwv 
êkàeinóvrwv npooðókiuos v ý) Ts TóAcws Awos. 
où uv h TÚXN ye mepietðe TÅv TÕv kivõuvvevóvrwv 
owrTypiav, dAÀà mapdðočov aùroîs kareokeúace 
Bońðerav. ris yàp Tob Pacidéws aŭfhocws iape- 
Bonuévns rara rùv °Aciav ó Paciàeùs úßopõóuevos 
Thv roô Diàinrov Súvapıv éypaye mpòs tToùs èri 

BOOK XVI. 74. 3—75. 1 

built towers eighty cubits high, which far overtopped 341/0 s c. 

the towers of Perinthus, and from a superior height 
kept wearing down the besieged. He rocked the walls 
with battering rams and undermined them with saps, 
and cast down a long stretch of the wall, The Pe- 
rinthians fought stoutly in their own defence and 
quickly threw up a second wall; many admirable 
feats were performed in the open and on the fortifi- 
cations. Both sides displayed great determination. 
The king, for his part, rained destruction with nu- 
merous and varied catapults upon the men fighting 
steadfastly along the battlements, while the Perin- 
thians, although their daily losses were heavy, re- 
ceived reinforcements of men, missiles, and artillery 
from Byzantium. When they had again become a 
match for the enemy, they took courage and reso- 
lutely bore the brunt of battle for their homeland. 
Still the king persevered in his determination. He 
divided his forces into several divisions and with 
frequent reliefs kept up a continuous attack on the 
walls both day and night. He had thirty thousand 
men and a store of missiles and siege engines besides 
other machines in plenty, and kept up a steady pres- 
sure against the besieged people. 

75. So the siege dragged on. The numbers 
mounted of dead and wounded in the city and pro- 
visions were running short. The capture of the city 
was imminent. Fortune, however, did not neglect 
the safety of those in danger but brought them an un- 
expected deliverance. Philip’s growth in power had 
been reported in Asia, and the Persian king, viewing 

this power with alarm, wrote to his satraps on the 

2? zò reîyos Fischer (cp. chap. .49. 1): toô reiyovs. 
2 mapacrevàs Fischer (cp. chaps. 73. 3; 78. 5). 


aàdrry carpdras Bonbeiv Iepwbiois ravri oléve. 

coast to give all possible assistance to the Perinthians. 8341/0 s.c. 
2 Õiórep oi carpádrar ovuhpovýoavtes éérempav eis 

They consequently took counsel and sent off to Pe- 

thv Iépwbov puobodópwv nàñlos kal ypńpara ða- 
pA kat oîrov ikavòv kal PEAN kai TAa mávra 
TPOS TV TOÔ ToÀéuov ypeiav. 

‘Opoiws ĝè kal Butávrior rovs ápiorovs rôv map’ 
éavroîs hyepóvwv kai orparrwtrÕv éanéoreiav. 
epapidàwv è rÕv vvduewv yevouévwv kal TOÔ 
moépov kawwonombhévros maw ý moMopkia pido- 
3 reuiav éàdußavev dvurépßàņrov. ó pèv yàp 
Dirros roîŭs kpioîs rónTwv tà Telyn ovveyôs 
kaTéĥade kat ða rv dévfeðv dveipywv roùs èri 
TÕv rdàéewv dua uèv tà TV TMETMTWKÓTWV TEL- 
xôv abpóws* roîs orparuórTais cioénminrev, dua &è 
Õià TÕv kùudkwv mpos Tà yeyvuvwuéva TÕV TEL- 
xôv mpocéßawe: ò kal ts udyns èk yetpòs 
oùons ot pèv dréðvyorov ot è Tpaúpaocı moňoîs 
mepiémiTTOV. TA Õè Ts vikns mabda mpoekadeîro 
4ràs rõv aywviopévwv dvpayaðbðías: ot èv yàp 
Maxeðóves eàriovres eùðaiyova mów Siaprádoew 
kat Õwpeaîs rò roô Piirrov riunbhoeohari Sià 
TÅv Tob Àvorredoûs éàmiða rols ewoîs èvekapré- 
povv, ot è moàopkoúpevoi Tà TÅS å\óoews Šewà 
mpò òphaàuðv čyovres Úrépevov eùpúyws tóv rèp 
tis owrypias rivõuvov. 

76. Zuvepdàero è roîs moMopkovuévois ý ú- 
ois TÕS TOAcwS TOAL mpos Tv rèp trÔv wv vi- 
kv? N yàp Mépwbos kerar uèv mapà Odìarrav èri 
Tiwos aùyévos Úpnàoð yeppovýoov oraðıačov yov- 
ons Tòv aùyéva, tàs ` oiklas ëxet menvkvwpévas 
2 kal Toîs Ùpeoi radepoðoas. aĝraı Şè raîs olkoĝo- 

rinthus a force of mercenaries, ample funds, and suf- 
ficient stocks of food, missiles, and other materials 
required for operations. ; 

Similarly the people of Byzantium also sent them 
their best officers and soldiers. So the armies were 
again well matched, and as the fighting was resumed, 
the siege was waged with supreme determination. 
Philip constantly battered the walls with his rams, 
making breaches in them, and as his catapults cleared 
the battlements of defenders, he would at the same 
moment drive through the breached walls with his 
soldiers in close formation and assail with scaling 
ladders the portions of the walls which he had cleared. 
Then hand-to-hand combat ensued and some were 
slain outright, others fell under many wounds. The 
rewards of victory challenged the daring of the con- 
testants, for the Macedonians hoped to have a wealthy 
city to sack and to be rewarded by Philip with gifts, 
the hope of profit steeling them against danger, while 
the Perinthians had before their eyes the horrors of 
capture and sustained with great courage the battle 
for their deliverance. 

76. The natural setting of the city greatly aided 
the besieged Perinthians towards a decisive victory. 
It lies by the sea on a sort of high peninsula with an 
isthmus one furlong across, and its houses are packed 
close together and very high. In their construction 

1 Poppo suggested dpois. 

2 viry] pidoveixiav Fischer (cp. Books 13. 60. 1; 14. 12. 2); 
Dindorf omits úrėp. 

3 éni twos úfmàñĵs Sherman. Fischer suggests dvaorýparos 
for aùyéos, which he believes aroe from the following at- 



m~ ’ > l 3 A 
paîs aiel karà Tùv eis Tòv Àóġov avápaow dAÀANAwV 
m “~ e ! 
ónepéyovo kal rò oxfjua tis àņns móàews Îearpo- 
ciôès dmoreàoðo, Öiórep TÕv Teyðv ovveyðs 
karaßaňouévwv oùðèv Ņàarroűvro’ iorkoðouov- 
a A 
res yàp ToÙùs oTevwToùs TaÎs alel KATWTÁTALS 
a 7 ? m 
3 oikiais orep òyvpoîs Tiot Teiyeow èypõvro. ğı- 
~ h z 
ónep ó Ďíùrros merà nov móvwv kai kivôúv- 
m Z 3 ? € ÁI 
m ~ m~ lA e lA 
A t4 A 4 
mpòs è roúrors ék Tot Bvģavriov mdvræwv rv mpos 
e 7 lA 
ròv nóÀcepov ypqoipwv éroipws yopqyovpévwv 
2 £ ` `Y ` 
enépioe tràs ðvuvápes cis ÖÝo uEÉp kal TOÙS pev 
m m + k A, m~ 
huioes TÕv otparwTÕv &néÀATmev ml TS TOAL- 
a ` > ’ £ la 
opkías, émioThoas aùToîs roùs dpiorovs ùhyepóvas, 
A k 3 } ` kd pi 4 1 
roùs © aAdovs mapañafpav aùròs mpocémeoev dovw 
Fa A 
T Bvtavriw kai moopkiav ioyvpàv ovveorýoarTo. 
4 oi Òè Bugdvrior rÔv Te orparrwrtÂv kal r©v BeAðv 
a i m + b a 
kal TÕv dÀAÀwv TÕv ypnoiuwv mapà toîs Ilepwhiors 
òvrwv eis ToÀAÀÑÙv evéminrtov åunyaviav. 
hS ` ` ` lg ` l k 
Kai rà èv mepi Ilepivbiovs rait Bvgavriovs èv 
m~ f A a 
Tôv ðè ovyypadéwv ”Eġopos èv ò Kvpaîos riv 
e a kA y [A > i ] ld 
toropiav évłdðe karéorpopev eis rùv Hepivôov 
À Euo N Sè a A : / 
mooprkiav: nepieiànpe Sè t ypaph mpdécis Tás 
Ea e 2 ` / 3 z 3 p! “~ 
te TrÕv ‘EdMývwv kai Pappádpwv ádpéduevos darò ris 
A e A La ’ ` [4 
rôv ‘Hpardcedðv rahóðov: ypóvov è repiéaße 
m ` e lá 
erv oyeðov émrakociwv kal mevrýkovra kal ßú- 

1 The sieges were given under the year 340/39 s.c. by 
Philochorus (Jacoby, Fragmente der griechischen Historiker, 
no. 328, T 54) ; they may well have extended over more than 
one archon year. 


BOOK XVI. 76. 2-5 

along the slope of the hill they overtop one another 341/0 B.C. 

and thus give the city the general aspect of a theatre. 
In spite of the constant breaches in the fortifications, 
consequently, the Perinthians were not defeated, for 
they blocked up the alley-ways and utilized the 
lowest tier of houses each time as though it were a 
wall of defence. When Philip with much labour and 
hard fighting mastered the city wall, he found that 
the houses afforded a stronger one, ready made by 
Fortune. Since, in addition, the city’s every need was 
promptly met by supplies coming to Perinthus from 
Byzantium, he split his forces in two, and leaving one 
division under his best officers to continue the opera- 
tions before Perinthus, marched himself with the 
other and, making a sudden attack on Byzantium, 
enclosed that city also in a tight siege. Since their 
men and weapons and war equipment were all at 
Perinthus, the people of Byzantium found themselves 
seriously embarrassed. 

Such was the situation at Perinthus and Byzan- 

Ephorus of Cymê, the historian, closed his history 
at this point with the siege of Perinthus, having in- 
cluded in his work the deeds of both the Greeks and 
the barbarians from the time of the return of the 
Heracleidae. He covered a period of almost seven 
hundred and fifty years,? writing thirty books and 

2 Diodorus nowhere mentions the beginning of Ephorus’s 
history, perhaps because it began as far back as his own. In 
chap. 14. 3 he referred to its continuation by his son Demo- 
philus. According to Clement of Alexandria (Stromateis, 
1. 139. 4), Ephorus reckoned 735 years between the Return 
of the Heracleidae and the archonship of Evaenetus, 835/4 B.c. 
On that basis, B. ten Brinck (Philologus, 6 (1851), 589) sug- 
gested correcting “‘ fifty ” here to “ thirty.” 



Bàovs yéypage Tpidrovra, mpooipiov ékdory npobeis. 
6 Alvààos &’ ó °Abyvatos Tis Sevrépas ovvrdćews áp- 
xv menointrar rs 'Epópov iotopias tiv Teàevriv 
X A EEA (a + lA m~ ę lA 
kal ràs éÉfs mpáéeis ovveiper rás Te TÕv “EAMývwv 
kai rÔv Pappápwv péypıi rs Diínnov redevris. 
77. Er &pyovros & °’Abývyoi Ocodpdorov ‘Pw- 
paîor uèv Úrdrovs karéorņnoav Mdápkov Ova- 
àépiov kal Aĝàov Kopvýov, ódvumas © NxêN 
Sckáry mpòs raîs ékaróv, kał Ñv vika ordðiov 
2° Avricàğs “Abnvaîos. émi è roúrav irmrov 
B lA À la 2 a * » x 
včavriov no\oprovros ` Abnvator uev ékpwav Tòv 
Piiirrov AcÀukévar Tùv mpòs aùroùs ovvreleîcav 
3 A 3A ` i 2 ` d l4 
eipńvyv: eùlùs è kai Õúvayıv vavrıkiv agródoyov 
3E A a 1 e + 
eéénewmpav Bonbýoovoav roîs Bvčavríois. pows 
òè roúrois Xior kal Kor kat ‘Póðiot kai Twes 
€ A La z / ? [A A 
érepor rv “EMivwv ovupayiav èčérmempav rToîs 
3 Bubavriois. Sıórep ð PArnros karardayeis Ti 
ovvôpopj rv ‘EdMvæv rýv re moMopkiav tv 
nmóàcwv éàvoe kal mpos `Alnvaiovs kal roùs dÀ- 
Aovs “Edànvas Toùs évavriovuévovs ovvélero Tùv 
Karà è ryv Pikeàlav Kapynõóvior uèv peydàas 
mapackevàs cis Tròv móàepov nenompévoi Šießi- 
Bacav tràs Òvvdpeis eis rv Pukeàiav. eîyov õè 

1 His history was referred to above, chap. 14. 5. 

2 That is, Philip the son of Cassander, who died in 297/6 
B.C. i 

3 Theophrastus was archon at Athens from July 340 to 
June 339 s.c. The Olympic Games were celebrated in mid- 
summer of 340 B.c. Broughton (1. 132) lists the consuls of 


BOOK XVI. 76. 5—77. 4 

prefacing each with an introduction. Diyllus * the 
Athenian began the second section of his history 
with the close of Ephorus’s and made a connected 
narrative of the history of Greeks and barbarians 
from that point to the death of Philip.? 

77. When Theophrastus was archon at Athens, the 
Romans elected as consuls Marcus Valerius and Aulus 
Cornelius, and the one hundred and tenth Olympiad 
was celebrated, in which Anticles the Athenian won 
the foot-race.? In this year, seeing that Philip 
was besieging Byzantium, the Athenians voted that 
he had broken his treaty with them and promptly 
dispatched a formidable fleet to aid that city. Besides 
them, the Chians, Coans, Rhodians, and some others 
of the Greeks sent reinforcements also. Philip was 
frightened by this joint action, broke off the siege 
of the two cities, and made a treaty of peace with the 
Athenians and the other Greeks who opposed him.* 

In the west, the Carthaginians prepared great 
stores of war materials and transported their forces 
to Sicily.* They had all told, including the forces 

343 r.c. as M. Valerius Corvus and A. Cornelius Cossus 

4 This account of Diodorus differs from the presumably 
correct one given elsewhere, going back over Philochorus to 
Theopompus (in Didymus: Jacoby, Fragmente der grie- 
chischen Historiker, no. 115, F 292). Byzantium was assisted 
by Chios, Cos, and Rhodes, her old allies in the Social War, as 
well as by the Persians. The Athenian fleet under Chares 
arrived only to ensure the safe passage of the grain fleet from 
the Black Sea. Philip’s capture of this fleet was a major 
factor in Athens’ decision to abrogate the peace treaty ; the 
result was war, not peace. Cp. Demosthenes, 18 (De Corona) 
87-94; Plutarch, Phocion, 14. 

6 Continued from chap. 73. Plutarch, Timoleon, 25. 1, gives 
the same figures, but fails. to mențion the cavalry and the 


341/0 B.0. 

340/39 B.C. 





TOÙS mávras* oùv Toîs Tpoütápxovow êv k) vo% 
metoùs pèv mÀelovs TÕV ÉTTAKOpUpiWV, immreîs Õè 
kal ãppaTa kal ovvwpiðas oùk ÈÀATTOUS TÕV 
pupiwv, vaðs õè-uarpàs pev õrakooias,” poprnyovs 
Sè ràs roùs imnovs Te kat BEAN kal oîrov kal TAAÀa 
Kkouioúcas TÀelovs TÕV xAiwv, Tiuoàéwv òè 
mvlópevos TÒ uéyebos TIS TÕV modepiwv Övvápews 
où karenàáyn TOÙS Bappápovs, kainep eis óAíyovs 
Ikérav ĝicàúsaro mpòs aùròv kal mpocàafóuevos 
Tùv iðiav ðúvaptv. 

78. ”Eðoće aùr rov mpòs Toùs Poimvkas 
áyõva ovorýoaoða katà TÙv TÔV Kapynõoviwv 
êmikpáTerav, TWS TA pèv Tõv ovupdywv xópav 
aowh Srapvàdén TV ò” úrò roùs Bapßápovs osav 
rarapheipn. eùlòs oùv TOoŬÚS TE pobopópovs Kal 
Zuparosiovs kal TOÙS AÀAOVS gvuuáyovs àbpoicas 
kal kowùv èkkàņnoiav ouvvayayaw mapwpunoe Toîs 
oikelois Àðyors TA TAHON mpos Tròv vnrèp? rÕv wv 
ayôva' TÁVTWV &’ aroĝegapévwv Toùs Aóyovs kal 
Povrwv yew TV TAXIOTNV TL Toùs Papßápovs 
npofyev xwv Toùs oúumavras où TÀelovs TÕV 
uvpiwv kal ÑoyALwV. 

"Hò È aŭro karà tTùv ` Akpayavrvnv övros 
mapaĝóčws vénreoe TÅ oTparı TAPaXÌ kal OTAOILS. 
Tõv yàp pobopópwv TLS õvopa Opacios, TETVÀNKOS 
TÒ év Aeàgoîs iepòv perà rõv Dwréwv, &Tovoig ð 
kal Opdoet Srapépwv, akóàovlov roîs mpõrepov Te- 

1 toùs navras PX, oúunravras cet. 
2 Searocias| éßõðouýkovra PX, but see Plutarch, Timoleon, 
25. 1. 


BOOK XVI. 77. 4—78. 3 

previously on the island, more than seventy thousand 340/39 s.c. 

infantry ; cavalry, war-chariots, and extra teams of 
horses amounting to not less than ten thousand ; two 
hundred battleships; and more than a thousand 
freighters carrying the horses, weapons, food and 
everything else. Timoleon was not daynted, how- 
ever, although he learned the size of the hostile force 
while he himself was reduced to a handful of soldiers. 
He was still at war with Hicetas, but came to terms 
with him and took over his troops, thus materially 
increasing his own army.! 

78. He decided to commence the struggle with the 
Carthaginians in their own territory so as to keep 
intact the land of his allies while wasting that which 
was subject to the barbarians. He assembled his 
mercenaries immediately, together with the Syra- 
cusans and his allies, called a general assembly, and 
encouraged his audience with appropriate words to 
face the decisive struggle. When all applauded and 
shouted, urging him to lead them immediately against 
the barbarians, he took the field with not more than 
twelve thousand men in all.? 

He had reached the territory of Agrigentum when 
unexpected confusion and discord broke out in his 
army. One of his mercenaries named Thrasius, who 
had been with the Phocians when they plundered 
the shrine at Delphi and was remarkable for his mad 
recklessness, now perpetrated an act that matched 

2? Plutarch does not mention the support furnished Timo- 
leon by Hicetas at this time. 

2 Plutarch, Timoleon, 25. 2-3, states that there were 3000 
Syracusans and 4000 mercenaries, of whom 1000 deserted 
before the battle; the remainder were 5000 foot and 1000 

3 ýmèp added by Reiske- (cp. chap. 76. 1). 


4 roàunpévois mpâéw érereàéocaro. tÕv yàp AÀwvV 
Teîov mapavopias TeETEVyőTwV ÚTO TOÔ Õaruoviov 
tis npooņnkoúonņs Tiuwpias, kabárep pkp mpó- 
tepov àveypdyauev, uóvos oĝros ĝiadeÀnl®ws Tò 
Qeîov êreyeipnoe roùòs pmohodópovs mapoppâv mpòs 
5 anóoraow. ëy yap ròv Tiuoàčovra mapaghpo- 
vođvra mpòs ópoàoyovuévyv dmwdcav dye TOÙS 
orparoras: éŻaràaciovs yàp vras toùs Kapxny- 
õoviovs kal máoas tTaîs mapackevaîs dvureppàn- 
Beúwv raîs rv pmolodópwv pvyaîs, oùðè roùs 
oderiouévovs poloùs Tooð ypóvov ðià Tův àTo- 
6 piav aroĝeðwkos. ovveßoúdevev ov dvakáunTew 
cis Tras Xvupakoúocas kal roùs puoboùs araretv, 
eml òè orparelav aneyvwouévyy uù ovvakoàovleîv. 

79. Tôv è mologópwv dcuévws roùs Àóyovs 
Õcyouévwv kal vewrTeplbew èmiyeipoóvrov poys 
Toà òenleis aùrôv ó Tiuoàéwr’ kal Swpeàs 
enmayyeàÀóuevos karénavoe Tùv Trapaxyńýv. pws Šè 
TÔ Opaciw yıiwv ovvakodàovônodvrwv tùův pèv 
roúrwv Kõàaow eis érepov àveßdàero rkapóv, 
ypápas ðè mpòs roùs èv Bvpakovosais piàovs 
npocðééachai roúrovs hiàodpóvws kal roùs molos 
dnoðoðvaı TÅův èv Trapayhv mâcav els TéÀos karé- 
opece, rv © dmerðnodvræwv adeiàaro thv èk tis 
2 vikns eùðoéíav. aùros è roùs dAdovs raîs hiàav- 
Opðrois évreúćeow eis rùv mpoŭürtápyovoav eðvorav 
anokaraorýoas mpofyev mi ToÙùs Todeuiovs où 
pakpàv orparoreðeúovras. ovvayayòv &’` els Tùv 
ekkànoiav toùs otparuóras kal ià TÔv Àdywv 
Odpoos mapaorýoas roîs màýleoi SAGE pèv Tùv 

BOOK XVI. 78. 3—79. 2 

his former outrages. While almost all the rest who 340/39 s.c 

had participated in the sacrilege against the oracle 
had received from the deity their due punishment, 
as we reported a little earlier, he who alone had 
eluded divine vengeance attempted to incite the 
mercenaries to desert. He said that Timoleon was 
out of his mind and was leading his men to certain 
destruction. The Carthaginians were six times their 
number and were immeasurably superior in every 
sort of equipment, but Timoleon was nevertheless 
promising that they would win, gambling with the 
lives of the mercenaries whom for a long time because 
of lack of funds he had not even been able to pay. 
Thrasius recommended that they should return to 
Syracuse and demand their pay, and not follow 
Timoleon any further on a hopeless campaign. 

79. The mercenaries received his speech with en- 
thusiasm and were on the point of mutiny, but 
Timoleon with some difficulty quieted the disturbance 
by urgent pleading and the offer of gifts. Even so, 
a thousand men did go off with Thrasius,? but he 
put of their punishment till a later time, and by 
writing to his friends in Syracuse to receive them 
kindly and to pay them their arrears he brought the 
unrest to an end, but also stripped the disobedient 
men of all credit for the victory. With the rest, whose 
loyalty he had regained by tactful handling, he 
marched against the enemy who were encamped not 
far away. Calling an assembly of the troops, he 
encouraged them with an address, describing the 

1 Chap. 58. 6. 
2 Plutarch, Timoleon, 25. 3-4. 

1 ó Tıpoàćwv added by Rhodoman. 


tôv Dowikwv avavôpiav únréuvyoe è ris Téiwvos 
3 Idvræv è kabdrep rvi mu fwv Powvrwv èri- 
a ~ [A 
OéoÂa roîs Papßápois kai karápyeoðat TS páXNIS, 
karà túynv úročvyiwv céùwa komóvrwv eis TAS 
td e f KA Fd A 3 ` ~ 
oriPdðas ò Tiıpoéwv ép ðéyeolar Tòv otwvòv tis 
vikns: rov yap `Iofuaròv oréhpavov k geàívov 
4 gvvioracĝat. oi Õè OTpaATLÕTAL TApPAYyYELAAVTOS 
“~ + 2 ~ + $ + 
roô Tipodéovros èk rÕv oeàivwv màééavres orehd- 
vous kal rats kepañaîs meptÂévres mpoĵyov uera 
yapâs os rv lev npoonuawóvrwv aùroîs TÙV 
5 vikqv' önep kat ovvéßny yevéobar: mepieyévovro yàp 
dveàTtiotrws TÕV moeuiwv où uóvov ia TaS iÖias 
$ È 3 `Y 4 ` ~ ~ ~ ld 
avôpayalias, dAd kat ðeà rv rÕv heðv cvvepyiav. 
e ` 4 lA bd 2 ~ 2 + 
O pèr yàp Tiuoàéwv kragas rùv ðúvauıv karé- 
awev anró Twwv Aópwv èri rov Kpipioov motrapòv 
A A LA ld 2 kd lá s 
kal pupiwv jòn deaßeßnkórwv é èpóðov rTovrtois 
enéppače, rerayuévos aùtTòs èri péons ris pdàay- 
6 yos. yevouévns è udyns kaprepôs kal TÕV 
‘“EàMńvæv úrepeyóvrwv raîs re dperaîs kal raîs 
l m 3 
cùyerpiars mods éyivero póvos rv Bapßpápæwv. Ùùòn 
Õè devyóvrwv rÕv ĝiaßeßnrórwv ) mêca ðúvapus 
TtÕv Kapynõoviwv meparwheîoa rò peîhpov Sewphw- 
cato Tù TÕv Ôiwv rrav. 

1 MSS. omit. Kpipcov supplied from Plutarch, Timoleon, 
25. 4 (Kpiuņoov) with the spelling common elsewhere. 

1 That is, at the battle of Himera, 480 sB.c. Polybius re- 
proaches Timaeus for placing in the mouth of Timoleon 
derogatory remarks concerning the Carthaginians, but not 
advancing proof that Timoleon did not actually speak in this 
way (12. 26a; Jacoby, Fragmente der griechischen Historiker, 
no. 566, F 31). 


BOOK XVI. 79. 2-6 

cowardice of the Phoenicians and recalling the success 340/39 s.c. 

of Gelon.?! 

Just at the moment when all as with one voice 
were clamouring to attack the barbarians and to 
begin the battle, it chanced that pack animals came 
carrying wild celery ? for their bedding, and Timoleon 
declared that he accepted the omen of his victory, 
for the crown at the Isthmian games is woven of this. 
On his suggestion, the soldiers plaited crowns out of 
celery and with their heads wreathed advanced cheer- 
fully in the confidence that the gods foretold their 
victory. And that, as a matter of fact, is how it was, 
for unpredictably, incredible to tell, they got the 
better of the enemy not only through their own valour 
but also through the gods’ specific assistance. 

Timoleon deployed his forces and advanced down 
from a line of little hills to the river Crimisus,? where 
ten thousand of the enemy had already crossed. 
These he shattered at the first onset, taking his own 
position in the centre of his line.* There was a sharp 
fight, but as the Greeks were superior both in bravery 
and in skill, there was great slaughter of the bar- 
barians. The rest began to flee, but the main body 
of the Carthaginians crossed the river in the mean 
time and restored the situation. 

2 This was the apium graveolens which is also frequently 
called parsley. It is fragrant (cp. Olck, Real-Encyclopädie, 
6 (1909), 255 f.). This anecdote was told by Timaeus (Jacoby, 
Fragmente der griechischen Historiker, no. 566, F 118) and 
appears in Plutarch, Timoleon, 26. 

3 The river is variously spelled Crimesus (Plutarch, Timo- 
leon, 25. 4) and Crimissus (Nepos, Timoleon, 2. 4). 

4 The story of the battle is told more circumstantially in 
Plutarch, Timoleon, 27-29. The time was just before the 
summer solstice of 339 s.c. (Plutarch, Timoleon, 27. 1). 



80. Kaworombeions Sè ts udxyns ral rôv 
Dowikwv T nÀýhe mepiyeouévwv' roùs “EdÀnvas 
dhvw moàùs èk To mepiéyovros õußpos kateppáyn 
kal yaàdtns eùueyébovs màñlos, dotparai re kat 

povrat perà TvevpáTwv PEYÁÀWV KATÉOKNTTOV" 
kat Toðrwv andádvrwv Îvediopopovuévwv roîs uèv 
"Eno: karà võrov, roîs è Papßápois karà mpóo- 
wrov ot èv mepi ròv Tiuoàéovra rò oúunrtrwua 
pgðiws únréuevov, ot Sè Doivixes rò uéyebos rs 
TEPLOTATEWS dépew dðvvaroðvres, ua è kal TÕV 
‘“EdMývov èmxeruévæv, npòs puyùv ðpunoav. 
2 Iávræv © mi rov morapòv tperopévwv, àvauié 

inméw re kal neÇÂv, kal TÔv åppdræwv dua Toúrois 
pupouévwv oi èv ór’ aÀÀńÀwv ovurarovuevoi kal 
Toîs tÕv ovupdywv ihesi kal Aóyyais mepirerpó- 
evot Tv ovuhopàv čoxov áßońðnrov, ot & úrò 
TÕv mapa Toîşs Toeulois imméwv eis TÒ TOÔ To- 
Tauot peTbpov àayeànòv ouvveiavvóuevoi kal karà 
3 vórov tràs mànyàs Aaußdvovres åméĝvnokov. mod- 
Àot Õe dvev moàepias mànyñs Siepheipovro ocwpev- 
ouévav TÕv cwudrwv id re ròv péßov kai rò 
mÀñÂos kai ià ras èv TÔ pelðpw Svoyepelas. rò 
Se uéyiorov, ÀAdppwv yeyevnuéevæv rôv òußpwv ô 
Totas Prarorépw T peúuaTtı karaßepóuevos Toà- 
Àoùs eBánriġe kai perà rÕv öràwv ĝiavnyouévovs 
4 Tédos õðè rôv Kapynõoviwv oi uèv ròv iepòv 
Àóxov dvaràņpoðvres kal ròv uèv åpıðuðv ğvres 
croyidior kal mevrakóoior, raîs §’ dperaîs kal Òóéais 
ër Òè raîs oùciors mpwreðovres änavres ayaviod- 
5 pevot Àaunpôs karekónyoav. rv È. &Awv rÂv 
ovoTpatevopévwv aùroîs åmébavov mÀelovs rÔv uv- 


BOOK XVI. 80. 1-5 

80. As the battle was renewed, the Phoenicians 340/39 s.c. 

were overwhelming the Greeks with their superior 
numbers when, suddenly, from the heavens sheets 
of rain broke and a storm of great hailstones, while 
lightning flashed and thunder roared and the wind 
blew in fierce gusts. All of this tempest buffeted the 
backs of the Greeks but struck the faces’of the bar- 
barians, so that, though Timoleon’s soldiers were not 
much inconvenienced by the affair, the Phoenicians 
could not stand the force of circumstances, and as the 
Greeks continued to attack them, they broke into 

As all sought the river together—horse and foot 
intermingled, while the chariots added to the con- 
fusion—some perished helplessly trodden under foot 
or pierced by the swords or lances of their comrades, 
while others were herded by Timoleon’s cavalry into 
the bed of the river and were struck down from be- 
hind. Many died without an enemy’s stroke as the 
bodies piled up in the panic. There was crowding 
and it was difficult to keep one’s feet in the stream. 
Worst of all, as the rain came down heavily, the river 
swept downstream as a raging torrent and carried 
the men with it, drowning them as they struggled to 
swim in their heavy armour. 

In the end, even the Carthaginians who composed 
the Sacred Battalion,! twenty-five hundred in number 
and drawn from the ranks of those citizens who were 
distinguished for valour and reputation as well as for 
wealth, were all cut down after a gallant struggle. 
In the other elements of their army, more than ten 

1 This unit is mentioned again by Diodorus in another 
connection, Book 20. 10. 6. i 
1 So Wesseling : mepieyopévwv. 



piwv, aiyudàwrot Ò eAýplnoav oùk àdrtrTovs TÕv 
uupiwv kat mevrakioyiÀiwv. TÕV È AppáTwWV TÀ 
èv ToàÀd ovverpiby kara ròv dyðva, ĝiakócia &’ 
HAW TA è okevopópa kal Tà eóyn kat trà mÀń- 
0n räv apağðv Ýroyeípia rots “EAàņow èyévero. 
6 rÔv © ÖnÀàwv TÀ TOA èv Únò roô morauoô ði- 
epôdpn, éni dè rhv roô Tiuodéovros oryviv yiàiot 
pv Oópakes doriðes Sè màciovs rÕv pvpiwv ån- 
nvéxðņoav. rtoúrwv & vorepov rà uèv èv roîs èv 
Zvpakoðocais vaoîs dveréðn, Tà è Toîs ovuudyors 
õreuepiohn, rwa © eis Kópwbðov Tipoàéwv àn- 
éoreràe nmpoordčas eis rò roô [looebðvos iepòv 

81. Iloðv è kat ypnudrav rkaraàņnghévrwv 
Sia rò roùs Kapynõoviovs synkévai màñlos ékrw- 
páTwv dpyvpðv re kal ypvoðv, črt è ròv &AÀov 
kőóopov úmepßdňňovra ià rò puéyebos rs map 
2 Tras éyew ëmalàa rûs åvõpayaðias. rôv è Kapyn- 
Ôoviwv oi õiadvyóvres ròv év r páyn rivõvvov 
póyis eis rò Adóßarov Seodbnoav. rocaúrn &’ 
aùroùs kardnànéıs kal Öéos kareîyev ğore uù 
Toàpâv cis Tas vas éupaivew unë’ åroràeîv eis Thv 
Apúnv, ós à rv rv hev ddorpióryra mpòs 
aùroùs úrò roô Aıpukoð meàdyovs kararoĝnoo- 


Oi © èv ri Kapynèóvı rò uéyebos mvÂópevor TÎS 
cvupopâs ovverpíßynoav raîs pvyaîs kal ovvrópws 
úneàdppPavov ğÑéew èr aùroùs ròv Tipoàéovra perà 

1 So Fischer: xal in MSS, before rods Kapy. 

BOOK XVI. 80. 5—81. 3 

thousand soldiers were killed and no less than fifteen 40/39 B.c. 

thousand were taken captive. Most of the chariots 
were destroyed in the battle but two hundred were 
taken. The baggage train, with the draught animals 
and most of the wagons, fell into the hands of the 
Greeks. Most of the armour was lost in the river, 
but a thousand breastplates and more «than ten 
thousand shields were brought to the tent of Timo- 
leon. Of these, some were dedicated later in the 
temples at Syracuse, some were distributed among 
the allies, and some were sent home by Timoleon to 
Corinth with instructions to dedicate them in the 
temple of Poseidon.? 

81. The battle yielded a great store of wealth also, 
because the Carthaginians had with them an abun- 
dance of silver and gold drinking vessels; these, as 
well as the rest of the personal property which was 
very numerous because of the wealth of the Cartha- 
ginians, Timoleon allowed the soldiers to keep as 
rewards for their gallantry.? For their part, the Car- 
thaginians who escaped from the battle made their 
way with difficulty to safety at Lilybaeum. Such 
consternation and terror possessed them that they 
did not dare embark in their ships and sail to Libya, 
persuaded that they would be swallowed up by the 
Libyan Sea because their gods had forsaken them. 

In Carthage itself, when news of the extent of the 
disaster had come, all were crushed in spirit and took 
it for granted that Timoleon would come against 

1 Plutarch, Timoleon, 28. 5-6, gives the number of dead as 
10,000, including 3000 Carthaginians. 

2 Plutarch, Timoleon, 29. 

3 Plutarch, Timoleon, 30. 1, states only that Timoleon al- 
lowed his mercenaries to plunder the territory of the Cartha- 
ginians (cp. chap. 73.1). 

i 63 


tis ðvuváuews. ebd Sè Féokwva rov ”Avvwvos 
nepvyaðevuévov karýyayov kat orparņnyðv dréðe- 
av ià rò Õoreîv róduy Te kal orparqyig Siapépew. 
4 aùTol Ò’ ëkpwav ToùTiKkoîs uèv oóuaoi uù Siar- 
Suvevew, pobopópovs è dddoeðveîs åðpoítew kal 
paora “Eàànvas: órakovoeoðat © avroîs Tps 
TÙY oTpateiav Toàdoùs óreàdupavov ià rò uéyebos 
Tis pmohopopâs* kal ùv eùroplav rs Kapynõóvos. 
ceis è rhv Yukxeàilav roùs eùbérovs mpéoßeis ¿éŻé- 
nmepbav, npooráéavres è$? oîs äv ĝ Svvaròv ovv- 
Oéobar Tv ciphvnv. 

82. To © rovs rovrov reÀbóvros A bývno 
pèv pxe Avoruayiðns, èv ‘Póun & iraroi kabe- 
at)keoav Kówros Xepoviňos kal Mápros ‘Pov- 
Tiħos. èm òè roúrwv Tiuoàéwv eraveàbàv eis 
Zupakoúooas mpôrov pèv roùs èykaradıróvras 
avrov? mglodópovs roùs merà Opaciov mdvras ék 
2 TÑS móÀcws ðs mpoðőras övras eédßadev. oror & 
eis ùv 'Iraàlav ŝiaßdávres kal ywpiov ri rapala- 
Àdrriov èv ti Bperrig karaňaßópevor ýprasav. 
oi è Bpérrioi mapoćuvðévres eùbòs perà Õvvduews 
ToAÀñs éorTpdrevoav èr’ aùroùs ral rò xwpiov 
êknoùopkýoavres dnavras karņkóvrioav. oi uèv 
oĝv karaùıróvres ròv Tiuoàdovra poĝopópor tÎs 
iias mapavouias èrdÂÀov? ToaŬTys ovuģopâs črv- 

3 ‘O è Tiuoàéwv Iooréuiov ròv Tuppyvòv Swðera 

7 `Y 
Aņortpiot Toùs mÀéovras Àņičóuevov kal karardeú- 

1 âs edi 
poboġopâs editors : ovudopâs. 
? aùròv added by NA 

BOOK XVI. 81. 3—82. 3 

them directly with his army. They wasted no time 
in recalling from exile Gisco t the son of Hanno and 
appointing him general, for they thought that he 
best combined the qualities of boldness and military 
skill. They voted not to risk the lives of citizens in 
the future but to enlist foreign mercenaries, especi- 
ally Greeks ? who, they thought, would answer the 
call in large numbers because of the high rate of pay 
and the wealth of Carthage ; and they sent skilled 
envoys to Sicily with instructions to make peace on 
whatever terms proved possible. 

82. At the end of this year, Lysimachides became 
archon at Athens, and in Rome there were elected 
as consuls Quintus Servilius and Marcus Rutilius.? 
In this year, Timoleon returned to Syracuse and 
promptly expelled from the city as traitors all the 
mercenaries who had abandoned him under the lea- 
dership of Thrasius. These crossed over into Italy, 
and coming upon a coastal town in Bruttium, sacked 
it. The Bruttians, incensed, immediately marched 
against them with a large army, stormed the place, 
and shot them all down with javelins.t Those who had 
abandoned Timoleon were rewarded by such mis- 
fortune for their own wickedness. 

Timoleon himself seized and put to death Postu- 
mius the Etruscan,’ who had been raiding sea traffic 

1 Plutarch, Timoleon, 30.3. 2 Plutarch, Timoleon, 30. 3. 

3 Lysimachides was archon at Athens from July 339 to 
June 338 s.c. The consuls of 342 s.c. were Q. Servilius Ahala 
and C. Marcius Rutilus (Broughton, 1. 133). 

4 Plutarch, Timoleon, 30. 1-2. Another group of the im- 
pious mercenaries is mentioned also in 30, 4. 

6 This story does not appear in Plutarch. 

aT A A O A A a 

3 ènáðàov Wesseling : ëmaĝàov. Fischer inserts Àafóvres after 


340/39 B.C. 

3839/8 B.C. 


cavrta cis Xupakovocas ws hiàov ovààaßàv èbavd- 
Twoev. ýneðégaro ðè kai Toùs rò Kopwhiwv 
3 lA d lA t y hi 
ekneuplévras oikýropas diodpóvws, ðvras ròv 
apiðpòv mevrakıoyiÀiovs. perà Sè rara TÕv 
Kapxynõoviwv ianpeoßevoauévwv kal moààà ĝen- 
Qévrwv ovveyópnoev aùroîs tv eiphvnv ČoTeE TAS 
` ‘EAA [Ò SÀ e 2 À Oé ky ` 
uèv nviðas móàcis drdoas àcvhépas eîvar, TÒV 
ôt Aúrov rañoúuevov morauòv piov elvat Tis éka- 
Tépwv èmpateias: pù) eécîvae Sè Kapynõoviois 
Ponhfoar Tos rupdvvors roîs moàepoðot mpos Lvpa- 
` ` A ha ` e ! 2 
Merà è raðra ròv pèv ‘Ixérav karanoàepńoas 
> , 1 ` >» ” oOo 
ehavárwoe,* roùs &’ év Aïrvn Kapravoùs kroop- 
l4 LA ` 7 hy k 
kcas ğéplepe. ral Nixóðnuov èv ròv Kevropi- 
mivwav Túpavvov karanànéduevos ečéßadev èk rîs 
l bd 2 hI ` > [d d 
nóàcws, Amowvdònv Sè ròv Ayvpwaiwv vvd- 
oryv maúoas Ts Tupavviðos roùs édevhlepwbévras 
Zvpakocíovs ènoiņnoe. ralódov è mdávras rToùs 
katà Tùvvĵoov Tupádvvovs pičorouńoas? kal tàs 
módes éÀevhepóoas eis Thv ovppayiav nposeðééaro. 
z bd 3 A K N c 2 2 
5 kypú£avros &’ aùroô kara rùv ‘Eàdõa Sıórı Lvpa- 
kóoiot Õðóacı yæpav kal oiklas Toîs Boviouévois 
peréyew tis v Xvupakoúocais moùrelas moddol 
` A À + “EAÀ 3 7 x À k 
Tpos Tv kàņpovyiav yves anývryoav: tréàos ĝè 
3 Z 
oikNTopes anmeðeiyhyoav eis èv rùåv Evpakociav 

1 éĝavárwce Reiske : Pape. 2 So Herwerden : pitodoyýoas. 
a a a a 
1 “ Freedom ” in Greek political terminology did not ex- 
clude the possibility of an overlord, Carthage or Syracuse. 
Plutarch, Timoleon, 34. 1, does not mention this feature of 
the treaty. 
? Diodorus usually calls this river Halycus (Books 15. 17. 
5; 23.9.5; 24. 1. 8). 

BOOK XVI. 82. 3-5 

with twelve corsairs, and had put in at Syracuse as 839/8 B.C. 

a friendly city. He received the new settlers sent 
out by the Corinthians kindly, to the number of five 
thousand. Then, when the Carthaginians sent en- 
voys and pleaded with him urgently, he granted 
them peace on the terms that all the Greek cities 
should be free,! that the river Lycus ? should be the 
boundary of their respective territories, and that the 
Carthaginians might not give aid to the tyrants who 
were at war with Syracuse. 

After this, he concluded his war with Hicetas and 
put him to death, and then attacked the Campa- 
nians in Aetna and wiped them out.t Likewise he 
overbore Nicodemus, tyrant of Centuripae, and 
ousted him from that city ; and putting an end to 
the tyranny of Apolloniades in Agyrium ë he gave 
Syracusan citizenship to its freed inhabitants. In a 
word, all of the tyrants throughout the island were 
uprooted and the cities were set free and taken into 
his alliance. He made proclamation in Greece that 
the Syracusans would give land and houses to those 
who wished to come and share in their state, and 
many Greeks came to receive their allotments.’ 
Ultimately forty thousand settlers were assigned to 

3 Plutarch, Timoleon, 31. 2-32. 1. Since Timoleon had 
just accepted the aid of Hicetas against the Carthaginians 
(chap. 77. 5), this change of policy suggests some duplicity 
on his part (Westlake, Timoleon and his Relations with 
Tyrants, 15 f.). 

4 This is not mentioned by Plutarch. 

5 This was Diodorus’s own native city. 

€ Plutarch, Timoleon, 22. 3-5; 23 (where the invitation 
was issued when Timoleon first became master of Syracuse) ; 
35. According to the historian Athanis, quoted by Plutarch 
(Timoleon, 23. 4; Jacoby, Fragm. der gr. Hist. no. 562, F 2), 
there were 60,000 who came. Cp. further Book 19. 2, 8. 






Tv dðiaiperov’ Terpakıopúpiot, cis è Tiy °’ Ayvpi- 
vaiav uúpior ià TÒ uéyelos kai kdos Ts xwpas. 

Eùôù Sè kat roùs mpoïürdpyovrasşs võőuovs év raîs 
Zvpakovocais, oùs ovvéypae Airokàñs, ğwphwoe. 
Kal Toùs èv nepil TÕv iiwrikðr? ovufoàaiwv À 
kàņpovopðv etagev dueralérovs, roùs è mepi 
TÕv Õnuociwv vevouobernuévovs mps Tv ðiav 
úróoraow ws mor éðóke ovupépew cwphwoev. 
emorádrys © fv kal eopflwrýs rs vopobecias 
Kéġados ó Kopivbios, avůp êv maiðeig kai ovvéoer 
Òcdofacuévos. dmo è roúrwv yevóuevos ToÙS uèv 
Acovrivous eis Dvuparovocas perøkioev, ceis È TÀV 
Kapapıvaíav oikýropas mpoobeis ènnúfeoce rùův 

83. Kaĝfóov è mávra Tà karà tùv Pureàlav 
cipnpvikôs karaorýoas èroiņoe tràs móàes TayÒ 
Àafpeiv moààùv aùŭénow mpòs eùĝaruoviav. èk mod- 
Àoô yàp xpõvov ıd TAs ordoeis kal roùs êuhvàiovs 
moàépovsy ért è TÒ mAÑlos rv èravorauévæv 
aiet Tupávvwv at uèv móàes pno TÕV oiknró- 
pov Ñoav, ai Òè ypa cià Tv apyiav èénypiwvro 
kal kaprõv uépwv dopo kaberorýreisav: rére 
Ôe õrà rò mÀÑlos rÔv émmodaodvrwv olkyrtTópwv 
kal ĝa Tùv movypóviov èmiyeyevnuévny eipńvnv 
éénuephbnoav raîs èpyaciais kal moààoùs ral 
mavroðamoùs ééńveykav kaproús. roúrovs ð oi 
ikera Avorredðs mirnpáorkovres Toîs eumőpois 
Taxù mpocavéðpauov raîs oùciais. 

Toiyapoðv ià rùv èk troúrwv eùropiav modàà 

1 See SIG”, 141. 10 åiapérov sc. yæpas. 

; k ibwrirâv Wesseling, cp. chap. 70. 5: Biwrâv PXR, 
biw F. 3? So Stephanus : čropor. 

BOOK XVI. 82. 5—83. 2 

the vacant land of Syracuse and ten thousand to that 339/8 s.o. 

of Agyrium, because of its extent and quality. 

At this time, also, Timoleon revised the existing 
laws of Syracuse, which Diocles had composed.t 
Those concerning private contracts and inheritance 
he allowed to remain unaltered, but he amended those 
concerned with public affairs in whatever way seemed 
advantageous to his own concept. Chairman and 
director of this legislative programme waş Cephalus 
the Corinthian, a man distinguished for education 
and intelligence. When his hands were free of this 
matter, Timoleon transferred the people of Leontini 
to Syracuse, but sent additional settlers to Camarina 
and enlarged the city. 

83. So, having established peaceful conditions 
everywhere throughout Sicily, he caused the cities to 
experience a vast growth of prosperity.? For many 
years, because of domestic troubles and border wars, 
and still more because of the numbers of tyrants who 
kept constantly appearing, the cities had become 
destitute of inhabitants and the. open country had 
become a wilderness for lack of cultivation, producing 
no useful crops. But now new settlers streamed into 
the land in great numbers, and as a long period of 
peace set in, the fields were reclaimed for cultivation 
and bore abundant crops of all sorts. These the 
Siceliot Greeks sold to merchants at good prices and 
rapidly increased their wealth. 

It was by reason of the funds so acquired that many 

1 Cp. Book 13. 33 and 35. 

2 Nepos, Timoleon, 3. 1-2. These observations are prob- 
ably Diodorus’s own, based on his personal experience and 
knowledge. Note the reference to his city, Agyrium, in 
chap. 83. 3. Kokalos, 4 (1958) is devoted exclusively to 
articles concerned with the effect of Timoleon on Sicily. 



kat ueyda kareokevádoðny kar èkelvovs rToùs 
xpóvovs dvaðńuarta, v èv raîs Xvpakoðosais ð 
katà thv Nĝoov olkos ò éénkovrárkàwos ðvouačó- 
evos, TÕV kaŭTtà Thv Xukeàiav épywv vnmepaipwv 
TÔ peyélet kai TÅ) karaokevj, ôv kateokeģace èv 
’Ayabokàñjs ó Svvdorns, ða è rò ßBdápos rv 
épyav únepaipwv toùs TÕv Îeðv vaoùs émionuacias 
éruyev Ýro roô ðaruoviov kepavvwbeis, ol Te Tapà 
Tòv rpòv péva múpyot, tràs pèv èmiypahàs 
éyovres eÉ érepoyevðv ÀAlbwv, onpaivovres! è Tv 
TOÔ karackeváoavros aùrTovùs Tmpoonyopiav Aya- 
Qokàćovs, óuoíws è Toúrois pikpòv ÜorTepov ÚT 
‘Tépwvos roô Pacıiàéws tó Te karà tùův àyopàv 
 Oàvumeîov kal ò mànoiov toô Bedrpov Pwués, Tò 
pėv pikos ©v oraðiov, rò © üpos kal mÀdros ëxav 

Ev è raîs èddrrooi móàcow, èv afs ý TÕV 
'Ayvpwaiwv karapiðpeîrar, peraoyoðoa Ts rére 
kàņpovyíaşs cà Tùv nmpoepnuévyv ék trÔv kaprôv 
eùropiav, Oéarpov pèv kareokeúace metrà TÒ TÔV 
Zupakosiwv kdàNorov trÕv karà Pıkeàlav, Îeô®v 
re vaoùs kal Bovàevrýpiov kal ayopáv, čri Šè 
múpywv dioàdyovs karacrkevàs kal tráhovs? mupa- 
pw ToÀðv kal peydàwv Siadópwv raîs ido- 

84. Em’ apxyovros & ° Abúývyori Xapavõov tÅv Üra- 
Tov apxv Òeðétavro Aeúkios Aluios kal T dios 
Màóreos. emi è roúrwv Di\rnos ó Baoideùs 
rovs mÀeiorovs rv ‘EMývwv eis pilav mponyuévos 

1 So MSS. : oņnpawoúsas Fischer. 
2 <karà>) rahovs Madvig. 

1 This was a large banqueting hall. Cp. the tent of one 


BOOK XVI. 83. 2—84. 1 

large constructions were completed in that period. 
There was, first, the structure in Syracuse on the 
Island called the “ Hall of the Sixty Couches,” which 
surpassed all the other buildings of Sicily in size and 
grandeur.! This was built by Agathocles the despot, 
and since, in its pretentiousness, it went beyond the 
temples of the gods, so it received a mark of Heaven’s 
displeasure in being struck by lightning. Then there 
were the towers along the shore of the Little Harbour 
with their mosaic inscriptions of varicoloured stones, 
proclaiming the name of their founder, Agathocles. 
Comparable to these but a little later, in the time of 
Hiero the king, there was built the Olympieium in the 
market and the altar beside the theatre, a stade in 
length and proportionally high and broad.? 

Among the lesser cities is to be reckoned Agyrium, 
but since it shared in the increase of settlers due to 
this agricultural prosperity, it built the finest theatre 
in Sicily after that of Syracuse, together with temples 
of the gods, a council chamber, and a market. There 
were also memorable towers, as well as pyramidal 
monuments of architectural distinction marking 
graves, many and great. 

84. When Charondes was archon at Athens, Lucius 
Aemilius and Gaius Plautius succeeded to the con- 
sulship.* In this year, Philip the king, having won 
most of the Greeks over to friendship with him, was 

hundred couches employed by Alexander the Great (Book 
17. 16. 4). 

2 These monuments are mentioned by Cicero, In Verrem, 
2, 4. 53. 

3 Chaerondes was archon at Athens from July 338 to 
June 337 s.c. The consuls of 341 s.c. were L. Aemilius 
Mamercinus Privernas and C. Plautius Venno (Broughton, 
1. 134). 


339/8 Bc. 

338/7 E.C. 

ambitious to gain the uncontested leadership of Greece 338/7 s.c. 

ediàotiueîro rai roùs 'Abnvalovs kararànédpe- 
by terrifying the Athenians into submission.! There- 

2 vos ÅÕNpiTOV ËE TYV hyepoviav TIS ‘“Eàdôos. ô- 

ónep dhpvw karaùaßópevos Eàdrerav móùw kal tàs 
Õuvdueis eis raúrņnv alpoicas iéyvw modeueîv 
roîs `Alnvaiois. damapackeúwv © övrwv aùrðv 
òà Tv ovvreleruévny eiphvnv Amie paðiws mepi- 
morýoeohar rÅv vikyv' nep kal ovvereàéolny. karta- 
àņnpleions yàp tris 'Edareias kóv tives vukrTòs 
amayyéddovrtes Tv kardànpv Tis móàews kal Šiórt 
Trayéws héer Diirros perà rs Õuvduews els TÙV 
3’ Arrikýv. oi è orparņnyoit TÕv `Alnvaiwv õa 
CAÀTLKTAS HETENÉUTOVTO kat onuaivew nmpooérarT- 
Tov Òe ANS TiS vukrós. 

Ths è puns cis mâsav olkiav ĝiaðobeions ý pèv 
mós ophù Sià rov póßov fv, ó Sè fuos dras åp 
pép ovvéðpapev eis Tò Îéarpov mpò roô ovy- 
4 kaàéoat Toùs dpyxovras ws v člos. œs © Ñkov ot 
ortparņyot kal tTòv unvúcavra nmapĵyov kákeivos 
cÎrev, ouwrmù pèv kat pófos kareîye rò Oéarpov kal 
rÕv elwhórwv nunyopeîv oùðeis róa cvußov- 
Acosar: nmÀcováris Ñ To kýpvkos kaňécavros Toùs 
époðvras ónèp rs kows owrnpias oùðeis maphet 
5 oúußovàos. dmropias oĝv peyádàns oŭons kal kara- 
mÀhécws anéBdere rò màñbos èri rov Anuochévnv. 
ó è karapàs* kai ròv õñuov mapakaàésas bappeiv 
danepaivero ev mapaypiua mpéoßeis drmooréàdew 

2 So codd. ; ó &’ dvaßàs Wesseling. 

1 Continued from chap. 77. 3. These events are briefly 
noted in Justin, 9. 3. 

2 This is consistent with Diodorus’s statement in chap. 77. 

fore he suddenly seized the city of Elateia, concen- 
trated his forces there and adopted a policy of war 
with Athens. He expected to have no trouble in 
defeating them, since their reliance on the existing 
peace treaty ? made them unprepared for hostilities ; 
and that is how it worked out. For after Elateia had 
been occupied, persons came at night to Athens re- 
porting the occupation and stating that Philip would 
march immediately into Attica with his army.’ 
Taken aback by this unexpected development, the 
Athenian generals summoned the trumpeters and 
ordered them to keep blowing the alarm signal the 
whole night through. 

The news spread into every household and the city 
was tense with terror, and at dawn the whole people 
flocked to the theatre even before the archons had 
made their customary proclamation. When the gen- 
erals came and introduced the messenger and he had 
told his story, silence and terror gripped the assembly 
and none of the usual speakers dared propose a course 
of action. Again and again the herald called for 
someone to speak for the common safety, but no one 
came forward with a proposal. In utter perplexity 
and dismay, the crowd kept their eyes on Demos- 
thenes. Finally he came down from his seat, and 
bidding the people take heart gave it as his opinion 
that they must straightway send envoys to Thebes 

3, that peace was concluded on the abandonment of the siege 
of Byzantium. Actually, the situation seems to haye been 
just the reverse : Athens denounced the Peace of Philocrates 
at that time. 

3 This narrative follows and must ultimately derive from 
Demosthenes, 18 (De Corona) 169-178. 



eis tàs Oýßas kai maparadeîv roùòs Borwroùs kow 
rov Úrèp ris ¿ňevhepias ayôva ribeobar: mpòs yàp 
Toùs äÀdovs ovpuáyovs ó kaipòs où ovveyæpet 
néunew npeoßeias mepi rìs ovupayias’ èv huépais 
yàp vol mpocðókiuos v ó Paoideds éew eis rhv 
 Arriciv kal ris óðorropias oŭons Sià ris Bou- 
wrias ) mapà tõv Borwrôv ovupayia uóvy kar- 
edeimero, pavepoô y övros öre rros, pios 
av kal oúppayos Borwroîs, roúrovs év mapóðw 
mepdoerat mapadaßeîv eis ròv kar ’Abnvaiwv 

85. To è Õýpov ròv Àóyov droðečauévov rai 
TOÔ mept TÅS mpeofeias ynpiouaros órò Anuoobé- 
vous ypaßévros ó èv fuos túre ròv vvarøra- 
Tov eineùv: ó è Aypoohévns ónýkovoe mpobúpws 
mpos Tv xpeiav. réàos © ééws mpeoßeúoas kal 
meioas êravñàbev eis tàs Alvas. 

O è ĝuos tÅ rôv Borwrôv ovuuayíą ðt- 
mÀacidoas Tùv mpoŭündápyovoav ývauıv aveldppnoe 
2 raîs éùriow. eùhù Sè kai OTPATNYOÙS kaTÉOTNOE 
TOoÙS mepi Xdpnra kal AvowÀéa kal TAVÒNLEL HETA 
TrÕv őnÀàwv efénewpe roù orparuóras els TÙV 
Bowwriav. tõv è véwv åndvræv npobúpws els tóv 
ayðva kaTavTávTwv oÔTot uèv KkarTà OTOVÒNV 
óðorropýoavres kov eis Xarpõverav Tts Borwrias’ 
oi ĝe Borwroi Bavudoavres tv ŝčúryra TS TÕV 
'’Abnvaiwv mapovolas ral aùrol onovòńs oùðėv 
EÀÀeimovres darývroav merà tÂv drìwv kai kowĵ) 
oTparoneðevoavres Ýnéuevov tùy TÕvV moňepiwv 
3 éġoðov. Pirros è rò pèv nmpõrov ééémeupev 
emi rò kowòv rôv Borwwrôv mpéoßeis, ôv fv em- 

1 y editors: $’. 

BOOK XVI. 84. 5—85. 3 

and invite the Boeotians to join them to make a 838/7 s.c. 

struggle for freedom. There was no time to send 
envoys to their other allies t invoking the treaties of 
alliance, since in two days the king could be expected 
to enter Attica. As his way led through Boeotia, the 
support of the Boeotians was their only recourse, 
especially since Philip was at that time the friend 
and ally of the Boeotians and would evidently try to 
take them along as he marched past to the war 
against Athens. 

85. When the people accepted the proposal and 
the decree authorizing the embassy had been drafted 
by Demosthenes, they turned to the search for their 
most eloquent representative. Demosthenes wil- 
lingly answered the call to service. He carried out 
the mission vigorously and returned to Athens at 
last having secured the adhesion of the Thebans. 

Now that they had doubled their existing armed 
forces by the Boeotian alliance, the Athenians re- 
covered their confidence. At once they designated 
Chares and Lysicles as generals and sent forth their 
entire army under arms into Boeotia. All their youth 
reported eager for battle and advanced with forced 
marches as far as Chaeroneia in Boeotia. Impressed 
by the promptness of the Athenian arrival and them- 
selves no less ready to act decisively, the Boeotians 
joined them with their weapons and, brigaded to- 
gether, all awaited the approach of the enemy. 
Philip’s first move was to send envoys to the Boeotian 

1 These are listed by Demosthenes (De Corona, 237) as 
Euboea, Achaia, Corinth, Megara, Leucas, and „Corcyra. 
Aeschines (In Ctesiphontem, 97) mentions Acarnania also. 



pavéoraros lóĝwv. oros yàp Sraßeßonuévos èri 
T To Aðyov ewóryre ral ovykpibeis mapà rToîs 
Borwroîs kara Tùv mepi ris ovupayias õņnunyopiav 
npòs Anuoohévyv trv èv dààwv ènpórevoev, Tov- 

4rov è pávy kraraĝeéorepos. ral ò Anuochévns 
Òe aùròs æs uéya rı kaTeipyaopévos èv roîs ovy- 
yeypaupévois Úr aùroð Àóyois oeuvúverat TÍ) Tpòs 
Tòv propa roôrov ðnunyopig èv oîs àéyei, Tér 
eyo piv TÔ Húhwvie Opacvvouévw ral moààĝ 
péovri kab’ óuðv où% Úneyópnoa. 

5 Merà è rað? ó Dirros arorvyaw ris tv 
Borwrõv ovupayias oùĝèv rrov ëkpive mpòs àu- 
porépovs ðiaywvioaoðar: Sò kal mposavaueivas 
Toùs åpvorepoðvras trÕv ovuudywv kev eis Tù 
Borwriav, éywv meboùs èv màciovs trÔv Tpiopv- 

6 piwv, inmeîs ĝè oùx EÀarrov rôv Õioyiàlwv. dugo- 
TEpwv è mpòs TÅv uáxyv eùrperĝv yevopévwv Toîs 
pèv ppovýuacı kal raîs mpobvuiais, ërie è rtaîs 
avõpayalbiais êpdurààor kaleiorýkercav, T è mÀń- 

e kal r katrà tv ortparnyiav per mpoeîyev 

7 ò Baoideús. moňààs yàp kai moikidas maparáéeis 

Ņywvioévos kal èv raîs mÀeiorais páyais vevi- 

knkòs peydànv elyev èumerpiav rÕv katà móňcuov 

épyœv. mapà şè roîŭs `Afnvaiois oi uèv ayaĝła- 

Tatort TÕV orparnyðv èrereevrýkeirav, Idikpárns 

kai Xappias, ére è Tiuóheos, rõv È órodeder- 

pévwv Xdpns mpwreúwv oùðèv õiépepe trôv rvyóv- 

TWV ÖLWTÕV KATÀ TÅV Èv TÔ orparnyeîv èvépyerav 

kal Bovàńv. 

1 The famous orator, a native of Byzantium, had long been 


BOOK XVI. 85. 3-7 

League, the most eminent of whom was Pytho.! He 338/7 s.c. 

was celebrated for his eloquence, but judged by the 
Boeotians in this contest for their allegiance against 
Demosthenes, he surpassed all the other speakers, 
to be sure, but was clearly inferior to him. And 
Demosthenes himself in his speeches parades his 
success against this orator as a great accomplish- 
ment, where he says : “ I did not then give ground 
before Pytho in spite of his confidence and his torrent 
of words against you.” ? 

So Philip failed to.get the support of the Boeotians, 
but nevertheless decided to fight both of the allies 
together. He waited for the last of his laggard con- 
federates to arrive, and then marched into Boeotia. 
His forces came to more than thirty thousand infantry 
and no less than two thousand cavalry. Both sides 
were on edge for the battle, high-spirited and eager, 
and were well matched in courage, but the king had 
the advantage in numbers and in generalship. He 
had fought many battles of different sorts and had 
been victorious in most cases, so that he had a wide 
experience in military operations. On the Athenian 
side, the best of their generals were dead—Iphicrates, 
Chabrias, and Timotheüs too—and the best of those 
who were left, Chares, was no better than any average 
soldier in the energy and discretion required of a 
in the service of Philip. Strabo (9. 2. 37) states that the 
Corinthians also sent troops. 

2 Demosthenes (De Corona, 136) refers to an earlier en- 
counter between the two, which took place in Athens in 343 
B.C. ; cp. also De Halonneso, 20. 

3 Diodorus writes disparagingly of Chares also in Book 
15. 95. 3. Here he has much compressed the narrative, since 
ten or eleven months elapsed between the occupation of 
Elateia and the battle of Chaeroneia. 



86. "Apa Ò épa TÕv ðvvduewv ktaTTouévwv 
ó pèv Paciàcùs rov viov ` Aàétavôpov, dvrinmatða 
rv hÀikiav vra, ĉidônàov è rhv avõpeiav kat Tùv 
oéúrņnra Ts évepyeias čyovra, katéornoev èm 
drepov TÕvV kepátrwv, TApPaKaATAOTHOAS QAÙTÔ TÔV 
hyeuóvwv roùs drodoywrdarovs' aùros è roùs émi- 
Àékrovs éywv meb éavroô rv hyeuoviav eye toô 
érépov pépovs kal TAS karà uépos tdéeis oikelws 
2 Tots mapoðot kaipoîs iekódounoev. oi &’ ’Abnvator 
kar’ ébvos Tùv Õiaipeow Ts Tádéews nmomoduevot 
tToîs èv Borwroîs rò črepov uépos mapéðwrav, 
aùrol è roô Aoro TÅv hyepoviav eÎyov. yevo- 
pévns ðè udyxns kaprepõs mè moàùv ypóvov kal 
TOAAÔV mirTOVTWV Tap auporépois péypt pév Tiwos 
ó ayæv audiðofovuévas eye tràs èàriðas ris virns. 

Mera è rara roô Adeédvõpov didotiuovuévov 
TÖ marpi Tùv ilav dvôpayaliav èvõeifachai kal 
piàotipias únmeppoàv oùk damodeimovros, ópoiws 
Sè kal mov aùr ovvayæwvitopévuv dvëpôv 
ayaĵððv mpõðros Tò ovvexès ris Tv modeuiwv 
Tdģcews ëppnée kal moods karaßaàðv kareróve 
4 roùs kaf’ aúròv terayuévovs. rò &' aùrò kal rôv 
TApaoTaATÕV AŬT ToadvTrwv TÒ ovveyès alel rhs 
Tdécws mapeppýyvvro. mov Šè owpevouévwv 
vekpõv ot mepi Tov ° AàéÉavðpov mpôrToL Peacdpevor 
Toùs kaf’ aúroùs èrpébavro. perà è raôra kal ó 
Paoideùs aùròs mpokivðuveðwv kal ris viens rhv 
emypapiv oùð’ aùr® mapaywpõv ’Adegdvõpw rò 
pèv mpõTov eféwoe ti Pig roùs åvrirerayuévovs, 

1 According to Plutarch, Camillus, 19. 5, this was the 9th 
of Metageitnion, the second month of the Attic year, which 


BOOK XVI. 86. 1—4 

86. The armies deployed t at dawn, and the king 33s/7 e.c. 

stationed his son Alexander, young in age but noted 
for his valour and swiftness of action, on one wing, 
placing beside him his most seasoned generals, while 
he himself at the head of picked men exercised the 
command over the other; individual units were 
stationed where the occasion required.? On the other 
side, dividing the line according to nationality, the 
Athenians assigned one wing to the Boeotians and 
kept command of the other themselves. Once joined, 
the battle was hotly contested for a long time and 
many fell on both sides, so that for a while the 
struggle permitted hopes of victory to both. 

Then Alexander, his heart set on showing his 
father his prowess and yielding to none in will to win, 
ably seconded by his men, first succeeded in rupturing 
the solid front of the enemy line and striking down 
many he bore heavily on the troops opposite him. 
As the same success was won by his companions, 
gaps in the front were constantly opened. Corpses 
piled up, until finally Alexander forced his way 
through the line and put his opponents to flight. 
Then the king also in person advanced, well in front 
and not conceding credit for the victory even to 
Alexander ; he first forced back the troops stationed 

began after the summer solstice; so perhaps 4th August, 
since a new moon was visible at Athens on 27th July. 

2 Diodorus’s account of the battle is vague, and much is 
uncertain in the reconstruction of events from scattered and 
partial references. It seems certain that Philip, on the Mace- 
donian right, did not engage the Athenians until the Thebans, 
on the allied right, had been shattered by Alexander. Since, 
in his later battles, Alexander normally commanded the 
cavalry guard on his own right, Philip here must have oceu- 
pied the traditional position of the Macedonian king. But 
Diodorus does not say who these * picked men ” were. 



z ` ` 2 r pa ? l4 
“~ lA ~ ? 2 + y bi ka ~ 
5 ris vikys. tv © 'Alyvaiwv énmeoov èv èv TÅ 
la À z. ~ AÚ e > ? À 2 
uaxn màciovs TÕv yiÀiwv, Awoav Ò oùk éÀdTTOoVS 
m~ t m~ ~ 
6 rÕv ðıoyiÀlwv. óuoiws è kat rv BorwrÊv moddol 
` 2 t j ? 3) 7 2 2 2 ` 
uev avņnpébnoav, oùk òàiyor Ò ewyphðnoav. perà 
` ~ 
òè ryv páxyv ó Diinrros tpórmarov orýocas kal 
Toùs vekpoùs eis Tadùv ovyywpýoas mwikia Toîs 
a 7 ` 
Qcoîs éhvoe ral troùs dvòðpayalńýoavras kara Tùv 
daġiav èriunoev. 
L [A e ` ` ` 2 
87. Aéyovot Òé Tives ÔTL Kal MAPA TÖV TMÖTOV 
AÙ 3 2 E ` hI ~ , 
moàùv éupopnoduevos dkparov kat perà tTÕv piàwv 
` 2 [d m~ “~ 
TÒv êmwikiov dywv kÕpov tà uécwv TÕV aiypaàð- 
3 la ’ ~ 
Twv ßBdòGev ÝPpibwrv dia Adywv ràs rÕv akànpovv- 
Twæwv Õvorvyías. Aņudðnv è ròv pýropa kar 
3 a hi A 
ékeîvov TÒv kaipòv év Toîs aiypawbTois övra xph- 
cachłat mappnoig kai Àdyov anophéyéacðaıi vvd- 
>” a ` a 
pevov dvaoreîÀatr Tùv toô Baocidéws doéàyerav. 
` A 3 A kd È A “~ 2 
2 paci yàp eireiv aùróv, Baciàeô, rs rúyns cot 
l4 l4 
mepibeions npóowrov `Ayauéuvovos aùròs oùk 
kd 2 lA s ’ A X + 
aioxúvy mpaTTwv épya OQepoirov; ròv è Pirrov 
m la ? J4 a 
TÅ Ts êmnmÀýécws evoroyiq kwhévra rocoôro 
a ` < lA 
peraßpadeîv rv óànv Sidheow ðore Toùs uèv ore- 
’ > m hI 4 M 
pdvovs aroppipar, rà è ovvakoàovlhoðvra karà 
4 m~ 2 ~ e 
TOv kÕuov oúußoa tis ùßpews arorpjacðar, Tov 
d a hj 2 ~ 
© dvõpa ròv ypnoduevov ti mappnoiq Bavudoa 
e A 
1 Plutarch, Demosthenes, 20. 3, tells of Philip’s revelling 

and reciting the beginning of the decree introduced by his 

BOOK XVI. 86. 4—87. 2 

before him and then by compelling them to flee be- 338/7 s.c. 

came the man responsible for the victory. More than 
a thousand Athenians fell in the battle and no less 
than two thousand were captured. Likewise, many 
of the Boeotians were killed and not a few taken 
prisoners. After the battle Philip raised a trophy of 
victory, yielded the dead for burial, gave sacrifices 
to the gods for victory, and rewarded according to 
their deserts those of his men who had distinguished 
themselves. : 

87. The story is told that in the drinking after 
dinner Philip downed a large amount of unmixed 
wine and forming with his friends a comus in celebra- 
tion of the victory paraded through the midst of his 
captives, jeering all the time at the misfortunes of 
the luckless men.!? Now Demades, the orator, who 
was then one of the captives, spoke out boldly ? and 
made a remark able to curb the king’s disgusting 
exhibition. He is said to have remarked : “ O King, 
when Fortune has cast you in the rôle of Agamemnon, 
are you not ashamed to act the part of Thersites ? ” 
Stung by this well-aimed shaft of rebuke, Philip 
altered his whole demeanour completely. He cast 
off his garland, brushed aside the symbols of pride 
that marked the comus, expressed admiration for the 
man who dared to speak so plainly, freed him from 

rival as if it were verse : 

“ Demosthenes, the son of Demosthenes, 
Paeanian, thus proposeth.” 

Justin (9. 5. 1), in constrast, speaks of Philip as bearing his 
victory modestly. Cp. also Plutarch, Moralia, 715 c. See 
Addenda. ` , 

2 Philostratus (Vita Apollonii Tyanensis, T. 2) names 
Diogenes of Sinopê as the hero of this anecdote. Demades 
(Duod. Ann. 9-10) gives his own report of these events. 



4 ~ kj lA Á] 
kal ts aiypaàwoias dmroàŭúcavra mpòs éavròv 

b4 a + “A 
3 avadaßetv èêvripws. réàos © úro roô Anpudðov 

captivity and gave him a place in his own company 388/7 s.c. 
with every mark of honour. Addressed by Demades 

kahbopànlévra raîs `Arrikaîs yápioi mávras dnro- 
Acat Troùs aiypaàwbrovs dvev Àŭórpwv, kaĝóàov ò’ 
danoléuevov Týv èk tis virņs únepnpaviav mpéoßes 
anooretàat mpòs ròv pov rv `Abnvaiwv kal 
ovvĝécłai mpos aùroùs ıàlav te xai cvupayiav, 
eis è ras Orfas dpovpàv èykaraorýosavra ovy- 
xwphoar rův ceiphvyv roîs Borwroîs. 

88. Oi `Afnvaîoi perà rùův rrav Avoikàéovs 
pèv Toî orparnyoð Qávartov karéyvwoav Avkoŭpyov 
Ton pýropos Kkatnyophoavros ; oôros yàp TÕV TTE 
pnrópwv péyiorov čywv aćiwua kai weka uèv 
éTN Tàs mpooððovs Tis móňews ĝioikýoas èrawov- 
pévws piov È èbnkòs èr dperf) meppónrtov mrp- 
2 raros v êv roîs Àðyois* karýyopos. yvoin © v 
Tis aÙroĵ TÙv èv roîs Àdyois déiav kai mrpiav èv 
oîs roô Avowàéovs karnyopôv Àéyer, ` Eorparń- 
yeis, © AŬoikàes, kal yiÀiwv èv moùrTÂv Tereiev- 
Tnkórwv, ĝioyiÀiwv © aiyuadóTtwv yeyovórwv, 
Tporaiov è karà Tis méàcws éornkóros, ris & 
‘Eàdòos drdons ovàevovons, kal roúrwv åmáv- 
Twv yeyevnuévwv oo Ņyovuévov kat orparnyoôv- 
Tos Toàĝs iv kai Trò roô hÀiov pôs ópâv kral eis 
TÅ ayopàv uPdàdew, brópvypa yeyovæs aloyúvns 
kal oveiðovs TH maTpiðL. 

"Irov Òé re ovvéßn yevéoðai karà rovs Úroke- 
pévovs ypővovs. kał ôv yàp kapòv ý mepi Tùv 
Xaipóverav yévero uáyņ, répa mapáračıs ovv- 

with Attic charm, he ended by releasing all of the 
Athenian prisoners without ransom and, altogether 
abandoning the arrogance of victory, sent envoys to 
the people of Athens and concluded with them a treaty 
of friendship and alliance. With the Boeotian she con- 
cluded peace but maintained a garrison in Thebes. 

88. After this defeat, the Athenians condemned 
to death the general Lysicles on the aecusation of 
Lycurgus, the orator. Lycurgus had the highest re- 
pute of the politicians of his time, and since he had 
won praise for his conduct of the city’s finances over 
a period of twelve ! years and lived in general a life 
renowned for rectitude, he proved to be a very stern 
prosecutor. One can judgé of his character and 
austerity in the passage in his accusation where he 
says: “ You were general, Lysicles. A thousand 
citizens have perished and two thousand were taken 
captive. A trophy stands over your city’s defeat, and 
all of Greece is enslaved. All of this happened under 
your leadership and command, and yet you dare to 
live and to look on the sun and even to intrude into 
the market, a living monument of our country’s 
shame and disgrace.” 

There was an odd coincidence in the period under 
review. At the same time as the battle took place at 
Chaeroneia, another battle occurred in Italy on the 

1 Diodorus has got ahead of himself. Lycurgus’s service 
as finance minister belongs to the years 338/7-327/6 B.C. 
(Kunst, Real-Encyclopädie, 13 (1921), 2448 f.). He was, how- 
ever, almost fifty years old at this time, and so a mature states- 

1 èv toîs Àóyois deleted by Dindorf (cp. infra, § 2). 


lA ` bi kd + A 2 Z a e + ` e 
éory karà tiv Iraàiav ri aùr Nuépg kat wpq 
Sraroàepovvrwv pèv Tapavrivæv mpòs Aevkavoùs 
ovvaywvičouévov è roîs Tapavrivois °’ Apxiðduov 

A [a z er t ` 3 hi 
toô Aakeĝaruoviwv Paoiéws, ôte ovvéßy kat aùTov 
4 àvaipelijvar ròv ’Apxyíapov. oros pèv ov Ñp$e 
trôv Aakeðaruoviwv ër eikoot tpia, Thv òè Pa- 

f ta s en GA Ga s 2? l 

ciàciav Õiaðeéduevos ó viòs "Ayıs pev éry évvéa. 
5 “Apa è roúrois mparropévois Tiuóbeos ó tis 
ʻH À [a m~ 3 A ĮI 2 1 o 3 À 7 

pakàeias tis êv TÔ Ióvrw túpavvos éreñevrtnoe 
Svvaoreúoas éry mevrekaiðeka, Tv è Tvpavviða 
Sraeéduevos ó dðeàdòs Aiovýoios Ĥpéev érņ ðvot 

89. Emr apyovros È '`Abńvyot Ppvviyov ‘Po- 
paîoi karéorņnoav úrádrovs Trov Mádov Top- 
~ ` 2 z t MRS. ` LS 2 
kovârov kal Ilóràov Aékiov. émi è rtoútrwv 
Diirros ò Baoideùs meppovnuatiopévos T) mepit 
Xaipaverav viry kal tràs èmipaveoráras mécs 
karanenàņypévos èġiÀoriueîro yevéohat máons Tis 


2 “Eàdõos hyeuwv. Siaðovs ðè Adyov órı Povera 
` H 2 e ` A € AÀ $ d Ed 

npòs Ilépoas úrèp rv ‘EdMvwv móňepov àpachaı 

kal ÀAaßeîv map aùrõv ikas Úrèp tis eis Tà iepa 

yevopévņs mapavouias iðiovs roùs “Ednvas rais 

eùvolais norýoarTo' pidodpovoúuevos è mpòs åmav- 

Tas Kal iðig kal kowi raîs móàcow anmehaivero 
2 ~ m~ 

Boúàcoĝat Siadeyhñvar mepi rv ovupepóvrwv. 
t m~ m 

3 ôiórep év Kopivôłw roô kowo ovveðpiov ovvayhév- 

Tos Õiadeyleis mepi rod pòs Ilépoas moàépov kat 

peydàas éàriðas úrobeis mpoerpéßaro tToùs ovv- 

a8 a battle has already been mentioned, chaps. 62. 4— 



BOOK XVI. 88. 3—89. 3 

same day and at the same hour between the people of 338/7 s.c. 

Tarentum and the Lucanians.! In the service of Ta- 
rentum was Archidamus, the Lacedaemonian king, 
and it happened that he was himself killed. He had 
ruled the Lacedaemonians for twenty-three years ; 
his son Agis succeeded to the throne and ruled for 
nine years.? 

At this time, also, Timotheüs the tyrant of Hera- 
cleia-Pontica died after having been in powėr for 
fifteen years. His brother Dionysius succeeded to 
the tyranny and ruled for thirty-two years.? 

89. When Phrynichus was archon at Athens, the 
Romans installed as consuls Titus Manlius Torquatus 
and Publius Decius.* In this year King Philip, proudly 
conscious of his victory at Chaeroneia and seeing that 
he had dashed the confidence of the leading Greek 
cities, conceived of the ambition to become the leader 
of all Greece. He spread the word that he wanted to 
make war on the Persians in the Greeks’ behalf and 
to punish them for the profanation of the temples,* 
and this won for him the loyal support of the Greeks. 
He showed a kindly face to all in private and in 
public, and he represented to the cities that he 
wished to discuss with them matters of common 
advantage. A general congress was, accordingly, con- 
vened at Corinth. He spoke about the war against 
Persia and by raising great expectations won the 

2 For Archidamus see chap. 63. 2; for Agis, Book 17. 
63. 2-4. 

3 See chap. 36. 3 and Book 20. 77. 1. 

4 Phrynichus was archon at Athens from July 337 to June 
336 s.c. The consuls of 340 s.c. were T. Manlius Imperiosus 
Torquatus and P. Decius Mus (Broughton, 1. 135). 

5 Cp. Books 11. 29. 3 and 17. 72. 6. For the events at 

Corinth cp. Justin, 9. 5. 1-2. 

337/6 B.C. 


éõpovs eis mõàepov. Téàos è rõv ‘EMývwv édo- 
uévwv aùròv orparņnyòv aùrokpáropa tís “EAàdôos 
peydàas mapackevàs émoreîro mpòs Tv mi roùs 
Iépoas orpareiav. iardéas © ékdory móet Tò 
nhos trÕv ecis ovupayiav orparrwrõv èravijàbev 
cis Thv Mareõoviav. 

Kai rà pèv mept Piùrrov év roúrois ĝv. 

90.: Karà è rv Xixediav Tiuoàéwv ò Kopivbios 
dravra Ttoîs Bupakociois kal Toîs PukeMwTats 
katrwplwkðs redcúrnoe, oTrparnyýoas ETN ÔKTO. 
oi òè Dvparóoior peydàws aroðeðeyuévoi TÒv åvõpa 
Did Te Tv àperhv kat rò uéyebos TÕv eùepyeci®v 
peyañonperðs élapav aùròv kal kara tùv êkpopàv 
dabporobévros Tro mÀýÂovs róðe rò yýdiopa avņyó- 
pevoev ó Anuýrpios ôs v ueyaopwvóraros tv 
róre kypúkwv": épýhiora? ò pos? rÂv Xuvpako- 
ciwv Tiuoàéovra Tiıuawérov Kopivbiov róvõet 0d- 
mrtev èv ano diakociâv uvâv,* tiuâohar Sè els rov 
dmavra ypõvov dyævesot? povoikoîs ral immoîs 
kal yvuvikoîs, rı Toùs Tupdvvovs karaàýoas kal 
roùs Bappápovs kararoàeuńoas kal tàs ueyioras 
rõv ‘Ednvðwv nóewv dvoikicas? attios èyevýðn 
râs? éàevlepias Toîs IukeMwras. 

lepi è roùs aùroùs kapoùs ’Apioßaptdvns 
pèv ereàeúrnoev Baciàeúoas ëT eikooi kal EŻ, thv 

Sè Paoideiav Siaðegduevos Mibpiðdrns fpéev ër 

1 ó Aņnuýrpios . . . rypýrwv inserted by Cobet, from Plu- 
tarch, Timoleon, 39. 3. 
2 é&pýłora inserted by Fischer. 3 So P: Sĝpos cet. 

4 Kopivłiov róvðe Cobet; Tipawérov viðv róvôe Fischer : 
tıuâv erovoiov (erýorov RIF) roôrov &è. 

5 axooiâv uvâôv PX : Sıakociawv uvô cet. 

€ So P: dyoveci X, ådyâôo cet. 


BOOK XVI. 89. 3—90. 2 

representatives over to war. The Greeks elected him 8337/6 s.c. 

the general plenipotentiary of Greece, and he began 
accumulating supplies for the campaign. He pre- 
scribed the number of soldiers that each city should 
send for the joint effort, and then returned to Mace- 

This was the state of affairs as regards Philip. 

90. In Sicily, Timoleon the Corinthian died ; he had 
put in order all the affairs of the Syracusans and the 
other Siceliot Greeks, and had been their general for 
eight years.! The Syracusans revered him greatly 
because of his ability and the extent of his services 
to them and gave him a magnificent funeral. As the 
body was borne out in the presence of all the people 
the following decree was proclaimed by that Deme- 
trius who had the most powerful voice of all the 
criers of his time? : “ The people of Syracuse have 
voted to bury this Timoleon son of Timaenetus, of 
Corinth, at a cost of two hundred minas, and to 
honour him to the end of time with musical, eques- 
trian, and gymnastic games, because he destroyed 
the tyrants, defeated the barbarians, and resettled the 
mightiest of Greek cities, and so became the author 
of freedom for the Greeks of Sicily.” 

In this year, also, Ariobarzanes died after ruling 
for twenty-six years and Mithridates, succeeding him, 

1 Continued from chap. 83. 

2 Nepos, Timoleon, 5. 4. Plutarch, Timoleon, 39. 1-3, gives 
the same text of the decree except at the end, where instead 
of mentioning freedom, he has: “ he restored their laws to 
the Syracusans.” These threefold agones were the highest 
form of “ heroic ” honours; cp. C. Habicht, Gottmenschentum 
und griechische Städte (1956), p. 150. 

7 åvoxíoas Dindorf: é&oxioas RF, oixýoas P, otxioas X. 
8 So PX: rîs cet. 



i 3S TO í ‘Pwpaîor Sè Tpòs A 
mévre mpos tToîs Tpidkovra. ‘Pwpaiot ðè mpòs Aa- 
tivovs kat Kauravoùs maparačádpevot mepi TAW 
Zoveocav évikņnoav kal rTÕv hrryÂévræwv mépos tís 
xøópas ageliovro. ò è karwplwkws Tù páxNv 
Mdàos ó ürmaros ebpidupevoev. 

91. Er àpxovros Ò ’`Alúvyor Ivhodopov ‘Pa- 
paîoi èv karéornoav úndrovs Kówrov Ilóràov 
kal Tpépiov Aiuiàrov Mdueprov, oàvumiàs È nxen 
mpõóTN mpos Taîs ékaròv kat éka, kaĵ’ Ñv èvika 
2 ordðiov Kàeóuavrıs Kàerrópios. èri è toúrwv 
Piirros ó Pacideds hyeuav rò rv “EdMývov 
kaleorauévos kal ròv mpos Ilépoas móàepov vory- 
oduevos “Arradov uèv kai Ilappeviwva mpoanré- 
oTeiàev cis Tùv °Aciav, uépos tÑs Svvápews oùs 
kal mpooráéas àcvÂepoðv ràs ‘Envias módes, 
aùròs è oreúðwv uèv perà tis rÔv Îeðv yvóuns 
eêmaveàéolat ròv mõdeuov ènņnpornoe rhv Ivbiav 
el kparýoet roô Baoiàéws rôv Iepoðv. ý & 
Expnoev aùT® Tóvðe Tov ypnouórv' 

» ` e ~ s ? EA t + 
EOTETTAL éV 0 Tapos, yet TÉÀos, éorw ò Oúowv. 

ʻO uèv oĝv Diùmmos okoùÂs ëyovros Toô ypr- 
apo mpòs TÒ iov ovupépov eeðéyero rò Àd- 
yiov, ÖS TOÔ pavrtelov mpoéyovros ròv Iéponv 
tepelov tpórov tvłýoeolar rò & áùņbès oùx oŭ- 
rws elyev, dÀdà Toùvavriov èoýpawev èv navņyúpe 

1 This is the dynasty of Cius in Mysia which later provided 
the kings of Pontus. Cp. Books 15.90. 3 and note : 20. 111. 4. 

2 Livy (8. 11. 11) states that the battle took place “ inter 
Sinuessam Minturnasque.” For the events see ‘Broughton, 

3 The archon’s name was Pythodelus, and his term ran 


BOOK XVI. 90. 2—91. 3 

ruled for thirty-five. The Romans were victorious 
in a battle against the Latins and Campanians in the 
vicinity of Suessa and annexed part of the territory 
of the vanquished. Manlius, the consul who had won 
the victory, celebrated a triumph.? 

91. When Pythodorus was archon at Athens, the 
Romans elected as consuls Quintus Publius and Ti- 
berius Aemilius Mamercus, and the one hundred and 
eleventh celebration of the Olympic Games took place, 
in which Cleomantis of Cleitor won the foot-race.3 In 
this year, King Philip, installed as leader by the 
Greeks, opened the war with Persia by sending into 
Asia as an advance party Attalus and Parmenion,’ 
assigning to them a part of his forces and ordering 
them to liberate the Greek cities, while he himself, 
wanting to enter upon the war with the gods’ ap- 
proval, asked the Pythia whether he would conquer 
the king of the Persians. She gave him the following 
response : 

“ Wreathed is the bull. All is done. There is also 
the one who will smite him.” 5 

Now Philip found this response ambiguous but 
accepted it in a sense favourable to himself, namely 
that the oracle foretold that the Persian would be 
slaughtered like a sacrificial victim. Actually, how- 
ever, it was not so, and it meant that Philip himself 
in the midst of a festival and holy sacrifices, like the 

from July 336 to June 335 s.c. The Olympic Games were 
held in midsummer, 336. The consuls of 339 s.c. were Ti. 
Aemilius Mamercinus and Q. Publilius Philo (Broughton, 
1. 137). 

4 Continued from chap. 89. For these events cp. Justin, 
9. 5. 8-9. 

5 The oracle is cited in the same form by Pausanias, 8. 7. 6. 


837/6 B.C. 

336/5 B.C. 


kal bev Buciais ròv Diùrrov orep ròv rað- 
4 pov èoteuuévov opayýocołair. où uùv dàÀà Sééas 

ovupayetv aùr® Toùs Îeoùs mepiyaphs Åv os rhs 

'’Acias rò Makeðóvas sopévys atyuaàórov. 

Eùĝòùs ov Âvoias peyadonpereis èmeréàet Toîs 
Îeoîs kal ris Bvyarpòs Kàeordrpas rijs èé °Oìvp- 
midðos ovveréàei ydpovs kai raúrņnv ’Adeéávõpw 
ovvýórioe TÔ Pasie? rôv 'Hrepwrâv, defâ õè 

5 övri yvnoiw ris `Oàvumidðos. dua õè raîs rôv 
eðv tipais Bovàóuevos ós màelorovs rôv ‘EAÀv- 
vwv ueraoyetv trs cùwxias ayðvás Te povoikoùs 
peyadormpenreîs roie kal \aunpàs éoridoeis tÔv 

6 piwv kal éévwv. Sıórep eÉ ándons Ts “EAdõos 
perenéunero Toùs lioéévovs kal roîs éavroô idors 
maphyyeie mapañapßdvew rv ånò ris čévns 
yvwpipwv ós mÀeiorovs. opóðpa yàp éfioripeîro 
pıdoppoveîoĝaı mpòs roùs "Ednvas ral Sià! tàs 
Scõouévas aùr® rûs ĉàns ýyepovias tius raîs? 
nmpoonkovoais ópÀiais dueißeoba. 

92. Tédos Sè moàðv mavrayólev mpòs TV mav- 
ýyvpv cvppeðvrwv kai trÕv åyóvav kral yápwv 
ovvreñovuévæwv èv Aiyéais rs Mareðovias où ud- 
vov kar’ dvõpa TÕv èmpavôv srepdvwoav aùròv 
xpvooîs orepdvois, dààà ral trôv déioàdywv ró- 
Acwv ai màeclovs, év afs v kai ) rôv ’Abnvaiwv. 

2 davayopevouévov è roô orepávov roúrov Štà roô 
kýpukos Tò Teňeuraîov elrev, dv mis èmpovàeúoas 
Piàinny rÊ Paci? karapóyyn mpòs ’Abnvaiovs, 


BOOK XVI. 91. 3—92. 2 

bull, would be stabbed to death while decked with a 336/5 n.c. 

garland. In any event, he thought that the gods 
supported him and was very happy to think that Asia 
would be made captive under the hands of the Mace- 

Straightway he set in motion plans for gorgeous 
sacrifices to the gods joined with the wedding of his 
daughter Cleopatra, whose mother was Olympias ; 
he had given her in marriage to Alexander king of 
Epirus, Olympias’s own brother? He wanted as 
many Greeks as possible to take part in the festivities 
in honour of the gods, and so planned brilliant musical 
contests and lavish banquets for his friends and guests. 
Out of all Greece he summoned his personal guest- 
friends and ordered the members of his court to bring 
along as many as they could of their acquaintances 
from abroad. He was determined to show himself to 
the Greeks as an amiable person and to respond to 
the honours conferred when he was appointed to the 
supreme command with appropriate entertainment. 

92. So great numbers of people flocked together 
from all directions to the festival, and the games and 
the marriage were celebrated in Aegae in Macedonia. 
Not only did individual notables crown him with 
golden crowns but most of the important cities as 
well, and among them Athens. As this award was 
being announced by the herald, he ended with the 
declaration that if anyone plotted against King Philip 
and fled to Athens for refuge, he would be delivered 

1 Justin, 9. 6. 1. 

1 The usual idiom does not require this preposition with 

2 raîşs added by Fischer (cp. Books 5. 73. 3; 17. 81. 2; 
18. 8. 5 et passim). 



m~ ` ~ 
mapaðócıuov eivat Torov. ià è TS aùrouarTi- 
oúons puns ğorep belg Tivi mpovoig ĉieońýuawe 
` ’ 4 3 lA ? b bù A D 
TÒ Õaruóviov Tùv êcouévnv èmipovàiv eùbùs TÔ Du- 
f > LA ` 2 U g t e 
3 Àinnw. dkoàovbws è rovrois kal érepai tiwes wo- 
mep evledlovoat yévovro hwval mpoðnàodosai TÙv 
Toî Pacidéws katraorpodýv. 
E A a À m ld N Lg e 
v yap TÔ Pacidk® mórw Neorróàepos ò tpa- 
ywðós, npwreðwv ti peyañopwvigq kai rÑ ÔóEN, 
mpooráéavros dùTr® roô Diàimmov mpoevéykachar 
~ li m~ 
TÕv ênmirerevyuévwv mTomudTwv kal uáùora TÕV 
avnkóvrwv npòs rv karà trÔv Ilepoðv orpareiav, 
` m 
ò pèv Teyvirns Kpivas oikeîov únroàndlhocoĝhar Tò 
moina T Õiaßdoer roô Piinrov rai rùv eùðar- 
+ 3 “~ l A ~ 
poviav emnÀĵéai Povàóuevos roô Ilepoðv Bacu- 
Àéws, kaimep oĝcav peydànv kal mepipónrov, rws 
peTanéoot ToT àv eis Toùbvavriov ÚTnÒ TIS TÚXNS, 
Nparto Aéyew róðe Tò monpa’ 

A A 3 + e L 
ghpoveîre võv aibépos úpmàsrepov 
kal peyáňwv meðiwv dpoŬpas, 

afn? e z. 
ppoveið úrepßpadàóuevor 
óuwv čóuovs, adposúva 
mpócw ßiorav Tekuaipópevor. 

ó © duppdàde. rayúrovr? 
Kkéàcvlov éprwr? okoriav, 
advw © àpavros mpocéßa 

` > LA 3 lá 
arpas àhaipoðpevos eàriðas f 
Ovarðv* moúuoylos “Aðas,* 

1 So L. A. Post: rnws peranéooir åv PX, ueranéoor norè R, 
petranéon nore F. 
2 rayúnovv] rayýrovs Burges. 


BOOK XVI. 92. 2—3 

up.: The casual phrase seemed like an omen sent by 8336/5 s.c. 

Providence to let Philip know that a plot was coming. 
There were other like words also spoken, seemingly 
divinely inspired, which forecast the king’s death. 

At the state banquet, Philip ordered the actor 
Neoptolemus, matchless in the power of his voice and 
in his popularity, to present some well-received 
pieces, particularly such as bore on the Persian cam- 
paign. The artist thought that his piece would be 
taken as appropriate to Philip’s crossing and intended 
to rebuke the wealth of the Persian king, great and 
famous as it was, (suggesting) that it could some day 
be overturned by fortune. Here are the words that 
he first sang : 

“ Your thoughts reach higher than the air ; 
You dream of wide fields’ cultivation. 
The homes you plan surpass the homes 
That men have known, but you do err, 
Guiding your life afar. 

But one there is who'll catch the swift, 
Who goes a way obscured in gloom, 

And sudden, unseen, overtakes 
And robs us of our distant hopes 
Death, mortals’ source of many woes.” ? 

1 Such protective decrees were common (ep. Demosthenes, 
C. Aristocr. 95), the most famous being the decree of Aristo- 
crates proposed in honour of Cersobleptes in 353 s.c. 

2 Nauck, Trag. Graec. Frag.?, Adesp. 127 ; Bergk, Poet. 
Lyr. Graec.? 3. 144-7145. The ode has been thought Aeschy- 
lean. Lines 8-9 are quoted, with slight grammatical change, 
by Philodemus, De Morte, col. 38. 12-14 (D. Bassi, Papiri 
Ercolanesi, 1; Milan, 1914). 

3 épmwv Bücheler: čprw Pal. Vat., é... . P, al X, čpyæ 
4 So Reiske: Îavádrwv. 5 So Rhodoman : °Aŭsas. 



kat Tà ToÝrwv èdeéfjs mpocovveîpe, mávra Tps TÙùV 
4 òpoiav hepõpeva ĉıdvorav. ó è Pirros ýobeis 
èri roîs dmqyyeàuévois dàos Ñv kal reàeiws pepd- 
pevos TÑ Õravoig mpos thv roô Iepoðv Baciàéws 
kataorpo$ýv, dpa è kal ròv mulóypnorov yp- 
opòv dveàoyikero, mapanànoiav ëyovra Ŝıdvorav 
Toîs mò TOÔ Tpaywot pnheîo.. 

Tédos è roô rmórov ĝiadvhévros kal rôv àyávwv 
katra Tùv vorepaiav tùv àpxùv Àaußavóvrwv rò 
pev mÀÑlos éri vuertòs oŭons ovvérpeyev eis Tò béa- 
Tpov, ua © ńuépg ris mouris ywopévns oòùv 
raîs ddas raîs peyadonperéot katraokevaîs el- 
wda rõv óðeka lev ènóuneve rais re nu- 
ovpyiais nEepTTÕS eipyaouéva kal tÑ Àaunpórnri 
TOÔ màovrov Îavuaorðs kekoopyuéva’ oùv Šè troù- 
Totis aùToÎ To Pidinrov tpiokaðékarov ènéureve 
Oeomperès edwàov, oúvôpovov éavròv åmoseikvývros 
toô Pacidéws roîs Sóðeka becoîs. 

93. To è Bedrpov mànpwbévros aùròs é Oi- 
Àros Het Àevkòv ëywv iudriov kal TPOTTETAXWS 
toùs opvópovs parpàv åßeorôras ap éavroô 
ovvakoñovleiv: eveðeikvuro yàp nâow őri TNpov- 
pevos T kowh rõv ‘EdMývwv eùvoig tis tôv ŝopv- 
2 pópwv udas oùk ëyet ypelav. Ttnàikaórns & 
oŭons mepi aùròv Ûrepoyñs kal mávræv ènrawoúv- 
Twv pa kai uakapıčóvrwv ròv čvěpa mapáðoos 
kat mavreàðs dvéàmoros è$dvy karà toô Paciàéws 
3 êmpovàù) kal Odvaros. iva 8è oadùs ó mepi Tov- 
Twv yévnrar Àóyos, mpoekðyoóueða tràs alrias TS 

Ilavoaviías v rò uèv yévos Mares®v èk TÕS 


BOOK XVI. 92. 3—93. 3 

He continued with the rest of the song, all of it deal- 336/5 s.c. 

ing with the same theme. Philip was enchanted with 
the message and was completely occupied with the 
thought of the overthrow of the Persian king, for he 
remembered the Pythian oracle which bore the same 
meaning as the words quoted by the tragic actor. 

Finally the drinking was over and the start of the 
games set for the following day. While it was still 
dark, the multitude of spectators hastened into the 
theatre and at sunrise the parade formed. Along 
with lavish display of every sort, Philip included in 
the procession statues of the twelve gods wrought 
with great artistry and adorned with a dazzling show 
of wealth to strike awe in the beholder, and along 
with these was conducted a thirteenth statue, suit- 
able for a god, that of Philip himself, so that the 
king exhibited himself enthroned among the twelve 

i 93. Every seat in the theatre was taken when 
Philip appeared wearing a white cloak, and by his 
express orders his bodyguard held away from him and 
followed only at a distance, since he wanted to show 
publicly that he was protected by the goodwill of all 
the Greeks, and had no need of a guard of spearmen.? 
Such was the pinnacle of success that he had attained, 
but as the praises and congratulations of all rang in 
his ears, suddenly without warning the plot against 
the king was revealed as death struck. We shall set 
forth the reasons for this in order that our story may 
be clear. 

There was a Macedonian Pausanias who came of a 

1 Cp. p. 101, note 3. 

2 He walked between the two Alexanders, his son and his 

son-in-law (Justin, 9. 6. 3-4), and so between those who had 
most reason to wish his death. 


A A ld 
° Opeoriðos kadovpévns, roô è Paocidéws owparo- 
` ~ / 
púňać kal ià rò kdààos pios yeyovæs roô Piir- 
E A a ! > , 
4 mov. oros pôv úrò toô Pacidéws ayamwpevov 
A 2 m~ 
črepov Ilavoaviav ópovvpov éavr® ðveðioTikots 
ld 2 ld 
mpos aùròv èxpýoaro Àóyois, pýoas dvðpóyvvov 
s a A e + 
cîvai kal roùs rv Povàouévwv épwTas ETOipWS 
d e 4 A ? ~ t er 
5 mpocðéyeoðar. ó è tův èk ris Aoðopias ÙBpw 
m l ` “~ 
Sé rve TrÂv piwv èmikowwodpevos mepi TÖV ped- 
$ e ` 
Àsvræwv npárreclai ékovoiws kat mapaĝóéws éavròv 
~ A~ 2 2) 7 A E ld 
6 êk tob Gv ueréornoev. per òàiyas yap hpépas 
a , ` / 1l ` a > a 
roô Diàinmov mpòs Iàevpiar! rov rõv ’IAvpiðv 
~ ld A 
Bacıàéa SiaywviCouévov mpò roô Paciéws oràs 
e $ ` 2 3 9 3 4 N 3 ld 
anácas tràs ġepopévas èr aùròv nÀnyas aveðégarTo 
TÔ iiw oúópaTtı kal perhàdačev. 

7 Aaßonbeions Sè ris mpádćews ó èv ”Arrtados, 
eîs öv rÕv èé aùŭàñs kal moù Õvvauévav mapà TO 
BacıàeT, ékdàcoev èni òðcînmvov ròv Ilavoaviav kai 
moàùv eudopýoas àkparov mapéðwkev aŭro Tò 
oôpa rToîs òpewkóuois eis vppiwv kal mapowiav 

2. ma m~ ~ 
8 éraipikýv. ó è avavýas èk ris péðNs kal TÅ ToÔ 
oúparTos VBpet mepraàyhs yevóuevos To °’ ArTtTdÀov 
lA 3 A ke 4 e bi / 
karņnyópnoev mi roô Paciàéws. ó ðè Drros 
mapwtúóvðn èv èni r) mapavouig TÕS mpdéews, ià 
Sè rùv mpos ”Arradov oikerótyTa kal TAV eiS TÒ 
mapòv aùroô ypeiav oùk èßoúàero poorovnpetv' 
5 i € m 
9 v yàp ò ”"Arrados ts èv êmiyaunleions yvvarikòs 
t This is perhaps a shortened form for the usual IMÀev- 

1 Justin, 9. 6. 4-8. The Orestis was a district in western 
Macedonia bordering on Illyria. 


BOOK XVI. 93. 3-9 

family from the district Orestis.: He a was bodyguard 336/5 s.c. 

of the king and was beloved by him because of his 
beauty. When he saw that the king was becoming 
enamoured of another Pausanias (a man of the same 
name as himself), he addressed him with abusive lan- 
guage, accusing him of being a hermaphrodite and 
prompt to accept the amorous advances of any who . 
wished. Unable to endure such an iņsult, the other 
kept silent for the time, but, after confiding to Attalus, 
one of his friends, what he proposed to do, he brought 
about his own death voluntarily and in a spectacular 
fashion. For a few days after this, as Philip was 
engaged in battle with Pleurias, king of the Illyrians,? 
Pausanias stepped in front of him and, receiving on 
his body all the blows directed at the king, so met his 

The incident was widely discussed and Attalus, 
who was a member of the court circle and influential 
with the king, invited the first Pausanias to dinner 
and when he had plied him till drunk with unmixed 
wine, handed his unconscious body over to the mule- 
teers to abuse in drunken licentiousness. So he pre- 
sently recovered from his drunken stupor and, deeply 
resenting the outrage to his person, charged Attalus 
before the king with the outrage. Philip shared his 
anger at the barbarity of the act but did not wish to 
punish Attalus at that time because of their relation- 
ship, and because Attalus’s services were needed 
urgently. He was the nephew ? of the Cleopatra 

2 This battle can hardly be identified, in view of the many 
wars fought by Philip against the Illyrians. The last one 
mentioned by Diodorus was in chap. 69. 7. 

3 This is the usually stated relationship. In Book 17. 2. 3, 
Attalus is called Cleopatra’s brother, but otherwise, with 
more probability, her uncle. 





úno roô Paoiéws Kàcordrpas dðeàdiðos, ml dè 
tis mpoaneoraàpévys Õuváuews eis Tw °`Aciav 
orparnyðs mpokeyeipiopévos, év Õè Toîs modepikoîs 
dyĝcw dvòpeîos. ıórmep ò Paocieùs mpaðvaı Bov- 
Aóuevos roô Ilavoaviov tv èmi T® nmáber yeyevn- 
Lévnv ðikaiav opyùv Õwpeds déioñðyovs dréveruev 
aùr kal kara tův cwpartopvàakiav mpofyev 

94. “O è Ilavoavias dperdberov pvàdrrwv Tùv 
opyùv čomevõe uù uóvov mapà ToÔ mpdéavros Àa- 
Bev reuwpiav, dààà kal mapà To uù) Tiuwpotvros 
aùr®. covveneÀdfero è raúrns Ts mTpoarpéoews 
paora ó ocopior)s ‘Eppokpárys. roô yap Iav- 
gaviov cyoàdġovros aùT® kai karà tùv ĝiarpıfiv 
mvlouévov ms dv tıs yévorro êmihpavéorartos, ò 
cohior)s danekpiðy eè tròv tà uéyiora mpáćavra 
avéàor: TÑ yàp mept rovrov uvýuņ ovurepiàņngðý- 
oechat kat Tròv Tùv avaipeow aùroô momodpevov. 
dvevéyras ð mpòs Tův iav pyùňv ròv Àóyov kat 
õa ròv Îvpòv oùðeuiav ts yvõøuns úrépheow 
momodpevos v aùroîs Toîs Ýrokeruévois ayı TÙV 
EmPovàdy ovveoTýoaTo TOL®ÕE Tiv TpóTW. UTTOVS 
mapaornoápevos taîs mús maphàbe mpòs tràs els 
Tò Oéarpov eioððovs éywv kekpvupévyv Keàricùv 
udyaipav. Toî è Didimrmov roùs mapakoàovhoðv- 
ras þiñovs rkeàeúoavros mpoeroeàbeiv eis rò Oéarpov 
kal rÕv Õopvøópwv ðeoróøTtwv, ópðv rTòv Baosiàéa 

21 These events cannot be dated exactly, but they must 
have occurred some years before the assassination of Philip, 
perhaps as early as 344 s.c. (Berve, Alexanderreich, 2, p. 308). 


BOOK XVI. 93. 9—94. 3 

whom the king had just married as a new wife and he 336/5 s.c. 

had been selected as a general of the advanced force 
being sent into Asia, for he was a man valiant in 
battle. For these reasons, the king tried to mollify 
the righteous anger of Pausanias at his treatment, 
giving him substantial presents and advancing him 
in honour among the bodyguards. 

94. Pausanias, nevertheless, nursed his wrath im- 
placably,* and yearned to avenge himself, not only on 
the one who had done him wrong, but also on the one 
who failed to avenge him. In this design he was 
encouraged especially by the sophist Hermocrates.? 
He was his pupil, and when he asked in the course of 
his instruction how one might become most famous, 
the sophist replied that it would be by killing the one 
who had accomplished most, for just as long as he was 
remembered, so long his slayer would be remembered 
also. Pausanias connected this saying with his private 
resentment, and admitting no delay in his plans be- 
cause of his grievance he determined to act under 
cover of the festival in the following manner. He 
posted horses at the gates of the city and came to 
the entrance of the theatre carrying a Celtic dagger 
under his cloak. When Philip directed his attending 
friends to precede him into the theatre, while the 
guards kept their distance, he saw that the king was 

Pausanias waited a long time for his revenge, and it is curious 
that he chose the occasion most advantageous for Alexander. 
2 No sophist Hermocrates is otherwise known at this time, 
but it may be possible to identify this man with the gram- 
marian of the same name who is best known to fame as the 
teacher of Callimachus. For the latter cp. F. Susemihl, Ge- 
schichte der griechischen Litteratur in der Alexandrinerzeit, 
2 (1892), 668; O. Stählin, W. Schmid, W. von Christs Ge- 
schichte der griechischen Titteratur®, 2. 1 (1920), 126; 

Funaioli, Real-Encyclopädie, 8 (1913), 887 f. 


` ~ m~ 
ueuovwpévov npooéðpape kal à TÕv mÀevpôv 
b ` 
Siavraiav èvéykas màņnyiv ròv èv Paciàéa vekpòv 
z ` e 
ećéreiwev, aùròs ©’ erl ras múdas Kal ToÙS Torua- 
[A ` A ~ z0 1 ¥ bù Aè 
ouévovs npòs Tv hvyhv ébeev* immovs. eùbus Òe 
tv owparohpvàdrwv ot èv mpòs TÒ cua TOÔ 
e t a, m~ 
Baoiàéws æpunoav, ot È émi ròv troô opayéws 
Srwyuòv eéeyóðnoav,” év oîs úmfpxov kail Aeóvvaros 
` [d xy e hi la 
kal Ilepĝikkas kai ”"Arraàos. ò ðe Iavoavias 
` la rA 3 A E hI e 
npoàaßov ris Cuwéews éphaocev àv émi rov immov 
dvanņðńoas, eè uù tis únmoðéoews mepi dpureóv 
tiva mepirÀakeions ëneoev. iómep ot mept TÒvV 
$ la A 
Iepõikkav karaàaßóvres aùròv èk Tis yis dviord- 
> a 

pevov kal ovyrevroavrtes aveîàov. 
95. Dirros èv ov péyioros yevópevos TÖV 
> e ` s RES, | la 3 lA [A ` $ A 
kaf’ éavròv èni ris Eùpónmns Paciéwv kal tà Tò 
uéyebos tris apxfs éavròv roîs ŝwðera eoîs ovv- 

1 #0eev PX : ê&vébeev cet. ; ¿ĝe Dindorf. 
2 ènexúðnoav PX. 

1 The date of Philip’s death is discussed by K. J. Beloch, 
Griechische Geschichte, 3. 2 (1923), 59. The news had not 
reached Athens by the end of the civil year 337/6 B.c.; IG 
ii?. 1. 240 in the tenth prytany does not know of it. On the 
other hand, the time must be early in the summer, for Philip 
was busy with preparations for an invasion of Asia Minor. 
A possible clue to the date is furnished by the statement of 
Plutarch, Alexander, 16. 2, concerning the battle of the Gra- 
nicus: this would have taken place in the month Daesius, but 
as that was unlucky, Alexander ordered the intercalation of 
a second Artemisius. Since there is some evidence that the 
intercalary month was the last month of the regnal year, this 
establishes a certain presumption that Philip died and Alex- 
ander came to the throne in Daesius ; and this squares well 
enough with the evidence of the Attic inscription. Since 
Alexander died in Daesius, the Oxyrhynchus chronologist 
was correct in crediting him with thirteen years of reign. 
See below on Book 17. 117. 5, p. 467, note 1. 


BOOK XVI. 94. 3—95. 1 

left alone, rushed at him, pierced him through hbis 336/5 s.c. 

ribs, and stretched him out dead +; then ran for the 
gates and the horses which he had prepared for his 
flight. Immediately one group of the bodyguards 
hurried to the body of the king while the rest poured 
out in pursuit of the assassin ; among these last were 
Leonnatus and Perdiccas and Attalus.? Having a 
good start, Pausanias would have mounted his horse 
before they could catch him had he not caught his 
boot in a vine and fallen. As he was scrambling to 
his feet, Perdiccas and the rest came up with him 
and killed him with their javelins. 

95. Such was the end of Philip, who had made him- 
self the greatest of the kings in Europe in his time, 
and because of the extent of his kingdom had made 
himself a throned companion of the twelve gods.° 

2 This is presumably the son of Andromenes, who like 
Leonnatus and Perdiccas was a close friend and contemporary 
of Alexander ; probably they were his bodyguards and not 
Philip’s (the term may be used loosely ; Attalus was never 
one of Alexander’s seven or eight bodyguards proper in 
Asia, and Leonnatus not until 332/1, Perdiccas not until 330 ; 
Berve, Alexanderreich, 1. 27). Pausanias was from Orestis, 
and so were two of his slayers, while Attalus was Perdiccas’s 
brother-in-law. It is tempting to suppose that they knew 
of Pausanias’s plan and then killed him to silence him. U. 
Wilcken (SB Ak. Berlin, 1923, 151 ff.) would find in P. Ogy. 
1798 evidence that Pausanias was tried and executed, but 
the text is fragmentary and obscure, and the theory is not, 
to my mind, supported by Justin 11. 2, 1. 

3 The implication of this claim on Philip’s part was that 
he was in some fashion the equal of the Twelve and entitled 
like them to worship ; øoúvðpovos is an equivalent to oúvvaos. 
What precisely this meant to Philip and his contemporaries 
is unknown ; cp. Habicht, Gottmenschentum, 14, note 3 ; É; 
Cerfaux, J. Tondriau, Le Culte des souverains dans la civili- 
sation gréco-romaine (1956), 123-125. 



Opovov katapiðuýoas TOoLaŬTNs éTUXE TS ToÎ piov 
kataotpopis, äpéas é éT Tégoapa Tpos Toîs elkoar. 
2 oke? ò’ oros ò Pacıiàcùs édayioras pè eis TÀ 
povapxíav aġopuas mapeiànpévar, ueyiornv òè TÕv 
Tap’ “Eqo povapxiðv kaqakrýoaoĝa, nèn- 
Kkévat ÕÈ TÙV ýyepoviav oÙ% OŬTW òia rìs év roîs 
ÖTÀotS dvðpayalías Ws Ša rs év Toîs Àóyois 

3 óuÀias kal piàodpocúvns. paoi se kal aÙTÒV TÒV 
Di\rrov oeuvúveocðar pâdàov èni t orparnyıkh 
ovvéoet kal roîs ĝa rs ópAlas èmıreúypaow 

4 jrep èni TÅ kara ras páyas! dvðpeig: trÕv pèv 
yap karà Toùs dyÔvas karopfwuárwv peréyew 
dmavras Toùs oTpartevouévovs, TÖV è ta TS 
óuÀias yivopévwv èmirevyuátTwv aùtòv uóvov Àap- 
Pávew Tv èmypapýv. 

5 ‘Hues ò eneh mápeopev èm TV Didirrov 
Teàcurýv, raúrnv uev tůýv PBiBàov aùroô mepiypdyo- 
pev KaTÀ Tùv êv apx mpólecw, ris © èyouévns 
àpxiv? Tv ` Adečdvõpov mapáànņpw TÎS Paoideias 
Togápevot Tepasópeða nmepiàaßeiv árdaoas aùroô 
tàs mpáčeis év uâ PiBàw. 

1 udyas Reiske: ovppayias. 
2 tv apxiv PX ; àpxĝs cet. Hertlein deleted rùv. 


BOOK XVI. 95. 1-5 

He had ruled twenty-four years. He is known to 8386/5 s.c. 

fame as one who with but the slenderest resources to 
support his claim to a throne won for himself the 
greatest empire in the Greek world, while the growth 
of his position was not due so much to his prowess in 
arms as to his adroitness and cordiality in diplomacy. 
Philip himself is said to have been prouder of his grasp 
of strategy and his diplomatic successes than of his 
valour in actual battle. Every member of his army 
shared in the successes which were won in the field 
but he alone got credit for victories won through 

Now that we have come to the death of Philip, we 
shall conclude this book here according to our original 
statement.? Beginning the next one with Alexander’s 
accession as king we shall try to include all of his 
career in one book. 

t Diodorus mentions none of the suspicion which attached 
to Olympias and Alexander concerning the assassination of 
Philip, and his judgement on Philip is more favourable than 
that of others. Cp. Justin, 9. 7-8, and for the suspicion, 

Plutarch, Alexander, 9-10 ; Arrian, 3. 6. 5. 
2 Stated in chap. 1. 1-3 



Tõr Aroĝwpov Bóßàwv 
Ts énrakaĝekdrys eis úo Sınpnuévns 
Ñ MPOTN Tepiéyet TÕE 

Qs’ AAééavôpos ĉiaðefáuevos Thv Bariàciav katéoryoe 

Q KN ž A 3 la 3 £ 

s Tà vewTepiovra TOv vOv dvekTÁTaATO. 

‘Qs OýBas karaskáyas kat póßov érıetýoas Toîs 
"EAàņŅo. erparyyòs avrokpádrwp Ts “EAàdâos Hpébn. 

£ y , b ? 2 hj Á 3r p 

Qs ĉea bàs eis Tv 'Asiav rovs ratpádmas éviknoe repi 

N 3 z Ț z 

Tòv év Ppvyig T pavixòðv ToTapóv, 

‘Qs Miàyrov kai‘ AMrapvasoòv éĝeroiópkyoev. 

Máxy Aapeíov rpòs ’AAéfavôpov év lose ris Kidi- 
kias kal vikņy AÀeẸávõpov. 

Túpov mtoiopkia kat Aiyórtov Tapdàņyis kal mdp- 
oôos eis ”"Appwva To Bariàéws. 

Iapáraĝıs év’ Appýdors 'AAecédvðpov mpòs Aapeĉov 
kat viky’ AÀecẸdvõpov. 

2 kd 2 `‘ P £ D ld 
À Máx 'Avrımárpov rpòs Aakearpoviovs kal viry 


“H ôevrépa mepiéyet rdôe 

'Appýàwv dwois im Adeĝdvõpov kal karáànyıs 
ToàÀðv ypypárov. 



How Alexander, having succeeded to the throne, 
disposed the affairs of his kingdom (chaps. 1-7). 

How he recovered the tribes which revolted (chap. 
8. 1-2). 

How he razed Thebes to the ground and terrified 
the Greeks and was elected general plenipotentiary 
of Greece (chaps. 8. 3-16). 

How he crossed into Asia and defeated the satraps 
at the river Granicus in Phrygia (chaps. 17-21). 

How he took by siege Miletus and Halicarnassus 
(chaps. 22-27). 

The battle of Dareius against Alexander at Issus in 
Cilicia and the victory of Alexander (chaps. 30-39). 

The siege of Tyre, the occupation of Egypt, and 
the journey of the king to Ammon (chaps. 40-52). 

The battle of Alexander with Dareius at Arbela and 
the victory of Alexander (chaps 53-61). 

The battle of Antipater with the Lacedaemonians 
and the victory of Antipater (chaps. 62-63). 


The capture of Arbela by Alexander and the seizure 
of great wealth (chap. 64. 1-3). 


’Avdàņyis Tis Svváuews èv Baßvàðvı kal ðwpeat rToîs 

Ilapovría rôv årorraňévrov poÂopópov kal Tvp- 

Aidraĝıs kal kaTagkev) Ths Õvváuews. 

“Qs 'AAéfavõpos mapéàaße Zoôrav kat Toùs êv aùÙry 

‘Qs rv mapóðwv èykpar)s éyévero kal røv ôvopaço- 
pévov Zovridðwv! Ivàðv ékpáryoev. 

‘Qs roòùs dkpwrypiacbévras ‘EAàývwv eùepyérnoe kal 
Tùv Ilepréroàw rapadaßòov ĉýprasev. 

‘Qs kopdáras évérpnoe tà Barica. 

Aapelov Îdvaros rò Býrosov. 

A Àeéávõpov orpateía eis tùv “Ypraviav kaì r@v év 
aŭt þpvopévwv mapaðówv arayyeàía. 

‘Qs 'Adéfavõpos éri Mápåovs orpareóras raterodé- 
unoe Tò čĝvos. 

‘Qs Odàyorpis ý T@v 'Apafoviðwv Basıdcvovoa ovv- 
épier A Ncdvòpo. 

“Qs ó Barideùs dvikýrov éavròv efvat vopiras éhAwTe 
Ttùv Tøv Ieprâv tpvpýv. 

Erparela ' AAeẸdvõpov mpòs Troùs dpertykóras A peíovs 
kat dàwois Ths Iérpas. 

Emi Povi) roð Baridéows kaè kóñasis Tv êmiÂepévov, 
Ôv oi emipavérrtartoi Iappeviwyr kat Pràóras. 

Èrpareia A Àegdvõpov cis roùs Ilaporaviodsas kal rà 

Gé > 3 7 

1 Added by Wesseling (cp. chap. 68. 1, 2). 


The refreshment of the army in Babylon and the 
rewards given to those who had distinguished them- 
selves in service (chap. 64. 3-6). 

The arrival of the mercenaries and allies dispatched 
to him (chap. 65. 1). 

The organization and equipment of his army (chap. 
65. 2-4). 

How Alexander occupied Susa and its treasures 
(chap. 65. 5-66). 

How he mastered the passes and took possession 
of the so-called Susian Gates (chaps. 67-68). 

How he showed kindness to the Greeks who had 
been mutilated, and took and sacked Persepolis 
(chaps. 69-71). 

How he set fire to the palace in a revel (chap. 72). 

The murder of Dareius by Bessus (chap. 73. 1-4). 

The expedition of Alexander into Hyrcania and 
an account of its marvellous plants (chap. 75). 

How Alexander took the field against the Mardi 
and defeated them (chap. 76). 

How Thalestris queen of the Amazons had relations 
with Alexander (chap. 77. 1-3). 

How the king, thinking himself invincible, imitated 
the luxury of the Persians (chap. 77. 4-7). 

The campaign of Alexander against the Areii who 
had revolted and the capture of the “ Rock ” (chap. 

fhe conspiracy against the king and the punish- 
ment of the conspirators, the most distinguished 
among them being Parmenion and Philotas (chaps. 

T campaign of Alexander into the territory of 
the Paropanisadae and his adventures there (chap. 



, LA A 

‘H yevopévy èv `Apeiois povopayia kat mapáànypis Tot 

Búýorov roð dveàóvros Aapeîov Odvartos. 

~ A 

‘Qs ’AAéfavõpos Sià ris dvúðpov mapevÂeis mohdors 
aréßaňe TÔV oTpatiwTÕV. 

P e A "y 

‘Qs roùòs Bpayyxíiðas Tò radary rò Ieprøov peToiki- 
oôévras eis Trà čryara ris Barideias ðs mpoðóras T®V 
‘EMývov aveîhev A Aé£avôpos. 

‘Qs ó Barıeùs éri Zoyôravoùs kai Exúlas érTpåTevoev. 

‘Os oi mpwreúovres Zoyõiavðv dmayópevot mpòs TÒv 
Oávarov rapaðóćws éroðnoav. 

p \ 
` A 

‘Qs ’AAéfavõpos dmosrávras rToùs Zoyðiavoùs kare- 
moéunoe kaè karéorpaĝev aùt@v mÀelovs TÖV Ôwõeka 

‘Qs Baxrpiavoùs êkóñare kat Zoyõiavoùs TÒ deúTeEpov 
ahırtapévwv koàdoes. 

A lę , A b3 e A 3 ` 

mórTtavıs Tpiry Zoyĉiavðv kat QÀAWTLS TÔV EiS T)V 
llérpav karapvyóvrov. 

Iep roù év Bacisrois! kuvnyiov kal tob màýÂovs rv 
éy aùTG Onpiwrv. 

II b A 3 bS VAN £ e 7 bi A A ` 

epè TRS eis Tòv Aióvurov apaprias kat TNS TApà TÒV 
mórov avapérews KÀeiTov. 

Iepi rìs Kado hévovs Teñevris. 

Pè ri i 
lé A ra 3 

Zrpareia To Barıdéws es Toùs kadovpévovs Naúra- 
kas? kaè phopà TÅs Svvápews trò TodÀñs xióvos. 

‘Qs ” A Aéĝavêpos épac els ‘Pofdvys TIS ’Oéváprov yy- 

2O A. A 2 5 s A KN A 
pev aùTùv kat Tov hiwv moàdoùs érere ypa Tùs TOV 

érichpov Bapßápov Ovyartépas. 

1 Bazaira in Curtius, 8. 1. 10. 
2 Nautaca in Curtius, 8. 2. 19. 



The single combat that took place in the territory 
of the Areii and their annexation (chap. 83. 1-6). 

The death of Bessus, the murderer of Dareius (chap. 
83. 7-9). 

How Alexander marched through the desert and 
lost many of his men (this and the subsequent chap- 
ters are missing). 

How the Branchidae, who of old had been settled 
by the Persians on the borders of their kingdom, 
were slain by Alexander as traitors to the Greeks. 

How the king led his troops against ‘the Sogdiani 
and Scythians. 

How the chieftains of the Sogdiani, who were being 
led off to execution, were unexpectedly saved. 

How Alexander defeated the Sogdiani who had 
revolted and slew more than one hundred and twenty 
thousand of them. 

How he punished the Bactriani and subdued the 
Sogdiani a second time and founded cities in suitable 
places to restrain any who rebelled. 

The third rebellion of the Sogdiani and capture of 
those who took refuge in the “ Rock.” 

Concerning the hunt in Basista and the abundance 
of game there. 

Concerning the sin against Dionysus and the slay- 
ing of Cleitus at the drinking bout. 

Concerning the death of Callisthenes. 

The campaign of the king against the people called 
Nautaces and the destruction of the army in heavy 

How Alexander, enamoured of Roxanê, daughter 
of Oxyartes, married her and persuaded numbers of 
his friends to marry the daughters of the prominent 



` A 3 L3 w ld 
Iapaskev Ths éri Ivõoùs oTpateias. 
Eppà) eis rv 'Ivõixv kaè dvaiperis àpònv Tot 
mpúrtov éðvovs mpòs karárànéiv Tv &AÀwv. 
‘Qs rv Nvsiav òvopafopévyv móňv evepyérnoe ià 
` , DN z LA 
Tùv amò Aiovórov ovyyéverav. 
‘Qs Mdosarat móňMv òyupàv kropĝýcas roùs pioĝo- 
pópovs áravras Àaurpõs dywvirapévovs katékopev. 
‘Qs rv "Aopvov kadovpévyv Ilérpav, dváňwrov del 
yeyevnpévny, éeToMópryoTev. 
‘Os Tagiàny pèv Tòv Baridéa ræv Ivõðv rposyydyero, 
IHópov è eydy rapardfet vikýras kait TOÔ TÕpMAaTOS 
ld 3 lA ` 2 ? a 3 -3 ? 
kparýras, aréðwke Thv Basideiav aùte ôt dvõpayað iav. 
 ArayyeÀia Tøv karà tùv yúópav mapaĝófwv ðßpewv re 
kat T@v þpvopévwv kaprõv. 
‘Qs rà TÀNTiÓyw wv EÔvÂV TÀ uè í à 
nriöxwpa rv éÂvôv TÀ èv npornydyero, TÈ 
Ôè kaTemodéunoev. 
‘Qs rv órd Zwrelbyv Teraypévnv èyeipóraTo. 
II s A 3 fà A > ? a 2 d 
epi TNS eùvopias TOV êv TaÛÚTY TÅ XÓpg TóÀcwv. 
s Ph 3 kag A z 3 L wN 
Iep rĝs dperĝs TÕv wpnÂévrwv ”Aefdvõpy kvvâv, 
Iep ris dønyýrews? rob Ivõôv Baridéws. 
e y: A 
Qs rot Adefdvõpov Povdopévov ĉiaßivar tòv T'dy- 
yny ToTapòv kal orpaTteúeiv éri roùs lavõapiðas voua- 
2 e F 3 e z 
opévovs ot Maxeðőóves oùx trýkovrav, 
Qs ópia Oépevos ts orpateias ô Basıiheùs èrÑAbe rà 
Aoir rav ` Ivõðv.? 

l! Máccaya in Arrian, 4. 26. 1; Maoóya mós Strabo, 15. 1. 
27; ad Mazagas Curtius, 8. 10. 22. 
2 Dindorf would supply ®nyéws from chap. 93. 2. 



Preparation for the campaign against the Indians. 

Invasion of India and complete annihilation of their 
first nation in order to overawe the rest. 

How he benefited the city named Nysia because 
of his relationship to it through Dionysus. 

How, after plundering the stronghold of Massaca, 
he cut down all the mercenaries although they fought 
magnificently (chap. 84). 

How he took by assault the Rock called Aornus, 
which had always proved impregnable (chap. 85). 

How he won over to his side Taxiles, king of the 
Indians, and in a great engagement defeated Porus, 
took him prisoner and gave him back his throne be- 
cause of his gallant conduct (chaps. 86-89). 

An account of the marvellous serpents in the 
country and of the fruits which grow there (chap. 90). 

How he won over to his side many of the neigh- 
bouring tribes and defeated others (chap. 91. 1-4). 

How he subdued the country that was subject to 
Sopeithes (chap. 91. 4). 

Concerning the good government of the cities in 
this country (chap. 91. 4-6). 

Concerning the excellence of the dogs presented 
to Alexander (chap. 92). 

Concerning the story told by the king of the 
Indians (chap. 93. 1-3). 

How, when Alexander desired to cross the Ganges 
River and march against the people called Gandari- 
dae, the Macedonians mutinied (chaps. 93. 4-94). 

How, after marking the furthest point reached by 
his army, the king visited the remaining regions of 
the Indians (chap. 95). 

3 MSS. add xal roćevðeis èrwðývevoe, transferred by Cospus 
to follow °Qkeavóv infra. 



? N 

‘Os Sià rot Ivo? rorapot karéràevrev émè Tòv kaTa 

pernpBpiav  Nkeavóv, kat Toĝevðels ékivðvvevosev.? 
A [L 
Iep ris yevopévys povopayias ék mpokÀýorews. 
~ A 2 A 

Ilep rôv kararoheunÂévrov Ivõðv è dpporépwv tov 

uepôv ToÙ Torao péxpt TOD Qkeavoð. 
vO a , 2 ` , ` Ani i 

Ilep râv rapaðófwv? kaè vopipwv Tapa Tots EyXwpiots 

~ A $. 2 3 f 
Kat TOv Onprósn Biov éxóvtwv. 

‘Qs oi ròv Qkeavòv mÀeúravres ovvépiĝav `A Aecdvðpy 

` ? 3 , Os OEN À a 

Qs rády èkmàeúravres ToAÀùv Ts mapaßadarrias 
xópas mapéràcvrav. 

e la] A 7 [a ? ? s 

Qs rôv Ieprôv tpi pvplovs veaviskovs ériÀé$as kal 
maeúras Tà moàepmkà TV čpywv dvTíTUypaA kaTé- 
okebaure T Marovic pdñayyt. 

‘Qs “Aprados ĉà TÅv Tpvpiv kal tràs irmeppodàs rõv 
Saravnpárov ĉiaßànleis épvyev èx Baßvàðvos kat rot 
Sýpov rõv ` AÂnvalwv ikérys êyévero. 

t N 5 a o’ a 5 z ` A z 

Ns raðpàs ék Tis’ ArtTtıkis dvypéðn rat TÔv ypypárov 
e 2. ` s r ao’ / 
émrtakória èv TáÀavtra mapéĝero rois’ AOnvaiots, TeTpa- 
kir yida Ôè kal pobopópovs kraki yiàíovs? mepi Tal- 
vapov TS Aakwvikhs améMrev. 

‘Qs 'AAéfavõpos roòs yeynpakóras Tv Mareðóvov 

td ni z LA 2 3 p 
xpeoàvrýoas kat karava`ðóras púpia TAÀavTA ATÉÀAVTEV 
eis TS maTpilõas. 

‘Qs TTATLACÕVTWV rov Markeðóvøv ékóňaTe TOÙS aiTlOvs. 

1 See note 3 on page 113. 

2 So Cospus: mapaĝóoewv. 
3 So MSS. : éfakıoyıàíovs chap. 108. 6. 



How he sailed down the Indus River to the south- 
ern o and almost died of an arrow wound (chaps. 

Concerning the single combat that issued from a 
challenge (chaps. 100-101). 

Concerning the Indians whom he conquered on 
both banks of the river as far as the Ocean (chaps. 

Concerning the marvels and practices found among 
the inhabitants and about the men who live a brutish 
existence (chaps. 104-106. 3). ' 

How the naval expedition through the Ocean re- 
joined Alexander` as he was encamped by the sea 
and gave an account of their voyage (chap. 106. 4-7). 

How again setting sail they skirted a long expanse 
of coastline (chap. 107. 1). 

How he selected thirty thousand young Persians, 
trained them in military exercises and formed them 
into a counterpart of his Macedonian phalanx (chap. 
108. 1-3). 

How Harpalus, who was accused of luxurious living 
and excessive expenditures, fled from Babylon and 
sought the protection of the people of Athens (chap. 
108. 4-7). 

How he fled from Attica and was killed; he had 
deposited seven hundred talents of his money with 
the Athenians and placed four thousand talents and 
eight thousand mercenaries on Taenarum in Laconia 
(chap. 108. 7-8). 

How Alexander, having paid the debts of his 
veteran Macedonians, which cost him ten thousand 
talents, returned them to their homes (chap. 109. 1-2). 

How the Macedonians revolted and he punished 
their ringleaders (chap. 109. 2-3). 



‘Qs Mevréorys yaye mpòs’AAéfavõpov ék tôv Ileprov 
èmıÀéas roĝóras kat ogdevõovýras pvpiovs.* 

Qs ràs ráĉes ó Bacıideùs émoisev avapíĝas Toîs 
Maxesóoı IMépras. 

‘Qs roîs èmiyóvois mairi puplois ort tàs arávas kal 
maseias po hoùs árar éxophyet. 

‘Qs Aewrbévys parto kiveîv Tòv Tpòs Maxeôóvas Tóàe- 

‘Qs ’AAéfavõpos êrì Koosaiovs ésrpáreroev. 

‘Qs ropevpévov To Barıéws eis Baßvàóva rpoeîrov 
oi Kaàðaiot tG 'Adefdvåpy Teheurýoeiv aðróv, éðv eis 
thv Baßvàðva eicéàby. 

‘Qs ó Baorheds év px pèv kareràdyn kat Tapýà- 
Aage tùův Baßvàðva, Čorepov © rò röv ‘EAàyvikðv 
piàocópov regeis karývryoev eis Thv mów. 

Ilep rob rÀýÂovs rôv rapayevopévov mper perv. 

Ilep ris ‘Hpairiwvos rapis kaè roð rÀýhovs tõv eis 
aùrhv čaravnÂévrwv xpnpáTwv. 

Ilep rôv oypelwv rõv yeyernpévov  Adeédvõpy kaè TÅS 

1 So MSS.: ŝıouvpíovs Cospus, cp. Arrian, 7. 23. 1. 



How Peucestes brought to Alexander ten thousand 
bowmen and slingers whom he had recruited from 
among the Persians (chap. 110. 2). 

How the king reorganized his army by interming- 
ling Persians with Macedonians (chap. 110. 1). 

How he paid expenses and educational fees for all 
the soldiers’ children, ten thousand in number (chap. 
110. 3). 

How Leosthenes made preparations for starting a 
war against the Macedonians (chap. 111. 1-3). 

How Alexander campaigned against the Cossaeans 
(chap. 111. 4-6). : 

How, as the king was on his way to Babylon, the 
Chaldaeans prophesied to Alexander that he would 
die if he entered Babylon (chap. 112. 1-3). 

How the king at first was frightened and passed 
Babylon by, but later, persuaded by the Greek philo- 
sophers, entered the city (chap. 112. 4-6). 

Concerning the multitude of embassies that arrived 
there (chap. 113). 

Concerning the funeral of Hephaestion and the 
large sum expended on it (chaps. 114-115). 

Concerning the omens that appeared to Alexander 
and concerning his death (chaps. 116-118). 



‘H uèv mpò traúrys púpos, ooa TÌS ŠANS 
a da éEkaDekdTh, TV Apxùv čoxev ano TÎsS 
Diinnov TOÔ ’Auóvrov Paocideias: mepreýpðnoav 
Ò èv aùr) mpáčers at èv roô Didinrov nâca 
pÊXpt TS TedevTisS, ai ðè TÕv AAW Paoidéwv TE 
kat eĝvôv kal móňcwv ó oat yeyóvaoı KATA TOÙS Ts 
Paoideias TaúTns Xpóvovs, õvras erôv eikoct kal 
2 recodpwv. èv raúrņ ôè tàs ovveyeîs mpaées 
avaypádhovres apćtópeða pėv aro Tîs  AAegdvðpov 
Bacıdeias, mepiňaßóvres è Tà TOÚTW TÖ Paoide? 
mpaxhévra uéxpi TS TeÀevris ovvavaypdjopev kal 
Tà dpa ToŬúrTois ovvreàeolévra èv Tois yvwpigo- 
évois uépeot Tis oikovuévņs: oðtrw yàp párta 
Únoàaußdvouev tràs mpáćeis eùuvnuoveðrovs éoe- 
olai, kepañarwdðs rTehcicas kail ovveyès xovcas 
raîs apyaîs rò Téàos. 

Ev óàlyw è ypõővw peydàas mpdéeis oros ô 
Baoieùs karerpydoaro kal Õià Tiv iiav oúveciv 
Te kal avõpeiav únepeßdàero TÔ peyéber rÕv épywv 
návras Troùs Ë alvos TÅ výuņ nmapaðeðouévovs 
4 Bacıideîs: èv ëreci yap Õwðeka karaortpepduevos 
tis pèv Eùpwrns oùk diya, rùv è `Aciav oyeðòv 
dnacav eikórws nepıpónrov oye tův ðóčav kal 
roîs maàuioîs pwo kal Ņuihéors iodbovoav. dààà 
yap oùk avaykatov ýuîv êv TÔ Tmpooruiw Tmpoàap- 


1. The preceding book, which was the sixteenth of 
the Histories, began with the coronation of Philip the 
son of Amyntas and included his whole career down 
to his death, together with those events connected 
with other kings, peoples and cities which occurred 
in the years of his reign, twenty-four in number. In 
this book we shall continue the systematic narrative 
beginning with the accession of Alexander, and in- 
clude both the history of this king down to his death 
as well as contemporary events in the known parts of 
the world. This is the best method, I think, of en- 
suring that events will be remembered, for thus the 
material is arranged topically, and each story is told 
without interruption. 

Alexander accomplished great things in a short 
space of time, and by his acumen and courage sur- 
passed in the magnitude of his achievements all kings 
whose memory is recorded from the beginning of 
time. In twelve years he conquered no small part of 
Europe and practically all of Asia, and so acquired a 
fabulous reputation like that of the heroes and demi- 
gods of old. But there is really no need to anticipate 



Bávew tre rÕv karwpfwpévuv roúrw rÔ ßaoideî: 
aùral yàp al karà pépos mpaćeis ikavõðs unvúcovot 
57ò péyebos rs déns aŭro. ’Adétavðpos ov 
yeyovæs karà marépa èv a$ ‘Hpakàéovs, karà 
òè uņnrépa rÔv Alakıĝðv oireiav ëoye Tv púow 
kal Tv aperhv Tis rÕv mpoyóvwv eùðočías. ńueîs 
Sè roùs dpuórrovras T ypa xpõvovs mapaĝévres 
emi ràs oikeias tijs Úrmokeiuévns iorTopias mpåķes 
rpepópela. i 

2. Er àpyovros yap ` Abývnow Eùawérov “Pw- 
paîot karéornoav úndrovs Aeúkiov Ďoŭúpiov kał 
I'diov Maviov. ènmi è roúrwv °`Aàééavõpos rade- 
Éduevos Tùv Baciàciav mpõrov èv roùs poveîs roû 
martpòs Ts dpuotoúoņs Ttıuwpias ŅÉiwoe, perà 
òè rara rs raps To yovéws Tùv evõeyouévnv 
dpxův moù káiov Ñ) mávres mpooeðókyoav. véos 
yap æv mavredðs kal ða Tyv hAkiav Úrnő Twwv 
karadpovoúuevos mpôrTov uèv Tà TAON oikelois 
Aóyois mapeorýoaro mpos eùvorav: ë$n yàp voua 
póvov ôinàdybaı Bacidéws, tàs Sè mpdéeis yerpio- 
Oýocohat uyðèv karaðeéorepov TiS ni To0 martTpòs 
yevoévys oikovouias’ čmerra raîs npeoßeiars xp- 

1 Plutarch, Alexander, 2. 1. Alexander’s most prominent 
ancestor on his mother’s side was Achilles. Both the Aeacids 
and the Argeads traced their ancestry back to Zeus. 

2 Evaenetus was archon from July 335 to June 334 B.c. 
Broughton (1. 138) gives the consuls of 338 s.c. as L. Furius 
Camillus and C. Maenius. 

3 Diodorus has not previously suggested that any others 
knew of the plans of Pausanias, who was killed immediately 
and so could not reveal any accomplices (Book 16. 94. 4). 
Alexander himself was the principal beneficiary of the 

BOOK XVII. 1. 4—2. 2 

in the introduction any of the accomplishments of this 
king ; his deeds reported one by one will attest suffi- 
ciently the greatness of his glory. On his father’s side 
Alexander was a descendant of Heracles and on his 
mother’s he could claim the blood of the Aeacids, so 
that from his ancestors on both sides he inherited the 
physical and moral qualities of greatness.! Pointing 
out as we proceed the chronology of events, we shall 
pass on to the happenings which concern our history. 

2. When Evaenetus was archon at Athens, the 
Romans elected as consuls Lucius Furius and Gaius 
Manius.? In this year Alexander, succeeding to the 
throne, first inflicted due punishment on his father’s 
murderers, and then devoted himself to the funeral 
of his father. He established his authority far more 
firmly than any did in fact suppose possible, for 
he was quite young and for this reason not uniformly 
respected, but first he promptly won over the Mace- 
donians to his support by tactful statements. He de- 
clared that the king was changed only in name and 
that the state would be run on principles no less effec- 
tive than those of his father’s administration. Then 
he addressed himself to the embassies which were 

murder, and he has been suspected of complicity, especially 
because, as only half of Macedonian blood, he was not uni- 
versally popular. At all events, the known victims of this 
purge were Alexander’s own rivals : his older cousin Amyn- 
tas, son of King Perdiccas III ; the family of Alexander of 
Lyncestis, although he himself was spared; and Philip’s 
wife Cleopatra and her infant daughter, killed by Olympias. 
These murders were not forgotten (Plutarch, Alexander, 10. 
4: On the Fortune of Alexander, 1. 3. 327 c; Curtius, 6. 9. 
17 and 10.24 ; Justin, 11. 2. 1-3 and 12. 6. 14). These events 
are ignored by Arrian, and Curtius’s preserved narrative 
begins only when Alexander was in Phrygia. 
4 Justin, 11. 1. 8. 


335/4 B.C. 


paricsas hiàavôpóærnws mapekdàeoce roùs “Ednvas 
Tnpeiv tùv mpòs aùrov matporapáðorov eùvoiav. 

3 rÔv è orpariwtTÕv mvkvàs momoduevos ékoràoias 
ueàéras Te kal yvpvacias moàeikas ceùnebi karte- 
okeúace Tv úvapv. 

"Eywv ðe ris PBacıcias ëpeðpov ”Arradov Tòv 
aðeàdov Kàcordrpas ris èmiyaunheions rò Pı- 
Àinnmov Torov ékpwev êk ToÔ Chv peraorhoav kai 
yap èrúyyave maôíov èk rijs Kàeorárpas yeyovòs 
T Dinny ris redeurijs roô Baciéws ðàlyais 

4 mpórtepov ńuépas. ó & ”Arraños mpoaneoraà- 
pévos v eis rhv °`Aclav orparnyòs trv vvápewv 
pera Ilappeviwvos, eùepyerikòs Ò &v ral raîs 
óuiàiais èkbepareóúwv roùs ortparıórTas peyáàns 
erúyyavev amroðoyñs v rÔ orparoréðw. eùÀóyws 
ov Torov eðdapeîro rore ts apxis dvrirorý- 
antar cvuvepyoùs Aaßov rÊv ‘Eààńvwv roùs vav- 

5 riovpévovs éavr®. Šórep rÕv piňwv mpoyeipiod- 
pevos ‘Ekxaratov éfaréoreiriev eis Tv °Aciav perà 
rÔv ikavôv otparıwrtÕv, oùs évroààs udora 
èv ayayeŭv CÕvra ròv ”Arrañov, êav è roro uÙ 
Súvnraı karepyácacðar, Soopovioat ròv ävëpa 

6 rùv Tayiornv. oêros pèv oĝv ĵiaßàs els rùv ° Aoiav 
kai ovupiéas roîs mepi ròv Iapueviwva kal ”Ar- 
TaÀov èmerýper TÒV kapòv TS mpokeyeiptouévns 

3.  Aàééavõðpos è mulóuevos moods rv ‘EÀ- 
ÀAńvæv pereópovs eivat mpòs kawoTouiav eis moÀàùv 

2 aywviav evémimrev. ’Abnvaîot uèv yàp Anpocbé- 
vovs ðnuaywyoðvros kara rv Makeðóvwv túv re 

1? In Book 16. 93. 9, Attalus was called Cleopatra’s nephew, 
but he was apparently her uncle and guardian (Berve, Alex- 

BOOK XVII. 2. 2—3. 2 

present and in affable fashion bade the Greeks main- 335/4 s.c. 

tain towards him the loyalty which they had shown 
to his father. He busied his soldiers with constant 
training in the use of their weapons and with tactical 
exercises, and established discipline in the army. 

A possible rival for the throne remained in Attalus, 
who was the brother of Cleopatra, the last wife of 
Philip, and Alexander determined to kill him. As a 
matter of fact, Cleopatra had borne a child to 
Philip a few days before his death.! Attalus had 
been sent on ahead into Asia to share the command 
of the forces with Parmenion and had acquired great 
popularity in the army by his readiness to do favours 
and his easy bearing with the soldiers. Alexander 
had good reason to fear that he might challenge his 
rule, making common cause with those of the Greeks 
who opposed him, and selected from among his 
friends a certain Hecataeus and sent him off to Asia 
with a number of soldiers, under orders to bring 
back Attalus alive if he could, but if not, to assassinate 
him as quickly as possible. So he crossed over into 
Asia, joined Parmenion and Attalus and awaited an 
opportunity to carry out his mission. 

3. Alexander knew that many of the Greeks were 
anxious to revolt, and was seriously worried. In 
Athens, where Demosthenes kept agitating against 

anderreich, 2. 94). He may well have been disaffected because 
of the murder of Cleopatra and her daughter, but he had no 
known claim upon the throne of Macedonia. He was, at all 
events, loyal to Philip and hostile to Philip’s assassin (Book 
16. 93. 5-9). 



* A bd [A 3 ` A e 
Pirinnrov reàeuriv douévws Nkovoav kat TÅS Nye- 
povias rôv ‘EàMńvwv oùxk e£eyøwpovv Tots Maxe- 

óo, ianpeofevodpevot è mpòs ”Arradov év 
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Ea ~ > JA 
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Airwàol òè kardyeiw roùs e£ ° Arapvavias puya- 
Sas épnpicavro cià Dinrrov neipav eiànpóras ths 
pvyĝs. `Apßpakıiðraı è merohévres ` Apiordpyw 
Tùy pèv nrò Dinrov karaorabeîcav povpàv 
Er ` ` ld ? + ò A 8 š 
eééßBadov, tiv Sè mów ênoiņoav ðnpokpareîohar 

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ppovpàv èkßaàciv èpnpisavro, r © °’ Adcédvròpw 
u) ovyywpeiv riv rv ‘EdMývwv hyeuoviav. °Ap- 
káðes ðe oùre Piirnw ovveywpnoav tv hyeuo- 

ld 2 m e Z y 3 9? 2 
viav põvor rv ‘Edivæv oùr 'Aàecédvòpw rpoc- 

L4 m~ > EA d > ~ ` 
5 éoyov: rv © dwy Iedorovvyoiwv ° Apyeîoi kai 
° Hàeîoi kai Aakeĝaruóviot kai tives ETepot mpòs 
Tv aùTovouiav ©puNoav. TÖV ÖÈ ÚTNEPOLKOÝVTWV 

y # 3 Can kd 3) 7 ` 3 l 
tùv Mareðoviav éhvõv oùk ðàiya mpòs dnóoracw 
öpua kat TOA) Tapay) kareîye ToÙs TÕE karor- 
kovras Papßpápovs. 

AAN uws TmAkoúrwv mpayudrwv kat TocoŬ- 
Twv póßwv kareyóvræwv rýv Bacideiav ° AàéEavõpos 
Òvoyep mapaðófws kai ovvróuws kaTeorýoaTto' 
os èv yàp merlo? ià ris dias mpoonyáyero, 

a $ l TA A ` + lA 
oùs è pófw ewphwoarto, Twàs Sè Pia yerpwod- 
evos Únmnkóovs mtorýoaTto. 

LA ` ` e z "a ka 

4. Ipõrovs è Oerradoùs únouvýoas ts ap- 

ł Justin, 11. 2. 4-5. Aristarchus, presumably an Ambra- 
ciot, is otherwise unknown. Diodorus has inverted the rôles of 

BOOK XVII. 3. 2—4. 1 

Macedon, the news of Philip’s death was received 335/4 s.c. 

with rejoicing, and the Athenians were not ready to 
concede the leading position among the Greeks to 
Macedon. They communicated secretly with Attalus 
and arranged to co-operate with him, and they en- 
couraged many of the cities to strike for their free- 

The Aetolians voted to restore those of the Acar- 
nanians who had experienced exile because of Philip. 
The Ambraciots were persuaded by one Aristarchus 
to expel the garrison placed in their city by Philip 
and to transform their government into a democracy. 
Similarly, the Thebans voted to drive out the garrison 
in the Cadmeia and not to concede to Alexander the 
leadership of the Greeks. The Arcadians alone of 
the Greeks had never acknowledged Philip’s leader- 
ship nor did they now recognize that of Alexander. 
Otherwise in the Peloponnesus the Argives and 
Eleians and Lacedaemonians, with others, moved to 
recover their independence.! Beyond the frontiers of 
Macedonia, many tribes moved toward revolt and a 
general feeling of unrest swept through the natives 
in that quarter.? 

But, for all the problems and fears that beset his 
kingdom on every side, Alexander, who had only just 
reached manhood, brought everything into order im- 
pressively and swiftly. Some he won by persuasion 
and diplomacy, others he frightened into keeping the 
peace,? but some had to be mastered by force and so 
reduced to submission. 

4. First he dealt with the Thessalians, reminding 
the Arcadians and the Lacedaemonians ; it was the latter who 
had never been subject to Philip. Cp. further below, chap. 4. 

2 Cp. below, chap. 8. 1. 
3 Arrian, 1. 1. 3 (with reference to Athens). 



xaias ap’ ‘Hparkàéovs ovyyeveias kat Adyois pidav- 
Opónrois, ére è peydàais rayyeiais perewpisas 
Eneoe Tv matponrapdõortov hyepoviav rijs ‘EAdõos 
aùr ovyxywpoa kow ts OQerradias ðóyparı. 

2 uera è roúrovs tà ovuvopitovra! rôv èbvõv els 
Tv poiav eùvorav mpocayayó evos maphÀbev els 
Ióas kai rò rôv ` Augıkrvóvwv ovvéðpiov ovvaya- 
yov émewev éavr® kow Öóyparı Öobğvar TÅV 

3 rðv ‘EdMývwv hyepoviav. roîs © °`ApußbpakıórTais 
cranrpeopevópevos kai piňavðpórnws ópàýoas čne- 
cev aùroùs Ppaye? mpoeiànpévai rhv uéààovoav úr 
aùroĵ iðoohaı pera mpohvpias aùrovopiav. 

4 Ilpòs è riv karádràņnéw rv aneloivrwv ye 
Tùv úvaıv Tv Makeðóvwv kekosunuévyv kara- 
mÀnkTikÕsS. teiars è raîs dðorroplais ypnoápe- 
vos kev eis ùv Bowwriav kal mànoiov ris Kaĝ- 
pelas karaorparoneceóoas ènéornoe ròv póßov 

5 ri móde rõv Onfaiwv. rab’ ôv ù ypóvov *Aby- 
vaot mvðópevor Tův eis Bowwriav nmápoĝov roô 
Paoiàéws tÑs mpoŭïnapyovons karaġpovýocews àrd- 
orņnoav' yàp ŻýTNs ToÔ veavíokov kal ý Sià TÔv 
mpágcewv èvépyera Toùs dÀdotpio$povoðvras ueydá- 

6 Aws eéénànrrev. Sıðrep `Abnvaîor rà pèv ånò Tis 
xópas &fņpicavro kararouitew, rÔv ŝè TEXÕV 
TÅV evõeyouévnv emiuéiciav moieîohar mpòs Sè ròv 
’Aàéfavðpov mpégßeis éfanréoreiav, déroûvres ovy- 
yvóunv čyew, eè Thv ýyepoviav ù Tayéws ovyyw- 

7 Ev ðè Toîs mpéoßeot kal Anpoobévns èrneugpheis 
où ouvhAbe perà rõv ÄAàwv mpòs ròv ’Adétavôpov, 
dA’ êr roô KiÂarpõvos dvékappev eis tàs `Abńvas, 

1 So Dindorf (cp. chaps. 76. 1, 96. 3): oùs auvoplčovras. 

BOOK XVII. 4. 1-7 

them of his ancient relationship to them through 335/4 s.c. 

Heracles and raising their hopes by kindly words and 
by rich promises as well, and prevailed upon them 
by formal vote of the Thessalian League to recognize 
as his the leadership of Greece which he had inherited 
from his father. Next he won over the neighbouring 
tribes similarly, and so marched down to Pylae, 
where he convened the assembly of the Amphictyons 
and had them pass a resolution granting him the 
leadership of the Greeks. He gave audience to the 
envoys of the Ambraciots and, addressing them in 
friendly fashion, convinced them that they had been 
only a little premature in grasping the independence 
that he was on the point of giving them voluntarily. 

In order to overawe those who refused to yield 
otherwise, he set out at the head of the army of the 
Macedonians in full battle array. With forced 
marches he arrived in Boeotia and encamping near 
the Cadmeia threw the city of the Thebans into a 
panic. As the Athenians immediately learned that 
the king had passed into Boeotia, they too abandoned 
their previous refusal to take him seriously. So much 
the rapid moves and energetic action of the young 
man shook the confidence of those who opposed him. 
The Athenians, accordingly, voted to bring into the 
city their property scattered throughout Attica and 
to look to the repair of their walls, but they also sent 
envoys to Alexander, asking forgiveness for tardy 
recognition of his leadership. 

Even Demosthenes was included among the en- 
voys; he did not, however, go with the others to 
Alexander, but turned back at Cithaeron and re- 

1 Justin, 11. 3. 1-2. Alexander had in Achilles a common 
ancestor with the Aleuadae of Larissa. 



eire Šia ra meroùrevpéva karà Makeðóvwv opn- 
leis, eire Bovàópevos tT® Paci rôv Ilepoðv 
8 dueprrov aúròv iadvàdrrew. modà yàp xph- 
pard aow aùròv eiàņndévai mapa Ilepoðv, tva 
moùreúnrat karà Makeðóvav: mepi ðv kal Tòv 
Aloyiwvnyv paciv òveðitovra T® Anpochévet kard 
Twa Àdyov Tùv wpoðokiav ciretv, Nv pévror TÙv 
dardvyy émikékàvrev aùroô rò Baciùıkòv ypvoiov. 
éorar è ovðè roô? ikavõv’ oùðeis yàp MØTOTE 
9 mÀoŬrTos Tpõrmov novnpoð mepieyévero. o è’ AAéé- 
avõðpos toîs mpéopeoi rõÕv ° Alnvaiwv piàavbpórovs 
darokpiceis oùs améàvoe To modo póßov rTòv 

To & '`Adecédvõpov mapayyeidavros eis Kopu- 
Qov dravrâv rás re mpeoßeias kal roùs ovvéðpovs, 
ened) ovvàlov ot ovveðpeveiw elwlóres, ðradey- 
Ocis ò Bacideùs kal Àóyois èmeikéot ypnoduevos 
enee Tos “EAnvas ynoicachai orparnyòv aùro- 
kpáropa ris ‘“Eàdõos ecîvaı ròv '’Aàétavðpov kal 
ovorpareðei éri roùs [lépoas úrèp © eis rovs EÀ- 
Àņvas ééńýpaprov. ruy&v ğè ravrns rs tufs ô 
Basics êmavijàbe perà ris ðvvápews eis Maxe- 

5. “Hpueîs & emet rà rara thv ‘Eddõa ShAbo- 
pev, peraĝıpdoouev ròv Àóyov èri tràs karà TÙ 
’Aciav npáéeis. perà yàp rhv Piimrov redev- 
Tùv "ATrados TÒ èv mpõTov éreyeipei vewrepitew 
kal mpòs `Alyvaiovs ovveribero koworpayiav kar 
’A\cEdvðpov, vorepov è peravońoas Tv èv àro- 
õoleiosav aùr mapa Anuoolévovs èmioroàùv TN- 
pýoas dnméoreie mpòs `Aàééavðpov kal Adyois 
diàavôpórois èreipâro tràs ka’ aúroô ĝiaßoààs 

BOOK XVII. 4. 7—5. 1 

turned to Athens, whether fearful because of the 8335/4 r.c. 

anti-Macedonian course that he had pursued in poli- 
tics, or merely wishing to leave no ground of com- 
plaint to the king of Persia. He was generally 
believed to have received large sums of money from 
that source in payment for his efforts to check the 
Macedonians, and indeed Aeschines is said to have 
referred to this in a speech when he taunted Demos- 
thenes with his venality : “ At the moment, it is 
true, his extravagance has been glutted by the king’s 
gold, but even this will not satisfy him ; no wealth 
has ever proved sufficient for a greedy character.” 1 
Alexander addressed the Athenian envoys kindly and 
freed the people from their acute terror. 

Then he called a meeting at Corinth of envoys and 
delegates, and when the usual representatives came, 
he spoke to them in moderate terms and had them 
pass a resolution appointing him general plenipo- 
tentiary of the Greeks and undertaking themselves 
to join in an expedition against Persia seeking satis- 
faction for the offences which the Persians had com- 
mitted against Greece.? Successful in this, the king 
returned to Macedonia with his army. 

5. Now that we have described what took place in 
Greece, we shall shift our account to the events in 
Asia. Here, immediately after the death of Philip, 
Attalus actually had set his hand to revolt and had 
agreed with the Athenians to undertake joint action 
against Alexander, but later he changed his mind. 
Preserving the letter which had been brought to him 
from Demosthenes,? he sent it off to Alexander and 
tried by expressions of loyalty to remove from him- 

1 Aeschines, 3. 173, with a slightly different word order. 
2 Justin, 11. 2. 5. 3 Plutarch, Demosthenes, 23. 2. 

VOL. VIII F 129 



2 årorpipeobar: roô & ‘Ekaralov karà tàs toô Pa- 
oiÀdws evroààs Sododovýoavros röv” Arradov ý pèv 
karà t)v `Aciav rôv Mareðóvwv Súvapıs rav- 
carto ToÎÔ uerewpiteobai mpòs aróortacw, To pèv 
? Arráàov mepovevuévov, roô õè Iappeviwvos oikeid- 
rara ðiakeipévou mpòs ` Aàéfavòpov. 

Ilepl dè ris rôv IHepoôv Baoidcias péddovras 
hus dvaypáģew àvaykatóv ori Řpayù roîs xpó- 
vois npoavañaßeiv rùv ioropiav. Ọıàinrov yàp 
črt Baociieúovros pye rôv Ilepoðv °Qyos rai 
npocepépero roîs órorerayuévois wus Kal Piaiws. 
uigovpévov è aùroô à Tùv yaderórnra TÕV 
tpórwv Baywas ó yıàiapyos, eùvoðyos èv &v TÙV 
Eéw, movnpòs Õè kal moàepikòs Thv púow, dvete 
dapudkw ròv “Qyov ıd Tiwos iatpoð, Tòv è vew- 
rarov TÕv viðv roô Baoidéws Apor’ eiohyayev 
4 eis T)v Baociàelav. dveîàe òè kat roùs dòcàhoùs ToÔ 
Bacıàéws, õðvras véovs mavreðs, ôTmws povwleis ó 
veaviokos uÂdov Ýmýkoos aùT® yévntTat. ToÔ Òè 
pepakiov Taîs yevopévais Tapavoulats mpockó- 
nrovros kal pavepoð kabeorðrTos Ört TIuwpPHOETAL 
Tòv avlévryv trÕv dvouņuárwv, phdoas aùroð ràs 
emBovàas ð Bayas aveîàe ròv `Apoùv uera rÔv 
5 rékvwv rtpirov éros Ņòn PBaciàevovra. èpńuov ð 
òvros To Pacıàéws orkov kal unòevòs övros Tob 

1 Apor] ° Apoñv F. 

1 Continued from chap. 2, above. Itis incredible that the 
assassination of Attalus could have occurred without the 


BOOK XVII. 5. 1-5 

self any possible suspicion. Hecataeus, however, fol- 835/4 r.c. 

lowing the instructions of the king literally, had him 
killed by treachery,!: and thereafter the Macedonian 
forces in Asia were free from any incitement to re- 
volution, Attalus being dead and Parmenion com- 
pletely devoted to Alexander. 

As our narrative is now to treat of the kingdom of 
the Persians, we must go back a little to pick up the 
thread.? While Philip was still king, Ochus °? ruled 
the Persians and oppressed his subjects cruelly and 
harshly. Since his savage disposition made him 
hated, the chiliarch Bagoas, a eunuch in physical fact 
but a militant rogue in disposition, killed him by 
poison administered by a certain physician and placed 
upon the throne the youngest of his sons, Arses. He 
similarly made away with the brothers of the new 
king, who were barely of age, in order that the young 
man might be isolated and tractable to his control. 
But the young king let it be known that he was of- 
fended at Bagoas’s previous outrageous behaviour 
and was prepared to punish the author of these crimes, 
so Bagoas anticipated his intentions and killed Arses 
and his children also while he was still in the third 
year of his reign.t The royal house was thus ex- 
tinguished, and there was no one in the direct line of 

connivance of Parmenion, who may have been pleased to be 
rid of the head of a rival faction at court (but Curtius, 6. 9. 18, 
reports that Attalus was Parmenion’s son-in-law). And 
Attalus could not be left alive after the execution of his niece. 

2 Continued from Book 16. 52. Cp. Justin, 10. 3. 

3? Ochus has been mentioned previously by his throne name 

4 The king lists give Arses two years, 338-336 s.c., but he 
was in his third regnal year at the time of his death. His 
second year, 337/6 B.c., was the only full one which he 



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npockaàceoduevos Tòv Baywav kal oùs TÒ moTNprov 
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epoôv povouayĵoat Aos èv oùðeis êróàunoev 
úÚrakoðsat, póvos è Aapeîos úrooràs rov kivĝvvov 
Tòv mpokaàceoduevov ATékTewev kal ÙTmÒ uèv TOÔ 
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mañov Ti KaT AÀééavðpov dperñ avvepn ToÀdoùs 
kai peydàovs dyðvas ovorfvat mept TOÔ Tmpwreiov. 
daÀÀdà mept pèv Troúrwv ai katrà pépos mpáće:s 
ékaora nàwcovow: hues Ò eml rò ovveyès Ths 
ioropias tpepópeba. 

BOOK XVII. 5. 5—6. 3 

descent to claim the throne. Instead Bagoas selected 335/4 s.c. 

a certain Dareius, a member of the court circle, 
and secured the throne for him. He was the son of 
Arsanes, and grandson of that Ostanes who was a 
brother of Artaxerxes, who had been king.! As to 
Bagoas, an odd thing happened to him and one to 
point a moral. Pursuing his habitual savagery he 
attempted to remove Dareius by poison. The plan 
leaked out, however, and the king, calling upon 
Bagoas, as it were, to drink to him a toast and hand- 
ing him his own cup compelled him to take his own 
medicine. ' 

6. Dareius’s selection for the throne was based on 
his known bravery, in which quality he far surpassed 
the other Persians. Once when King Artaxerxes ? 
was campaigning against the Cadusians, one of them 
with a wide reputation for strength and courage 
challenged a volunteer among the Persians to fight in 
single combat with him. No other dared accept, but 
Dareius alone entered the contest and slew the chal- 
lenger, being honoured in consequence by the king 
with rich gifts, while among the Persians he was con- 
ceded the first place in prowess. It was because of 
this prowess that he was thought worthy to take over 
the kingship. This happened about the same time 
as Philip died and Alexander became king. 

Such was the man whom fate had selected to be 
the antagonist of Alexander’s genius, and they op- 
posed one another in many and great struggles for 
the supremacy. These our detailed narrative will de- 
scribe in each case. And we may now proceed with 
our story. 

1 Artaxerxes II, 405-8359 s.c. 
2 Artaxerxes III (Ochus), 359-338 s.c. 



7. Aapeîos yap mapaàaßav tùy Baocidelav pò 
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xtÀiovs mpocéraće mapeňðetv émi mów Kúćikov kal 
nepohla raúryv yepwocaoðlat. oros uèv oĝv 
` ~ “~ “~ 
ETA TocovTwv otpariwrÂv npoñye ĝia ris Ins. 
ow 5 A x 
4 Tò & õpos roro uvhooyoðoi tives Tvyeðv rav- 
m~ l4 m~ 
TNS TS mpoonyopias anrò tris Meùocéws "Iõns. 
l ~ 
péyiotov © ónrdpxov TÔv karà ròv ‘Edàńorovrov 
ua AJ a 
EXEL KaTà TÒ uécov dvrpov Îeonpenés, èv ® hao 
a ` 
5 kpiðĝvar tàs Îeàs óm’ 'Adcédvõpov. yevéobar &’ 
? p: 
€v roúrw Àéyeraı kal roùs 'Iêaiovs Aakrúódovs, 
4 P bd 2 
oùs oðnpov pyádoaoĝðar mpærovs, pabóvras Tùv 
? ! “~ A m 
epyaciav mapa tis rv Îeðv unrps. tiov Õé ri 
X z A 
kal mapdõðofov ovußaivet yiveohaı mepi toro rò 

1 ŝia added by Kallenberg (cp. chap. 4. 5). 

BOOK XVII. 7. 1—5 

7. Dareius became king before the death of Philip 335/4 s.c. 

and thought to turn the coming war back upon Mace- 
donia, but when Philip died, Dareius was relieved of 
his anxiety and despised the youth of Alexander. 
Soon, however, when Alexander’s vigour and rapidity 
of action had secured for him the leadership of all 
Greece and made evident the ability of the young 
man, then Dareius took warning and began to pay 
serious attention to his forces. He fitted out a large 
number of ships of war and assembled numerous 
strong armies, choosing at the same time his best 
commanders, among whom was Memnon ‘of Rhodes, 
outstanding in courage and in strategic grasp. The 
king gave him five thousand ? mercenaries and ordered 
him to march to Cyzicus and to try to get possession 
of it. With this force, accordingly, Memnon marched 
on across the range of Mt. Ida. 

Some tell the story that this mountain got its name 
from Ida, the daughter of Melisseus.* It is the 
highest mountain in the region of the Hellespont and 
there is in its midst a remarkable cave in which they 
say the goddesses were judged by Alexander.+t On 
this mountain are supposed to have lived the Idaean 
Dactyls who first worked iron, having learned their 
skill from the Mother of the Gods. An odd occur- 
rence has been observed in connection with this 
mountain which is known nowhere else. About the 

1 See Book 16. 52. 4. 

2 This number seems small for the task assigned Memnon, 
but it is hardly likely that it should be emended to 50,000, the 
total number of the King’s Greek mercenaries (Curtius, 5. 
11. 5). Polyaenus refers to Memnon’s 4000 troops (5. 44. 4). 

3 Melisseus, king of Crete, is reported to have been the 
father of Adrasteia and Ida, to whom the infant Zeus was 

given to nurse (Book 5. 70. 2). See Apollodorus, 1. 1. 6. 
4 The Judgement of Paris. 5 See Book 5. 64. 3-5. 






Öpos. Karà yàp TÅùV TOÔ kuvòs ÈmTOÀÑv em äkpas 
ris kopvps à Tùv vyvepiav TOÔ TEpLÉXOVTOS 
åépos úmeprerf yiveobar Tv dkpav TiS TÕV avéu wv 
nvoñs, ópâĉcðar Šè ròv ÑArov ETL vuKTOS oÙONS ava- 
réàÀovra, tràs dkrivasş oÙK ÈV KUKÀOTEpE? OXÁLATL 
yeypaupévov,! &Ààà Tùy pàóya rarà moddoùs Tó- 
movus ëyovra Õeonrapuévnyv, Öore okey mvpà 
mÀeiw biyydvew roô rs ys ópítovros. per 
àíyov õè ovváyeraı raðra mpòs ëv uéyelos, čws 
äv yévnrar tpinàchpov Õidornpa' kat TóT” HÒN TÀS 
ńuépas èmÀaßoúoņns rò gawópevov roð NÀiov 
uéyebos nàņnpwbèv tv trs pépas õidleow kara- 

‘O È oĝv Méuvæv debor rhv pewny dpvw TÀ 
róde rÔv Kvtiryvôv mpocéreoev kat map’ ÒÀlyov 
aùris èkvpievoev: aronecav è ris èmpofs Tùv 
yópav aùrôv èrópðyoe kal moňàðv Aaúpwv kv- 

f. t 
9 pievoev. dpa è rovrois nmparropévois lappeviwv 

T púviov pèv nóv ùv kara kpdros éġnvðparoði- 
oaro, Iirdvyv è moùopkoðvros aùroð Mépuvwv 
èmihpaveis kat karanàņnédpevos roùs Mareðóvas 

10 ëìvoe Trùv moMopkiav. perà è rara Kdààas 

uèv ëywv Makeõóvas kal mobopópovs otpatıóTas 

1 yeypaupévov, after mepiryeypauuévov, Post: terpaupévov RX : 
uévovra F; awveotpaupévov or ovvéyovra Hertlein ; méurovra 
Dindorf ; reropvevpévov Fischer (cp. Plato, Timaeus, 1. 33 B). 

1 According to the calculations of Mr. Alan E. Samuel, this 
would be the heliacal rising of Sirius, which occurred about 
20th July (P. V. Neugebauer, Astronomische Chronologie, 
Berlin & Leipzig, 1929, Vol. 2, Tables E 58-62). Professor 
Otto Neugebauer writes that the rising would occur between 


BOOK XVII. 7. 5-10 

time of the rising of the Dog Star,! if one stands upon 335/4 s.c. 

the highest peak, the stillness of the surrounding 
atmosphere gives the impression that the summit is 
elevated above the motion of the winds, and the sun 
can be seen rising while it is still night. Its rays are 
not circumscribed in a circular orb but its flame is 
dispersed in many places, so that you would think 
that there were many patches of fire burning along 
the horizon. Presently, then, these draw together 
into one huge flame the width of which reaches three 
plethra.? Finally, as the day dawns, the usually ob- 
served size of the sun’s ball is attained and produces 
normal daylight.: 

Memnon traversed this mountain and suddenly 
falling upon the city of Cyzicus came within an ace 
of taking it.4 Failing in this, he wasted its territory 
and collected much booty. While he was thus oc- 
cupied, Parmenion took by storm the city of Grynium 
and sold its inhabitants as slaves, but when he be- 
sieged Pitanê ë Memnon appeared and frightened the 
Macedonians into breaking off the siege. Later 
Callas with a mixed force of Macedonians and mer- 

18th and 20th July, but that these references in the Greek 
authors are not to be pressed too closely. 

2 The plethron was 100 Greek feet or somewhat less than 
100 English feet, and varied somewhat. It is impossible to 
know its precise value in Diodorus or his source. 

3 A somewhat different account of the same phenomenon 
is given by Pomponius Mela, 1. 18. Day began with the 
first appearance of the sun’s rim above the horizon, and the 
previous streaks of light occurred while it was still, strictly 
speaking, night. Cp. C. Bailey on Lucretius, 3 (1947), 1426 f. 
(pointed out by Prof. Robert J. Getty). 

4 Reported with some details by Polyaenus, 5. 44. 5. 

5 Grynium and Pitanê were old Aeolian cities on the Bay 
of Elaea. Parmenion was pursuing Philip’s mission of 
“ liberation ” (Book 16. 91. 2). 



èv ri Tpwdõı ovvĝpe uagnv mpòs Toùs Iépoas, 
čvras roàdaràaciovs, kal Àeihpheis dreywpnoev ets 
rò ‘Poirewov. 

Kal rà uèv xarà Tùv °Aoiav èv Tovrois Ñv. 

8. ’ AàAéEavðpos è tàs karà TÙV ‘Edda koa 
payàs karamaúoas orpdrevoev èni tùy Opqkyy 
kal ToÀÀà èv éhvy Oparia raparrópeva kaTamàn- 
dpevos Únorayivat KATNVÁYKACEV, eniAbev òè kat 
rv IMaoviav koi riv IAvpiða kai ras ópópovs 
raúraıs yÓpas kal TOÀÀOÙS TÕV KATOLKOVVTWV Per- 
Bdpwv àġeornróras yerpwoduevos úmnkóovs mávras 

2 roùs mÀņnorwywopovs Bapßápovs érmorýoato. mepi 
trara Ò’ övros aùroô maphodv tives åmayyéàdovrtes 
moddods rôv ‘Edývæwv vewrepitew kal moas ThS 
“EAàdôos médeis mpòs åróoraow wpunkévat, pd- 
Mora è @nBalovs. èéml è roúroers ó Paoideùs 
rapoévvlels enavñàbev eis rův Mareðoviav oneŬ- 
Swv ràs karà rùv ‘EMdôa mañoar Trapayds. 

3 Onbaiwv Sè rv èv ri Kaðueig ppovpav èkpdà- 
ew hioripovpévwv kai noàopkovvrwv Tv dkpav 
kev ó Baoideds ddvw mpòs Tùv móÀw kal kat- 
corparonéðevoe mÀnoiov rõôv Onfôv perà máons 

4 ris uvápews. oi ðè Onfatoi mpò uèv rs ToÔ 
Baciàéws mapovoias tùv Kaðpeiav rdpois Ba- 
feiais kal oravpõópaoıi mvukvoîs nmepiéßadov wore 
uýre Bońðeiav aùroîs Súvaoĥðaı ýT ayopàv eio- 

5 méwpar, mpòs è 'Apkdõas ral `Apyelovs, ért Òè 

1 Rhoeteium is a promontory at the mouth of the Hellespont 
north of Ilium. Calas (as the name is properly spelled) was 
the son of a Harpalus, of a family prominent in the Elimiotis. 
Later he commanded the Thessalian cavalry in Alexander’s 
army (chap. 17. 4), and then remained in Asia Minor as 


BOOK XVII. 7. 10.—8. 5 

cenaries joined battle in the Troad against a much 335/4 s.c. 

larger force of Persians and, finding himself inferior, 
fell back on the promentory of Rhoeteium.! 

That was the situation in Asia. 

8. Now that the unrest in Greece had been brought 
under control, Alexander shifted his field of opera- 
tions into Thrace.? Many of the tribes in this region 
had risen but, terrified by his appearance, felt con- 
strained to make their submission. Then he swung 
west to Paeonia and Illyria and the territories that 
bordered on them. Many of the local tribesmen had 
revolted, but these he overpowered, and established 
his control over all the natives in the area. This task 
was not yet finished when messengers reached him 
reporting that many of the Greeks were in revolt.’ 
Many cities had actually taken steps to throw off the 
Macedonian alliance, the most important of these 
being Thebes. At this intelligence, the king was 
roused to return in haste to Macedonia in his anxiety 
to put an end to the unrest in Greece. 

The Thebans * sought first of all to expel the Mace- 
donian garrison from the Cadmeia and laid siege to 
this citadel; this was the situation when the king 
appeared suddenly before the city and encamped 
with his whole army near by. Before the king’s 
arrival, the Thebans had had time to surround the 
Cadmeia with deep trenches and heavy stockades so 
that neither reinforcements nor supplies could be 
sent in, and they had sent an appeal to the Arcadians, 

satrap of Hellespontine Phrygia ; cp. Berve, Alexanderreich, 
2, no. 397. 

2 This campaign is described in detail by Arrian, 1. 1-6. 

3 Justin, 11. 2. 7-10. 

4 The siege of Thebes is described more briefly in Justin, 
11. 3. 6-7 ; Plutarch, Alegander, 11-12 ; Arrian, 1. 7-8. 



Ca e 1 
 Hàelovs mpeoßeúoavres Ņéiovv Bonleîv. opoiws 
+ 3 [A 
Sè kal mpòs °Abyvaiovs mepi ovppayias ênpéopevov 
~ ? a 
kal mapà Anuochévovs õmàwv mAÑÂos év ðwpeats 

6 Àaßóvres roùs avóràovs kabĵwnmàķov. TÕV Ò èri 




rùv Bońberav maparerànuévwv ot pèv êv JI eàorov- 
výow orparıbras éénmepmpav èri ròv `Iloĝuòv kai 
Siarpißovres èkapaðókovv, npooðokipov roô pa- 
oÀéws ğvros. Alnvañor © èmpiosavro pèv 
Bonbeîv roîs Onfalors, merohévres úmò Anpocbé- 
vous, où uévroi ye Thv óva kéneppav, kapa- 
Sokoôvres rv poryv roô moàépov. ó ðè ris èv TÌ 
Kaôueigq povpâs ýyoúpevos Piúras ópðv tovs 
Onßalovs peydàas mapaokevàs Torovuévovs Tpos 
Tùv moopkiav kait Tà Teixy þioTtTiuóTEpov kare- 
okeúacev kal Bev navroðanðv nmAÑÂos Torud- 

9. Enel © ó Baoiňeùs dveàmiorws èk Tùs 
Opákrys ke perà máons tis Švváucews, at pėv 
ovuuayiar Toîs Onpaiois Soratouévny eîyov TÙV 
mapovoiav, h Õè TÕv modepiwv Õúvapıs ópodoyov- 
uévnv kai pavepàv ènoieîro tùv Úrmepoxýv. TŐTE ĎE 
ovveðpeúoavres oi Ņyeuóves mpoeßoveúoavro mept 
ToÔ moàéuov kal nâow Eðoéev únrèp ris aùrovopias 
Sıaywvigeohai. roð è mAýlovs émikupwoavTos 
TYV yvóunv åmavres meTà Tos mpobvuias eÎyov 
éroiņws ĝiakıvðvvevew. 

ʻO Sè Bacıiàeùs rò pèv mpõrov ovyiav ÑÙye, 
Seðoùs ueravoias ypóvov eis Tò Bovàeúcacðai kal 
vouibæwv uù) roàuýoew piav mów mpòs TNÀAkaŬTNv 
Súvapıv naparáćčacðai. eľye yap ó ’Añéfavðpos 
karà torov röv karpòv megoùs pèv mÀciovs TÕV 
Tpiopvpiwv, inreîs Ò oùk èdàdrrovs Tpioyiàiwv, 

BOOK XVII. 8. 5—9. 3 

Argives, and Eleians for help. They appealed for 335/4 s.c. 

support from the Athenians also, and when they 
received from Demosthenes a free gift of weapons, 
they equipped all of their citizens who lacked heavy 
armour. Of those who were asked for reinforcements, 
however, the Peloponnesians sent soldiers as far as 
the Isthmus and waited to see what would happen, 
since the king’s arrival was now expected, and the 
Athenians, under the influence of Demosthenes, 
voted to support the Thebans, but failed to send out 
their forces, waiting to see how the war would go.? 
In the Cadmeia, the garrison commander Philotas 
observed the Thebans making great preparations for 
the siege, strengthened his walls as well as he could, 
and made ready a stock of missiles of all sorts. 

10. So when the king appeared suddenly out of 
Thrace with all his army, the alliances of the Thebans 
had furnished them with only a hesitant support 
while the power of their opponents possessed an 
obvious and evident superiority. Nevertheless their 
leaders assembled in council and prepared a resolu- 
tion about the war ; they were unanimous in deciding 
to fight it out for their political freedom. The mea- 
sure was passed by the assembly, and with great en- 
thusiasm all were ready to see the thing through. 

At first the king made no move, giving the 
Thebans time to think things over and supposing 
that a single city would never dare to match forces 
with such an army. For at that time Alexander had 
more than thirty thousand infantry and no less than 
three thousand cavalry, all battle-seasoned veterans 

1 Justin, 11. 3. 3-5; Plutarch, Demosthenes, 23. 2. 


í © evnhAnkó T î j 
mávras Ò evnhànkóras roîs moàeproîs Kkwðúvois 
kal ovveorparevuévovs iinnw kal oyeðòv èv 

2 a D 
máoas Taîs dyas áņTTýTovs yeyovóras: ðv ù 

a > a A 8 l `K kd # 

Taîs aperaîs kal mpobupiairs merorðws ’Aàéfavðpos 
lA m~ ~ “~ 
enepdàero karaàðoar Tv rôv Ilepoðv hyepoviav. 
kd S K e 0) a Eas a s 
4 et èv obv ot OyaTor Toîs kaipoîs ettavres ĝrerpe- 
lA i 
aßevúovro mpòs roùs Maxeðóvas úrėp eipývns kal 
ĝe Od A e À As 2 ` 
cvvléoews, Hðéws äv ó Baocıieùs mpoceðééaro tàs 
? 2 bi 
évreúćeis kal ndvra àv dčioúuevos ovveyápnoev' 
enehú ip TÀ 1 rv ‘EAÀdô IS à 
LEL YAP TAS KATA TÙV dòða Tapayàs dTo- 
2 3 
Tpupápevos dnepioraorov yew ròv mpòs Ilépoas 
A ` ld e A ~ a 

Nôv è ðóéfas órò rôv Onfaiwv karadpoveîolar 
ð t b AÀ z > a 4 m ld 
iéyvw Tv TOv dpõnv dveàev kai rÔ pów 

ž ` e ` A ; 
TOVTW TAS Oppas TÕv apioraoĝaı roàuóvTwv aro- 

ld l ` Z 
5 rpépar. Šiórep Tův Šúvauv éroiunv karaokevdoas 

$ ` + h) kd l h] ? [d 
mpos Tov rivõðvvov ékýpvge tòv Bovàóuevov Onßaiíwv 
> ld ` ` la m~ a 
amıévai mpos aùròv kal peréyew rijs kows Toîs 
er E e ` a 
Ednow eiphvns. oi è Onfaîor SradıiñotiunÂévres 
> f 3 lg “~ 
dvrekýpvćav amró tiwvos Úļmàoð mýpyov ròv Bovàć- 

` m~ 2 
pEVOV LETA TOÔ peydàov Paoidéws kal Onfaiwv 
? m ` GA 
eAevhepoĝy Toùs “EħMnvas kai karaàúew ròv Ths 
A 2 
6 “EAMdõos rúpavvov mapıévai rpòs aùrovs. őðev 
3 d ` 

Aàégavõpos meprañyùs yevópevos eis ómrepßád- 

kd X ~ 

ovoav opyņv mpoñÀbev kal madon Tıpwpia Toùs 

l a Ea e 
Onßaiovs pereàbeîv čkpwev. oĝros uèv ov àro- 
4 ~ ` la 
Onprwðeis trùv puyiv unyavás re TOMOPKNTLKAS 
£ A KA h] 
cvveorýoaTto kai TAa mpòs ròv kivõvvov mape- 

BOOK XVII. 9. 3-6 

of Philip’s campaigns who had hardly experienced a 8335/4 s.c. 

single reverse. This was the army on the skill and 
loyalty of which he relied to overthrow the Persian 
empire. Ifthe Thebans had yielded to the situation 
and had asked the Macedonians for peace and an 
alliance, the king would have accepted their proposals 
with pleasure and would have conceded everything 
they asked, for he was eager to be rid of these dis- 
turbances in Greece so that he might without dis- 
traction pursue the war with Persia. 

Finally, however, he realized that he was despised 
by the Thebans, and so decided to destroy the city 
utterly and by this act of terror take the heart out 
of anyone else who might venture to rise against him. 
He made his forces ready for battle, then announced 
through a herald that any of the Thebans who 
wished might come to him and enjoy the peace which 
was common to all the Greeks. In response, the 
Thebans with equal spirit proclaimed from a high 
tower that anyone who wished to join the Great King 
and Thebes in freeing the Greeks* and destroying the 
tyrant of Greece should come over to them. This 
epithet stung Alexander. He flew into a towering 
rage and declared that he would pursue the The- 
bans with the extremity of punishment. Raging in 
his heart, he set to constructing siege engines and 
to preparing whatever else was necessary for the at- 

1 Plutarch, Alexander, 11. 4. That is, according to the 
terms of the Peace of Antalcidas (Xenophon, Hellenica, 5. 1. 
31). In asimilar manner, the Athenians had appealed to the 
Greeks against Sparta in the decree of Aristoteles setting up 
the so-called Second Athenian League (317 B.c.; SIG 147). 

1 So Hultzsch : mapeîvar. 


10. Oi 8’ "Enves nvvÂðavóuevoi Tò péyebos T&v 
nepil roùs Onfaiovs rwôúvæwv évopópovv èri raîs 
npooĝokwpévais mepi aùrÕv ovupopaits, où Ùv Bo- 
nev y èróàpwv TÅ móet Öà TÒ MponTeTrÕS Kat 
dßoúàws eis ópodoyovuévyv amóàciav éavTův ðe- 

2 Swkévar. ol è Onfaîoi Taîs èv eùroàuiars mpo- 
Oóuws áveðéyovro roùs kwĝúvovs, pýpais É Tiot 
udávrewv kal lev onpeiois Ņropotvro. 

Ilpôrov pèv yàp êv TÔ Ts AýunrTpos iep® Àe- 
nrTòv ápáxvņs üßaoud Tı ðranereraopévov wpON, TÒ 
uèv uéyeĝos čyov iparíov, kýkàw ðè mepipavov 

3 lpw TÌ kar’ oùpavòv orkvîav. mept o TÒ pèv êv 
Acàġoîs ypnorýpiov čðwrev aùroîs róvðe ròv 

a lg m A ’ m 
onueîov róðe mâcı Beol paivovo: poroto, 
a L 
Boiwroîs ĝè udora kal ot mepwwareTdovot. 

m“ A “~ 2E? 
TÒ Õè mdrpiov rÔv Onfaiwv uavreîov roôrov éé- 
veyke TÒvV ypouórv' 

ioròs úßaivóuevos &AÀ\w kakóv, dÀÀw duewov. 

4 ToÛrTo èv ov TÒ onueîov éyévero Tpiol pyoiv davw- 
’ La kd F: [A 3 oA h 2 
e 9? ? b ` ` y ~ [4 e hJ 
úm aùrv è tův ëhoðov roô Paociàéws oi karà 
`~ 3. xX > 2 3 f e A 3 lA 
Tùv ayopàav dvõpiavres éġávnoav iðpõras apıév- 
m~ ` 
Tes kal ueorol orañaypðv peydiwv. ywpis Õè 
Toúrwv Ĥkóv tives Toîs dpyxovow arayyéňovTtes 
ma 7 
Tv èv  Oyyqor® Àiuvyv uvkýparıe maparàńooa 
wvv adiévar, T) è Aipky karda tTùv èmihpdáverav 
Fo m 2? ? € 
5 roð Üõaros alparoerð ppiknv èmırpéyew. čTepot 
` Kal 3 ~ LA e e > ` 1 
ôe rov ek Aeàdôv unvúovres ri ò aro Dwréwv 

BOOK XVII. 10. 1-5 

10. Elsewhere in Greece, as people learned the 385/4 s.c. 

seriousness of the danger hanging over the Thebans, 
they were distressed at their expected disaster but 
had no heart to help them, feeling that the city by 
precipitate and ill-considered action had consigned 
itself to evident annihilation. In Thebes itself, how- 
ever, men äccepted their risk willingly and with good 
courage, but they were puzzled by certain sayings of 
prophets and portents of the gods. 

First there was the light spider’s web in the temple 
of Demeter which was observed to have spread itself 
out to the size of an himation, and which all about 
shone iridescent like a rainbow in the sky. About 
this, the oracle at Delphi gave them the response : 

“ The gods to mortals all have sent this sign ; 
To the Boeotians first, and to their neighbours.” 

The ancestral oracle of Thebes itself had given this 
response : 

“ The woven web is bane to one, to one a boon.” 

This sign had occurred three months before Alex- 
ander’s descent on the city, but at the very moment 
of the king’s arrival the statues in the market place 
were seen to burst into perspiration and be covered 
with great drops of moisture. More than this, people 
reported to the city officials that the marsh at On- 
chestus was emitting a sound very like a bellow, while 
at Dircê a bloody ripple ran along the surface of the 
water. Finally, travellers coming from Delphi told 
how the temple which the Thebans had dedicated 



vaós, ôv ðpúcavro Onßator, huarwpévny ëxwv Tù 
opodiv ópârat. i , , , 

Oi dè émi! rhv TÕv onpeiwv Òrdrprow doyoñov- 
uevoi oņpaivew épacav TÒ pèv üpaopa beðv árò 
Tis móàews ywpiopóv, TÒ Ôe rìs ipiðos xpõpa 
dvræv ipðra Únmeppdàdovoav kakordðeav, Tò È 
èv nÀeloot Tómois hawõuevov alpa póvov modùv 
6 karà Tv mów egópevov. ovveßovðàevov oðv tõv 
Oev havepôs onpawóvrwv Tv Ecopévny Ti Tóc 
ovuhopàv pů ovykaraßaiveiw eis TÒ ĉia páxNs 
kpivew Tòv móàepov, érépav è idàvow Enreîv ĉia 
Adywv doħaàecorépav. , 

Où ùv ot O®nfaToi ye raîs pvyaîs ¿pañakúvovrto, 
roùvavriov è Toîs Îvupoîs mpoayhévres dvepipvn- 
akov &ÀÀńàovs Tùv èv Aeúrrtpois eùnpepiav kai TÕV 
dwr mapardécwv èv als Îavpaorðs rais iðiais 
àvõpayaðiíaıs daveàmiorovs vikas TeEptETOýOaVTO. 
oi èv ov Qnfatoi Toîs mapaorýuaocw dvòðperðtTepov 
LĜâov Ñ) ppoviuwTepov ypnodpevoi Tpoémtecov els 
mdavõnņuov tis matpiðos dÀcbpov. 

11. “O è Bacıdeùs èv trpio Taîs mdoas huépars 
éroipacdpevos? Tà mpòs Tùv mToopkiav tàs vvd- 

1 The manuscripts are unanimous in reading èri here and 
in chap. 94. 4, where we should rather expect repi (Books 
2. 40.43; 17. 99. 5), and editors have tended to correct ac- 

2 So Dindorf: éroruaoduevos Tà mpos Tùv moàopkiav kal 
Tràs Ôvvápes Seiero Tv orpariav RX ; éroruacdpevos mpòs Tùv 
noàopkiav tàs uvapers reiÀero Tiv otpatıdy F., 

1 The naos at Delphi was the great temple of Apollo which 
was under construction in the period 360-330 s.c. The 


BOOK XVII. 10. 5—11. 1 

from the Phocian spoils was observed to have blood- 335/4 B.C. 

stains on its roof. 

Those who made a business of interpreting such 
portents stated that the spider web signified the 
departure of the gods from the city, its iridescence 
meant a storm of mixed troubles, the sweating of the 
statues was the sign of an overwhelming catastrophe, 
and the appearance of blood in many places foretold 
a vast slaughter throughout the city. They pointed 
out that the gods were clearly predicting disaster for 
the city and recommended that the outcome of the 
war should not be risked upon the battlefield, but that 
a safer solution should be sought for in conversations. 

Still the Thebans’ spirits were not daunted. On 
the contrary they were so carried away with enthusi- 
asm that they reminded one another of the victory 
at Leuctra and of the other battles where their own 
fighting qualities had won unhoped for victories to 
the astonishment of the Greek world. They indulged 
their nobility of spirit bravely rather than wisely, and 
plunged headlong into the total destruction of their 

11. Now the king in the course of only three days 
made everything ready for the assault. He divided 

epigraphical record is assembled by E. Bourguet in the 
Fouilles de Delphes, 3. 5 (1932). Much was done in 346 in 
the archonship of Damoxenus, “ when peace was established,” 
and there were Theban naopoioi in that year, along with 
many others. The Thebans had taken a hand in plundering 
the Phocians after Philip’s victory, and the Phocians were 
obligated to make annual payments to restore what they had 
borrowed from the sanctuary (Book 16. 60. 2). But there is 
otherwise no suggestion that Phocian funds were applied to 
the temple construction, and it is quite certain that the 
Thebans themselves did not build or rebuild or dedicate the 
temple of Apollo. 



l LA ` ` 4 a 
ueis Õieiàero eis Tpia pépn kat TO pév Tois xapa- 
m m t 
LA DA ` ` a ’ 2 2 
npooßáàdeiw črače, rò ðè roîs Onpaiois dvrirar- 
lA ~ a / 
teclar, rò Õè rpirov épeðpeúeiw TÔ movoðvri pépeL 
m e b 
2 rfs Övváuews Kal õiaðéyeohar Tv uáxnv. ot ðè 
a a A $ 
Onßaîot roùs pèv inmeîs êvròs ToÔ yapakwpaTos 
N ` 
ëraćav, roùs © édevÂðepwlévras oikéras kal TOÙS 
Pa 4 ` i 
pvydðas kal ToÙS peEToikovsS TOTS TPOS TA TEXN 
ma $ “~ 
Biatouévois dvréračav, aùrol è roîs pera ToÔ 
f d la O + 
Baciàéws Makeðöo: moňanrdaciois odst ovvanTtew 
~ ` ` 
3 udyņv mpò Ts móàcws ńrorudtovro. Tékva è kal 
yuvaîkest ovvérpeyov eis Tà iepà kal roùs Îeoùs 
ikérevov oôcai Tv TÓW êk TÕv kivðúvwv. 
‘Qs ẹ jyyisav ot Maxeðóves kal Toîs Teray- 
(7 e 
uévois uépeow ékaoTtoti npooémecov, ai pèv dà- 
miyyes éoýuawov TÒ moàepikóv, at òè map dupo- 
[4 8 2 ej) Y ` À IÀ N A 
répois Õuvapeis ú$ éva karpòv ovvnàdàagav kat Tà 
A A m“ J4 ` 1 p 
kopa rv feňðv èmi roùs modepiovs épadov. 
4 rayù Õè roúrwv etavaàwbévrwv kal mávTwæv eis TÙV 
ro roÔ Éidovs uaxnv ovunmecóvrwv péyas ay®v 
ovvioraro. ol èv yàp Makreðóves ða rò mAÑOos 
m~ > m~ £ ` 2 A z A 
TtÕv avôpôv kat rò Papos ris pdňayyos ðvovrõ- 
A a a m~ 
ararov eÎyov tìùv iav, ot e Onfaîot raîs rõv 
cwuáTwv pópas Únepéyovres kal rToîs év rToîs 
yvuvaciois ovveyéoiw abàýpacw, črt è TÔ mapa- 
z. ~ a a 
orýuartı Tis puyxis nÀàcovekroðvres évekaprépovv 
5 roîs ðeiwwoîs. ðo kal nmap duporépois Tool èv 
KATETLITPØOKOVTO, oùk OÀiyot Ò éminrTov évavrias 
? ~ S a 
Aaußdávovres mÀànyas. óuoð ©’ Úv kara ràs êv roîs 
> ~ 
dyôcı ovuTàokàs uvypos kat Po) kal mapakedev- 
ld ` a 2 4 m~ 
opôs, mapà pèv roîs Makeðóct uù) karaioyõvat Tàs 
LA a 
npoyeyevņnuévas dvðpayaßías, mapà è roîs ©ny- 

BOOK XVII. 11. 1-5 

his forces into three parts and ordered one to attack 3835/4 s.c. 

the palisades which had been erected before the city, 
the second to face the Theban battle line, and the 
third as a reserve to support any hard pressed unit of 
his forces and to enter the battle in its turn. For their 
part, the Thebans stationed the cavalry within the 
palisades, assigned their enfranchised slaves, along 
with refugees and resident aliens, to face those who 
drove at the walls, and themselves made ready to 
fight before the city with the Macedonian force about 
the king which was many times their number. Their 
children and wives flocked to the temples ánd implored 
the gods to rescuę the city from its dangers. 

When the Macedonians approached and each divi- 
sion encountered the opposing force of Thebans, the 
trumpets blew the call to arms and the troops on both 
sides raised the battle cry in unison and hurled their 
missiles at the enemy. These were soon expended and 
all turned to the use of the sword at close quarters, and 
a mighty struggle ensued. The Macedonians exerted 
a force that could hardly be withstood because of the 
numbers of their men and the weight of the phalanx, 
but the Thebans were superior in bodily strength and 
in their constant training in the gymnasium. Still 
more, in exaltation of spirit they were lifted out of 
themselves and became indifferent to personal danger. 
Many were wounded in both armies and not a few 
fell facing the blows of the enemy. The air was filled 
with the roar of fighters locked in the struggle, moans 
and shouts and exhortations: on the Macedonian 
side, not to be unworthy of their previous exploits, 

1 Fischer suggests xal yoveîs after yvvaîkes (cp. chap. 13. 6 
and Book 18. 22. 4, 24. 2). 


Baiois u) mepuðeîv rékva kal yvvaîkas kat’ yoveîs 
únèp avõparoðiopo? kivðvuvevovras kal T)V naTpiða 
mavoikiov nò roùs Mareðóvwv bvupoùs úroreoot- 
cav, uvnolfvar è tjs èv Aecúkrpois kai év Mav- 
twvelgq páxs? kat trv mapà nâoi nepipoýrwv 
avõðpayaĵņuárwv. émi moàùv uèv ov ypóvov 
ioópporos v ) páx Šia Thv Úreppoàv ris trôv 
aywviouévwv &vòðpeias. 

12. Merà òè rara ð '`Adéfavðpos ópðv roùs 
èv Onfalovs éroipws únèp tis devhepias ayw- 
viouévovs tovs è Makeðóvas káuvovras Ti paxn 
nmpocérače roùs mi Ts êßeðpias Terayuévovs ĝia- 
céfachaı ròv ayva. oi èv oĝv Mareðóves dġvw 
mpooreoóvres roîs Onyfaiois rarakórois Bapeîs 
2 ênékewTo TOIS moÀeuiois kal ToÀÀoùs avýpovv. où 
uv ot Onpaîor rs virns èteywpovv, Toùvavriov 
òè TÅ didotiuig mpoayhévres mdvrwv tÔv Sewôv 
kateppõvovv. ml rocoto è raîs avôðpayaliaıs 
mpoéßnoav wore Bov rı Mareðéves ópooyoðow 
Hrrovs eîvae Onfaiwv, kal rôv wv nmdádvrwv 
ciwhórwv év raîs ıaðoyaîs TÔv moňeplwv Seðiévar 
Toùs dkepaiovs TÕv edeðpevóvrwv oĝrot uóvot TóTe 
Opacúrepotr mpòs roùs kıvõúvovs úrñpćav, ô® oi 
nmoàépioi ciaðoyv eéémeuav rois KkatTanovovpé- 
vois Úrò tis kakonrabeias. 

'Avvneppàńrov è rs didoriulas ywouévns ó 
Paocideùs kKaravońoas rwa nmvàlða kKaradeàeiu- 
pévnv rò rôv dvàdkrwv efanéoreiie Iepõikkav 
HETA otpariwrÂv ikavâôv karañaßéobat raúryv kal 

1 yuvaîkas kal added by Radermacher. 

2 R. Laqueur (Hermes, 86 (1958), 261 f.) would explain 
the singular páyņs by referring to chap. 10. 6 above: Dio- 

BOOK XVII. 11. 5—12. 3 

and on the Theban, not to forget children and wives 885/4 z.c. 

and parents threatened with slavery and their every 
household lying exposed to the fury of the Macedo- 
nians, and to remember the battles of Leuctra and of 
Mantineia and the glorious deeds which were house- 
hold words throughout Greece. So for a long time 
the battle remained evenly poised because of the 
surpassing valour of the contestants. 

12. At length Alexander saw that the Thebans 
were still fighting unflinchingly for their freedom, but 
that his Macedonians were wearying in the battle, 
and ordered his reserve division to enter the struggle. 
As this suddenly struck the tired Thebans, it bore 
heavily against them and killed many. Still the 
Thebans did not concede the victory, but on the con- 
trary, inspired by the will to win, despised all dangers. 
They had the courage to shout that the Macedonians 
now openly confessed to being their inferiors. Under 
normal circumstances, when an enemy attacks in 
relays, it is usual for soldiers to fear the fresh strength 
of the reinforcements, but the Thebans alone then 
faced their dangers ever more boldly, as the enemy 
sent against them new troops for those whose strength 
flagged with weariness. 

So the Theban spirit proved unshakable here, but 
the king took note of a postern gate that had been 
deserted by its guards and hurried Perdiccas with a 
large detachment of troops to seize it and penetrate 

dorus’s source referred to only one battle, and Diodorus added 



4 maperoneoeîy eis T) TmOÀAwW. ToÚrtTov Õe Tayů TÒ 
nmpocraylhèv morýoavros ot èv Mareðóves dia rhs 
nvuàiðos maperoérecov eis Thv mów, oi ĝe Onpator 
katanenrovņnkóres uv Tv nmpæryv hdàayya TÕv 
Maxesðóvav, davriraylhévres ©’ eùpworws T ðevrépa 
eùéAmbes hoav mept rs vikns’ os è karevónoav 
pépos Ts móňcws kareànupévov, eùbùs aveyæpn- 
5 cav évròs TÕv reyÕðv. dpa Öè TOÚTOLS MpaTTO- 
pévois ot èv rv OnBaiwv inmrmeîs ópoíws rToîs 
meķoîs ovvérpeyov eis TÙůV TÖÀw kal ToAÀoùs èv 
rõv ilav ovunaroðvres Õıépleipov, aùrol &è 
TETrapaypévws eloimrmevov eis Thv mów, v &è Taîs 
Õreédðois kal rdøpois roîs olkeloris ÖTÀoS mepi- 
mintrovres èreàeúrwv. ot è rùv Kaôpeiav pov- 
poîvres êkyvlévres èk tis akporóàcews anmývrTwv 
Toîs Onfaiois kai rerapaypévois èmireoóvres modòv 
Emroiouv póvov. 

13. Ths è mócews roôrov ròv tpõrov karaa- 
Pavopévns modai kal moikiàat mepioráoeis èvròs 
TÕv Teyðv èyivovro. ot èv yàp Marxeðóves Sià 
Tv ómepnhaviev roô kypúyparos mikpórepov % 
ToàekóTepov mpocehépovro roîs @yfalois kal 
perà Tos åmeðñs émipepópevor Toîs YTuyNKóov 
ades dvýpovv mávraşs roùs mepirvyyávovras. 
2o è Onfaîor rò dıdeňeúbepov ris yvyis ŝa- 
pvàdrrovres rocoðrov areîyov roô hidotwewv dor 
év raîŭs dmavrýoeoi ovurÀékeobat kal tàs mapà 
TÕv nodeulwv emorâochai nànyás’ éaňwkulas yàp 
Ts móňcws ovðeis Onfaiwv éwpdðy senleis rôv 
Maxeðóvwv geicachaı roô Eñv ovåè TposéTmiTTOV 

1 Arrian (1. 8. 1), quoting Ptolemy, places this incident at 
the beginning of the siege, before any other fighting, and 

BOOK XVII. 12. 3—13. 2 

into the city.! He quickly carried out the order and 335/4 s.c, 

the Macedonians slipped through the gate into the 
city, while the Thebans, having worn down the first 
assault wave of the Macedonians, stoutly faced the 
second and still had high hopes of victory. When 
they knew that a section of the city had been taken, 
however, they began immediately to withdraw within 
the walls, but in this operation their cavalry galloped 
along with the infantry into the city and trampled 
upon and killed many of their own men ; they them- 
selves rode into the city in disorder and, encountering 
a maze of narrow alleys and trenches, lost their footing 
and fell and were killed by their own weapons. At 
the same time the Macedonian garrison in the Cad- 
meia burst out of the citadel, engaged the Thebans, 
and attacking them in their confusion made a great 
slaughter among them.? 

13. So while the city was being taken, many and 
varied were the scenes of destruction within the walls. 
Enraged by the arrogance of the Theban proclama- 
tion, the Macedonians pressed upon them more furi- 
ously than is usual in war, and shrieking curses flung 
themselves on the wretched people, slaying all whom 
they met without sparing any. The Thebans, for their 
part, clinging desperately to their forlorn hope of 
victory, counted their lives as nothing and when they 
met a foeman, grappled with him and drew his blows 
upon themselves. In the capture of the city, no 
Theban was seen begging the Macedonians to spare 
his life, nor did they in ignoble fashion fall and cling 

says that Perdiccas acted on his own initiative. He may have 
tried to repeat the manœuvre at Halicarnassus (chap. 25. 5). 
As later, he was presumably in command of one of the six 
battalions of the phalanx. 
2 Plutarch, Alegander, 11. 5. 


3 roîs TÕv kparoúvrwv yóvaow dayevvðs. dÀŇX? oùTe 
TÒ TS aperis ndhos Nàceîro mapa roîs moeulois 
TS Tıuwpias, tâoa è Y mös ékeßopeîro maðiwv 
óuoî kal maphévwv éÀkopévwv kal TÒ TÑS TEKOŬVONS 
oiktpòv êmıPowuévwv õvopa. 

Kabódov’ è rõv orkwv ovv das tTaîs ovyyevelais 
ápračouévwv mávðņpos Úrpxe Tis móňews avðpa- 
4 moðiouós. Ttv è únodeàciupévwv Onfalwv ot 
pėv kaTaTeTpwp evot TA ocwpaTa kal Arobvyotvres 
guvenÀékovro ToÎs moàepiots, ouvanobvýoKkovTes T 
rÕv èylpõv darmwàcig, ot Sè kàdoparı óparos 
epeiðóuevot ovvývrwv Toîs mihepopévois kal ŝi- 
aywvičópevot Tòv ÜorTaTov AyÕva TpoeTipwV TÙV 
5 éàevbepiav ts owrnpias. modot è dóvov yevo- 
pévov kal TÑS TÓÀcwsS kard mdávra tTóTov vekpôv 
mÀnpovuévys oùk Ñv ortis av oùk àv NÀéNoe ràs 
Túyas trÕv akàņnpoúvrwv. rat yap rÔv ‘Edńvæwv 
Ocomieîs kai Iarareis, ére © 'Opyouévioi Kai 
Tives QÀAÀoL TÕv dÀdoTtpiws ĝiareruévwv mpòs Toùs 
Onßaiíovs ovorparevóuevot TÔ Bacıiàe? ovveicére- 
oov? eis Tv mów kal rv idiav čyOpav èv roîs TÔv 
YTVXNkőTÆV AKÀANpýpacwv vaneðeikvuvro. 

Aiò kal mdy mod ral ĝewà karà tùv mów 
ópâôv v ywópeva: “Enves yàp úp ‘EdMúvwæv 
dvņnàceðs dvņpoûvro kal ovyyeveîs Úrò rv karà 
yévos mpooņnkóvrwv ßoveðovro, uņðepiav èvrporňv 
tis ópoßóvov ĝiaňékrov mapeyouévns. réìos Šè 
Tis vurròs êmxaraňapoðons at uèv oikia Šinp- 
máyņoav, rékva è kal yvvaîkes kal ol yeynpakóres 
eis Tà lepà karamepevyóres perà TÑS EOxáTNS 
úppews anmýyovrto. 


BOOK XVII. 13. 2—6 

to the knees of their conquerors. But neither did the 335/4 s.c. 

agony of courage elicit pity from the foe nor did the 
day’s length suffice for the cruelty of their vengeance. 
All the city was pillaged. Everywhere boys and girls 
were dragged into captivity as they wailed piteously 
the names of their mothers. 

In sum, households were seized with all their mem- 
bers, and the city’s enslavement was complete. Of 
the men who remained, some, wounded and dying, 
grappled with the foe and were slain themselves as 
they destroyed their enemy ; others, supported only 
by a shattered spear, went to meet their assailants 
and, in their supreme struggle, held freedom dearer 
than life. As the slaughter mounted and every 
corner of the city was piled high with corpses, no one 
could have failed to pity the plight of the unfortu- 
nates. For even Greeks—Thespians, Plataeans and 
Orchomenians and some others hostile to the The- 
bans who had joined the king in the campaign +— 
invaded the city along with him and now demon- 
strated their own hatred amid the calamities of the 
unfortunate victims. 

So it was that many terrible things befell the city. 
Greeks were mercilessly slain by Greeks, relatives 
were butchered by their own relatives, and even a 
common dialect induced no pity. In the end, when 
night finally intervened, the houses had been plun- 
dered and children and women and aged persons who 
had fled into the temples were torn from sanctuary 
and subjected to outrage without limit. 

1 Justin (11. 3. 8) names Phocians, Plataeans, Thespians, 
and Orchomenians; Plutarch (Alexander, 11. 5) and Arrian 
(1. 8. 8), Phocians and Plataeans only. 

1 So Rhodoman ;: xaĝóàwv. 2 So Hertlein : ovvéreoov. 



14. Tôv õè Onfaiwv dvnpéhnoav èv rèp tToùs 
éćakıoyıÀlovs, atyudàwra è cwopara cvvýxyðn 
nÀàciw rÕv Tpopvpiwv, ypnudTwv è dmorov nAÑ- 
bos Seepophin. 

“O è Bacıdeds rods pèr Treàcurhoavras rõv Ma- 
keðóvwv éla e, mÀciovs õvras TÕV TMEVTAKOCIWV, 
` ` ld A e 2 X. 3? l 
Toùs è ovvéðpovs rv “EMývwv ovvayayæav èré- 
Tpepe TÔ kow ovveðpiw næs ypnoréov TÅ móde 
A ld lá ky la M >? 

2 rv Onfaiíwv. mporebeions ov Bovàñs trv aà- 
Àotpiws Õiakeruévwv roîs Onpaiois riwwès èreyel- 
povv ovußpovàeðew draparrýrois Tiuwpiais etv 
mepißadeîv aùroús, ameðcikvvov © aùroùs Tà TÔV 
2 2 A ~ e 2 bi 
Papßdpwv meġpovņkóras karà rôv ‘EňMývæv: kal 
yàp èrl Zépéov ovupayoðvras roîs Iépoais srpa- 
F: ` ~ e lA ` ld m~ e £ 
Tevrévar kata tis ‘EAàdõos xal uóvovs rôv ‘EA- 
vwv œs eùepyéras Tıuâchar mapà roîs Bacidefoi 
rõv Ilepoðv kai mpò rv Paciàéwv tois mpec- 
3 Peúovor rôv Onfaiwv riheohaı Opóvovs. mTodàà Sè 
kal Àa roraðra SeeÀlóvres mapÕčvvav tràs Tv 
ovvéðpwv Ņļvyàs karà rôv Onfaiwv ral mépas 
epnhiocavro tv èv nów karaokdiat, roùs & 
> À lA 3 8 ld 8 A ô ` Ið "~ 
aixuañwrTovs anoðóolar, roùs è puydðas rv Ony- 

+ s m~ 
Baiwv aywyipovs úrdpyeiw èé ándons rs ‘Edd- 
os kal unõéva rôv ‘Edúvwv óroðéyecðar Onßatov. 

e A m 
40 Òe Pacideùs dkoovbðws rÅ roô ovveðpiov yvóun 

` La 
Tv uèv tów karaokdpas moàùv ènéornoe póßov 
Tots dhiorauévois tôv ‘EMývav, roùs © aiyua- 
ÀdrTovs Aaduporwàńoas ŅOporsev åpyvpiov ráňavra 

1 The figures of the Theban losses are not elsewhere re- 
ported, and W. W. Tarn (Cambridge Ancient History, 6. 356) 
regarded the second as conventional, referring to the figure 


BOOK XVII. 14. 1-4 

14. Over six thousand Thebans perished, more than 335/4 s.c. 

thirty thousand were captured, and the amount of 
property plundered was unbelievable.: 

The king gave burial to the Macedonian dead, more 
than five hundred in number, and then calling a 
meeting of the representatives of the Greeks put 
before the common council the question what should 
be done with the city of the Thebans. When the 
discussion was opened, certain men who were hostile 
to the Thebans began to recommend that they 
should be visited with the direst penalties, and they 
pointed out that they had taken the side of the bar- 
barians against the Greeks. For in the time of 
Xerxes they had actually joined forces with the Per- 
sians and campaigned against Greece, and alone of 
the Greeks were honoured as benefactors by the 
Persian kings, so that the ambassadors of the Thebans 
were seated on thrones set in front of the kings. They 
related many other details of similar tenor and so 
aroused the feelings of the council against the The- 
bans that it was finally voted to raze the city, to sell 
the captives, to outlaw the Theban exiles from all 
Greece, and to allow no Greek to offer shelter to a The- 
ban. The king, in accordance with the decree of the 
council, destroyed the city, and so presented possible 
rebels among the Greeks with a terrible warning. By 
selling off the prisoners he realized a sum of four 
hundred and forty talents of silver.? 

given by Arrian (2. 24. 5) after the capture of Tyre; but in 
that case Diodorus (chap. 46. 4) gives 13,000. Diodorus 
(with Justin) omits the picturesque story of Timocleia, which 
would not have interested Arrian. It is given by Plutarch 
(Alexander, 12). 

2 The same figure appears in a fragment of Cleitarchus 
(Athenaeus, 4. 148 d-f; Jacoby, Fragmente der griechischen 



15. Merà òè rara cis ràs Alvas tanréorerde 
Toùs éarrýoovras TÕv pyrópwv éka roùs kar 
aùToî meroùrevuévovs, v únipyov êmpavéorarot 
Aņnuoolévns kai Avkoðpyos. ovvayðeioņs ov èk- 
kàņoias kal rv mpeoßevrôv ecicayhévrwv eis rò 

A e `Y ~ > Fa m~ 2 ? bi 
nÀñbos ó èv Õfpos dkoúsas rÕv Àdywv eis Toààùv 
aywviav kai dnopiav èvéreoev. pa pèv yàp 
y ` m~ ? > ’ A KA hS h 
Eomevðe TÒ TÅS móews déiwpa rnpeîv, dpa sè ŝià 

p £ S lA kd ? y h 
Tiv Onpaiwv dmódceiav ekrerànypévos rò Sewòv 
mepipopos ralerorýrer, vovðeroúpevos roîs rôv 

pi AÀ ~ à ` À t lA ` ~ ? 1 

o\ÀÕv ÒE Aoywv yivouévwv kata thv èkkànoiav 
Dwkiwv èv ó ypyorós, dvrTiToÀTEevóueEvosS ToîS 
ÁJ a 
mepi röv Anpochévyv, pn Seõv rods éfarrovuévovs 
ppýoachðat ràs Aew kópas kai tràs ‘YarwhÂas 
kai Tòv Îdvartov ékovolws Ýropeîvar veka TOÔ uN- 

A > Z m 
ev davýreorov malev tùv marpiða kal rùv åvav- 

ld ~ 
piav kal Serdiav wvelðike TÕv uù Bovàouévæv Úrėp 

~ + ~ m~ ~ A 
Ths módews reàevrâv: ó Sè fuos rorov uèv roîs 
z JEt 
Oopúßois éééßBade, mpoodvrws droúwv roùs Àóyovs. 
+ $ 1 
3 Anuoolévovs è Àdyov medpovriouévov Šreàbóvros 
e Cal 3 Ea A 
ô òñuos eis ovundleav rôv dvõpôv mpoayhels 
` D 
pavepòs v owtew Povàóuevos roùs ävõðpas. 
kd ` m~ m 
Eri redeuris è Anudòns, mererouévos órò tÂÔv 
` LA e 
mept Anpochévyv, œs hacı, mévre traàdvrois àp- 

1 So Wesseling: Aewrópas. 

no E e a 
Historiker, no. 137, F 1), but applying to the total wealth 
found in the city. This would be a rate of 88 drachmae a 
head for 30,000 slaves. Tarn suggests 8000, which would 
make the average price 330 drachmae, but there is no real 
evidence for the price of slaves at this time (W. L. Wester- 
mann, The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity 


BOOK XVII. 15. 1-3 

15. After this he sent men to Athens to demand 835/4 s.c. 

the surrender of ten political leaders who had op- 
posed his interest, the most prominent of whom were 
Demosthenes and Lycurgus. So an assembly was 
convened and the ambassadors were introduced, and 
after they had spoken, the people were plunged into 
deep distress and perplexity. They were anxious to 
uphold the honour of their city but at the same time 
they were stunned with horror at the destruction of 
Thebes and, warned by the calamities of their neigh- 
bours, were alarmed in face of their own danger. 

After many had spoken in the assembly, Phocion, 
the “ Good,” who was opposed to the party of Demos- 
thenes, said that the men demanded should remember 
the daughters of Leôs and Hyacinthus ? and gladly 
endure death so that their country would suffer no 
irremediable disaster, and he inveighed against the 
faint-heartedness and cowardice of those who would 
not lay down their lives for their city. The people 
nevertheless rejected his advice and riotously drove 
him from the stand, and when Demosthenes delivered 
a carefully prepared discourse, they were carried 
away with sympathy for their leaders and clearly 
wished to save them. 

In the end, Demades, influenced, it is reported, by 
a bribe of five silver talents from Demosthenes’s sup- 

(1955), 28). Plutarch (Alexander, 11. 6) and Arrian (1. 9. 10) 
report that Alexander spared the house of Pindar. 

1 This number is given by Plutarch (Demosthenes, 23. 3) as 
from Idomeneus and Duris, but he thinks eight rather, whom 
he names. 

2 The Attic hero Leôs sacrificed his daughters to avert 
danger to the city ; so also Erechtheus, whose name may lie 
behind the unknown Hyacinthus. Cp. Lycurgus, C. Leocr. 
98-99; Demades, Duod. Ann. 37; Aeschines, C. Ctes. 161; 
Plutarch, Phocion, 17. See Addenda. 



yupiov, ouveßoúñeve èv oúģew Toùs kivðvvevovrtas, 
mapavéyvw è pýħiopa yeypappévov hioréyvws" 
nepieîye yàp Tmapairnow rv åvðpõv kal èray- 
yeàlav roô koàdlew karà roùs vópovs, àv ow 
4 dérot Tipwpias. ó pèv ov Ôfjpos daroðeéduevos 
ùv èrivorav roô Anudõov ró Te pýhiopa kúpwoe 
kal ròv Aņnudsnv peb’ érépwv ànéorerde npeoßevriv 
npòs ròv acıiàéa, Sods évroàùv kai mepi rÕv Oq- 
Baiwv puydðwv dfrðoar ròv 'Adéfavðpov ovyxyw- 
poar T® Šńuw roùs mepevyóras OnPaiovs ro- 
5 ôéyeolar. ó è Anudõns mpeoßeúoas kal th ToÔ 
Àóyov ewóryrTi mdvra katepyacápevos čmeLoE TV 
’ AAéÉavõpov aroddoar roùs åvõpas TÕv èykàņnupdtTwv 
kal rAÀAÀa ndvra ovyywpoat rois ` Alnvaiors. 

16. Merà è rara ó pèv Pacıdeùs raveàbwv 
uerà tis Svváuews eis Thv Marxeðoviav ovvýyaye 
Toùs hyepóvas TÖV OTpPaTLWTÕV KaL TOÙS ALoÀoyw- 
rdrovs tÕv piàwv kat mpoéðnke Bovàiw mepi trĝs 
eis rùv ° Aciav ĝiaßdoews, nóre xp) otpareðew kal 
2 rivi Tpórw yepioréov Tv móÀcpov. TÖV Õè mepi 
Tòv `Avrirarpov kai Tlappeviwva ovufovàevóvrwv 
npórepov nmaðororýocachat kat TóTE Tos TNÀAKOŬ- 
Tois èyyerpeîv épyois, Öpaortikòs ©v Kal npòsS TĜTAV 
npdáčews dvaßoàńv dorpíws Õıakeiuevos dvreîne 
roúrois’ aioypòv yàp Úrmdpyew drepaivero TÒV 
úno tris ‘Eddõos hyeuóva kabeorauévov roô ro- 
öra kabłĝoðbaı yduovs émireàoðvra kat Tékvwv 
3 yevéoeis dvapévovra. Šðdéas ov aùroùs mepi Toĵ 
1 Justin (11. 4. 9-12) adds that the exiled Athenian leaders 

went off to Persia, and Arrian (1. 10. 6) speaks particularly of 
Charidemus, while failing to mention the part played in this 


BOOK XVII. 15. 3—16. 3 

porters, counselled them to save those whose lives 3385/4 s.c. 

were threatened, and read a decree that had been 
subtly worded. It contained a plea for the men and 
a promise to impose the penalty prescribed by the 
law, if they deserved punishment. The people ap- 
proved the suggestion of Demades, passed the decree 
and dispatched a delegation including Demades as 
envoys to the king, instructing them to make a plea 
to Alexander in favour of the Theban fugitives as 
well, that he would allow the Athenians to provide a 
refuge for them. On this mission, Demades achieved 
all his objectives by the eloquence of his words and 
prevailed upon Alexander to absolve the men from 
the charges against them and to grant allsthe other 
requests of the Athenians.? 

16. Thereupon the king returned with his army to 
Macedonia, assembled his military commanders and 
his noblest Friends and posed for discussion the plan 
for crossing over to Asia. When should the campaign 
be started and how should he conduct the war? 
Antipater and Parmenion advised him to produce an 
heir first and then to turn his hand to so ambitious an 
enterprise, but Alexander was eager for action and 
opposed to any postponement, and spoke against 
them. It would be a disgrace, he pointed out, for one 
who had been appointed by Greece to command the 
war, and who had inherited his father’s invincible 
forces, to sit at home celebrating a marriage and 
awaiting the birth of children.? He then proceeded 

embassy by Demades. Plutarch (Alexander, 13) states that 
Alexander was moved by his own clemency. The mission 
of Demades is described by Plutarch, Demosthenes, 23. 5. 

2 This incident is not mentioned by Justin or Arrian, or by 
Plutarch in the Alexander, but is given in the Demosthenes, 
23. 5. 

VOL. VIII G 161 


ovupépovros kal mapopuńýoas ià trv Àðywv mpos 
Toùs dyðvas voias peyañorpenreis roîs Îeoîs ovv- 
eréàccev ev Aiw ris Makeðovias ral okyvixoùs 
åyôðvas Aıl kaiè Moúoas, os `Apyéàaos ő mpo- 
4 Baoicúoas mpôros karéðeiče. rùův è mavýyvpw 
e$’ hpépas vvéa ovveréàeoev, ékdorn rv Movoðv 
eravupov huépav àvaðeićas. okyviv è kara- 
okevacdpevos ékarovrákwov ToÚs TE QiÀovs kal 
roùs hyeuðvas ëtt è roùs aro rÕv móňewv mpé- 
opeis mapédaßev mi tv eùwyiav. Àaurpaîs ĝè 
mapackevaîs ypnoduevos kat ToÀÀoùs èv éoTid- 
cas, mdon Sè rH uvduer rados iepeîa kat TAAÀa 
Tà mpos Tv ecùwyiav davýkovra mpocavéaße Tò 

17. Er’ àpxyovros © ’Abúývyoi Kryoidéovs ‘Po- 
paîot èv úrdrovs katréorņnoav [diov Lovàrikiov 
kai Aevkiov Ilaripiov. ’Adétavðpos è perà Ts 
vváuews mopevheis mi ròv “Edýorovrov ĉefi- 
Baoe rv Súvauıw èk ts Eùpømns eis tv °Aciav. 
2 aùròs è uarpaîs vavoiv éčńýkovra kararÀcúoas 
npòs Thv Tpwdða yæpav npõôros rv Mareóvwv 
ámò ris vews Ņkóvrioe uèv TÒ Sópv, mýéas & eis 
TÀv yiv kal aùròs darò ris vews dpadàóuevos mapà 
rôv Îeðv dnrepaivero Tùv °Aciav Séyeolar Sopikty- 
3 rov. Kal toùs èv rapovs tTÕv hpowv Axyıàéws 
Te kal Atlavros kai TÕv dÀAÀwv êvayiopacı kal Toîs 
dÀdois Toîs mpòs eùðokiav dvýkovow èriunoev, 

2? Arrian (1. 11. 1), after mentioning the sacrifice to Olym- 
pian Zeus, adds: ““ others say that he held games in honour of 

the Muses.” That is to say, this was not mentioned by 
Ptolemy or (probably) Aristobulus, Arrian’s primary sources. 


BOOK XVII. 16. 3—17. 3 

to show them where their advantage lay and by 
appeals aroused their enthusiasm for the contests 
which lay ahead. He made lavish sacrifices to the 
gods at Dium in Macedonia and held the dramatic 
contests in honour of Zeus and the Muses which 
Archelaüs, one of his predecessors, had instituted.! 
He celebrated the festival for nine days, naming each 
day after one of the Muses. He erected a tent to 
hold a hundred couches ? and invited his Friends and 
officers, as well as the ambassadors from the cities, to 
the banquet. Employing great magnificence, he 
entertained great numbers in person besides dis- 
tributing to his entire force sacrificial animals and 
all else suitable for the festive occasion, and put his 
army in a fine humour. 

17. When Ctesicles was archon at Athens, the Ro- 
mans elected as consuls Gaius Sulpicius and Lucius 
Papirius.* Alexander advanced with his army to the 
Hellespont and transported it from Europe to Asia. 
He personally sailed with sixty fighting ships to the 
Troad, where he flung his spear from the ship and 
fixed it in the ground,* and then leapt ashore himself 
the first of the Macedonians, signifying that he re- 
ceived Asia from the gods as a spear-won prize. He 
visited the tombs of the heroes Achilles, Ajax, and 
the rest and honoured them with offerings and other 

2 The size of this structure may be judged from the fact 
that Agathocles’s Hall of the Sixty Couches was one of 
the wonders of Sicily (Book 16. 83. 2). The tent accompa- 
nied EAAS on his expedition (Athenaeus, 12. 538 c, 
539 d). 

3 Ctesicles was archon from July 334 to June 333 B.c. 
Broughton (1. 138 f.) lists C. Sulpicius Longus as one of the 
consuls of 337, and L. Papirius Crassus as one of the consuls 
of 336. The latter is apparently repeated in chap. 29. 1. 

4 Justin, il. 5. 10. 


335/4 B.C. 

334/3 B.C. 


3 4 ` A 3 ` a 3 À fd 8 lA 
aùròs Õè rov eéeracuov Tis akoàovÂhoúons ðvvápews 
akpipôðs êrorýoaro. 

Eúpéðņoav è meoil Mareðóves èv uúpiot kal 

+ ud ` e E lė 
òoyidor, oúupayoi è émrTakioyiàor, pobodópot 
òè mevrakıoyiNor, kal roórwv andvræwv Iappeviwv 
4 elyce rùv hyeuoviav. °’Oôpúoai è kal Tppañdo? 
Kal IAvpioi ouvykoàovlovv émrtakioyioi, Točo- 

m~ N ` ~ kd lA t + er 
TÖV Õè kal TÕv `Aypıdvwv kañovpévwv yidlot, WOTE 
` o 
Toùs dmavras evar mečoùs tTpiouvpiovs kal ĝo- 
xtÀlovs.? imneîs & únñpyov Mareðóves uèv yiňtot 
’ z a 
kal ôktakóoioi, PiAwrov roô Iappeviwvos ýyov- 
lA bi ` l 4 kd ld KJ 
pévov, @errañol è yiňMot kal òkrakóciot, Ôv 
e a Can 
nyero Kdàdas ó ‘Apráàov, rv è dAMAwv ‘EdMńvæv 
e 2 e D a m 
ot mavrtes éčakóociot, v hyeîro 'Epiyvios,? Opâres 
` z 
è mpõõpouor kal Iaioves èvvaróoior, Káoarðpov 
y e l4 A 
exovres yepõva, wore cúurTavraşs Úmápyew ín- 
meîs TerpakıoyiÀlovs kat mevrakoclovs. ot pèv oĝv 
3 39 lA “~ 
HET’ ° Adeédvõpov õraßdvres els rùv °Aclav roooô- 
i ~ ka a 

5 rot TÒ nÀÑbos foav. oi & èni ris Eùpórns nro- 
1 ~ D 

ÀcÀeruuévoi orpariðrtai, Êv 'Avrinarpos eye rùv 

1 So MSS. : mevrarıoyiňor edd. 
? kal &ayıÀlovs added by Fischer ; the same figure is given 
by Justin, 11. 6. 2. 

Ha n Wesseling (cp. chap. 57. 3 et passim): Eùpúyvios 

i aR 11. 5. 12; Plutarch, Alevander, 15. 4; Arrian, 

? Diodorus is our only source for the detailed troop list of 
Alexander. Justin (11. 6. 2) gives simply 32,000 foot and 
4500 horse; Plutarch (Alexander, 15. 1), 80,000-43,000 foot 


BOOK XVII. 17. 3-5 

appropriate marks of respect, and then proceeded to 334/3 v.c. 

make an accurate count of his accompanying forces. 
There were found to be, of infantry, twelve thou- 
sand Macedonians, seven thousand allies, and five 
thousand mercenaries, all of whom were under the 
command of Parmenion. Odrysians, Triballians, and 
Tlyrians accompanied him to the number of seven 
thousand ; and of archers and the so-called Agria- 
nians one thousand, making up a total of thirty-two 
thousand foot soldiers. Of cavalry there were eight- 
een hundred Macedonians, commanded by Philotas 
son of Parmenion ; eighteen hundred Thessalians, 
commanded by Callas son of Harpalus ; six hundred 
from the rest of Greece under the cemmand of 
Erigyius ; and nine hundred Thracian and Paeonian 
scouts with Cassander in command, making a total of 
forty-five hundred cavalry. These were the men 
who crossed with Alexander to Asia.? The soldiers 
who were left behind in Europe under the command 

and 4000-5000 horse ; Arrian (1. 11.3) *‘ not much more than ” 
30,000 foot and 5000 horse. Plutarch (De Fortuna aut 
Virtute Alegandri, 1. 3. 327 pje) states that Aristobulus 
gave 30,000 foot and 4000 horse, Ptolemy 30,000 foot and 
5000 horse, and Anaximenes 43,000 foot and 5500 horse. 
Plutarch (Alexander, 15. 1) adds that Alexander had with 
him only seventy talents (from Aristobulus) and provisions 
for thirty days (Duris), while Onesicritus stated that he was 
in debt in the amount of 200 talents. It will be noted that 
Diodorus’s figures for the cavalry add up to 5100, and not to 
4500, as stated. 

Diodorus correctly states that Philotas commanded the 
Companion Cavalry and Callas the Thessalians, but Erigyius 
did not get command of the Allied Cavalry until the arrest of 
Alexander of Lyncestis in the winter of 334/3. “ Cassander 
is a mistake, or he is otherwise unknown; Ariston com- 
manded the Scouts at the Granicus and later (Berve, Alex- 
anderreich, 2, nos. 138 and 302). 



e l ` ` e A 2 4 , 
nyepoviav, meoil èv óripxov ópio kal ĝioyiňot, 
e algi y 
inmnmels? Õe yidtot kal TEVTAKÕÓOLOL. 
A ` a > A 
Toô è Bacıiéws dvateúćavros èr rs Tpwdðos 
4 ld A m 
KAL KATAVTÝOAVTOS Tps TÒ TÉueEvos ris ° Abnvâs ó 
$ z kd l A 
èv Îúrns °’AAéÉavðpos? karavońoas mpò ToÔ ve 
?. bd ld ` ~ 
Keruévyv etkõva yapal roô Dpvyias morè carpareðv- 
bd 2 A 
oavros °`Apiopaptávov rai twwwv olwvôv alsiwv 
y 3 lA la m a 
dAwv èmiyevopévwv npooñàbe T Pacideî kal vi- 
E Jons e 4 l4 m N 
kNoew aùrov immtopayiq peydàn Seeßpeßaroðro kal 
LA kd A # ` ` 
Háor, àv rúxn mepl rùv Dpvyiav åyamodpevos. 
+ ` a 
7 mpoceribet è kal Sióre raîs las yepoiv dro- 
a3 2 ? ~ 
krevet uayópevos év maparáčet orparņyòv emipavh 
A lg m ` ~ 
TÕv Toàepiwv: rara yàp aùr mpoonuaivew Toùs 
ĝcoù K ` IÀ ` AO m Ka ` d 
S kat pdàora Thv ° Abnvâv, Ñv kal ovvepyhoew 
? 4 A 
ev“ roîs eùnuephuaow. 
e kd ? [A > la 
18. ʻO ®© 'Adééavðpos dmoðeéádpevos Tův roô 
A l A ` > m 
LavTews mpóppnow TÑ pèv `Abnv Àaurpav èneré- 
d ` 
Àcoe Ovoiav kal rò pèv iiov õràov dvéðnke rå 
~ ~ 3 93 m A 
> ` ` 
orov avañaßav kal Troórw kaĝorobeis èypńoaro 
KATA TÜV Tp í Nv ta Ts iias å 
NV TPTY paxyv, v ia ris iðias avõpa- 
lá ’ ? 
yabias rpivas mepipónrov čoye tův vikyv. åÀààà 
~ ` e e 
TaÛTa uev voTepov huépars ðÀiyais ênrpáyðn. 

1 g e a ` 
2 So Rhodoman: inreîs 8è púpiot kal yiMot ral mevra- 

2 So MSS. : °Adegávõpov Rhodoman. 
3 So edd. : drokreiver. 

t êv added by Kallenbach. 

BOOK XVII. 17. 5—18. 1 

of Antipater numbered twelve thousand foot and 8334/3 s.c. 

fifteen hundred horse.: 

As the king began his march out of the Troad and 
came to the sanctuary of Athena, the sacrificant 
named Alexander noticed in front of the temple a 
statue of Ariobarzanes, a former satrap of Phrygia, 
lying fallen on the ground, together with some other 
favourable omens that occurred. He came to the 
king and affirmed that he would be victor in a great 
cavalry battle and especially if he happened to fight 
within the confines of Phrygia ; he added that the 
king with his own hands would slay in battle a dis- 
tinguished general of the enemy. Such, he said, 
were the portents the gods disclosed to him, and par- 
ticularly Athena who would help him in his success. 

18. Alexander welcomed the prediction of the seer 
and made a splendid sacrifice to Athena, dedicating 
his own armour to the goddess. Then, taking the 
finest of the panoplies deposited in the temple, he 
put it on and used it in his first battle. And this he 
did in fact decide through his own personal fighting 
ability and won a resounding victory. But this did 
not take place till a few days later. 

1 These figures are not given elsewhere. 

2 The well-known temple at IHium (Arrian, 1. 11. 7; Plu- 
tarch, Alexander, 15. 4). 

3 It may be that Diodorus has garbled his source; no 
sacrificant Alexander is otherwise mentioned, and this may 
be a mistake for Aristander (Berve, Alexanderreich, 2, no. 
117). Ariobarzanes was satrap of Phrygia in 388-361 B.C., 
and then arrested and punished as a rebel. His statue may 
have been overthrown at that time. 

4 Cp. chap. 21. 2, below, and Arrian, 1. 11. 7-8, who states 
that the arms were carried before him into battle. The shield 
was carried by Peucestes in the assault on the citadel of the 
Malli in 325 (Arrian, 6. 9. 3). 




Oi è rôv Ilepoðv catpdrai kal orparņyol toô 
4 a A 2 s UA e Z 
pèv kwdboar rv Mareðóvwv rv caßaow úoréph- 
3 + 7 9 lA ~ ks 
cav, aÎporobévres ©’ eßovàeúovro môs yp ðrarode- 
a a L lA 2 sy e a e 
etv roîs mepi ` Adétavðpov. Méuvwv pèv oĝv ó 
‘Póôtos, raßefonuévos mi ovvécet otparnyiıcĝ, 
ovvepoðicve karà orópa pèv u) rariwõvveðew, Thv 
ðe yópav hleipew kai ti onmáve TÔv dvaykaiwv 
etpyew roùs Mareðóvas rs eis roŭurpocðev 
l EA ` A 2? ? Di 
mopeias, Õeafıpábev è kai Svvapeis eis rhv Mare- 
Õoviav vavrikds re kal mečikàs kat ròv dov rée- 

3 A ? la ~ g t Ba- AD, | © 
3 pov eis Thv Eùpóryv perayaye™v. ó ô AVNp oŬToOS 

KA ~ SA e k4 aa > lA 

àpiora pèv ovvepovàcvev, ws êk TÕv drorteàecud- 
A 3 

Twv èyevýĝy pavepóv, où uv ënmee roùs dAÀovs 

e lg ~ ~ 

nyepovas, ws avdéra ovupovàcúwv rs Mepoôv 

4 peyadopvyias. iðmep emkparoúons ris roô ði- 


aywvieoĝatr yvøuns ofroi êv ràs mavrayólev 
Òvvduers peranepfdpuevoi kal ToààarÀdoot yev- 
pevor tv Mareðóvwv mpoñyov émi ®pvylas TÕS 
ep ‘Edànoróvrov.! rareorparoréðevoav &è Tapa 
ròv T pavkòv morapóv, npoßañdóuevoi Tò peth pov 

~ EA m 
TOÔ mpoerpnuévov TotTauoÎ. 

19. “O è ’Adéfavðpos mvlópevos riv ovvõpouùv 
rv Rapßapıxðv vvráuewv npoñye kal TÚVTOMOV 
TNV mopelav mooduevos dvreorparoréðevoe roîs 
Toàeuiois, wore åvà uévov pev TÕv mapeufpoi®v 
ròv lpovicóv. oi èv oĝv Bápßapor tův ómóperav 
kaTeÀnuuévot Thv havyiav Ñyov, kerpikóres Tois 
moàeulois émbéohar karà Tv &dBaow toô mora- 
poĵ: kal ĝeonacuévys tis rôv Maxeðóvwv pdàay- 
yos pgðlws rporepýoew nreàdußovov èv TÌ páxN 

BOOK XVII. 18. 2—19. 2 

Meanwhile, the Persian satraps and generals had 331/3 s.c. 

not acted in time to prevent the crossing of the 
Macedonians,! but they mustered their forces and 
took counsel how to oppose Alexander. Memnon, 
the Rhodian, famed for his military competence, 
advocated a policy of not fighting a pitched battle, 
but of stripping the countryside and through the 
shortage of supplies preventing the Macedonians 
from advancing further, while at the same time they 
sent naval and land forces across to Macedonia and 
transferred the impact of war to Europe.? This was 
the best counsel, as after-events made clear, but, for 
all that, Memnon failed to win over the other com- 
manders, since his advice seemed beneath the dignity 
of the Persians. So they decided to fight it out, and 
summoning forces from every quarter and heavily 
outnumbering thé Macedonians, they advanced in 
the direction of Hellespontine Phrygia. They pitched 
camp by the river Granicus, using the bed of the 
river as a line of defence. 

19. When Alexander learned of the concentration of 
the Persian forces, he advanced rapidly and encamped 
opposite the enemy, so that the Granicus flowed be- 
tween the encampments. The Persians, resting on 
high ground, made no move, intending to fall upon 
the foe as he crossed the river, for they supposed 
they could easily carry the day when the Macedonian 

1 The battle of the Granicus is described by Justin (11. 6. 
8-13), Plutarch (Alegander, 16), and Arrian (1. 12. 6-16. 7). 
A good analysis of this and Alexander’s other battles is given 
by Major General J. F. C. Fuller, The Generalship of Alex- 
ander the Great (1958). 

2 Arrian, 1. 12. 9. 

1 ‘Edànoróvrov Wesseling ; ‘EdMúýorovrov. 


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taîs apetaîs. oi è mdvres innmeis únñpyov TÀciovs 
TÕv uvpiíwv. ot è neboli rôv Ilepoðv osav pèv 
d 3 A ~ l l ba r a. 
oùk éàdrrovs rv ðéka uvpidðwv, omiobev È’ emite- 

1 mpokweîv] mpokpivew Reiske, which is certainly possible. 
2 So Freinsheim (cp. chap. 34. 5; Book 15. 92. 1; Arrian, 
1. 12. 8): 'Appeopiðpovs RX, Eppeopiðpovs F. 

1 This account of the battle differs from that of Arrian (1. 
13) in two respects which cannot be reconciled. There, the 
attack takes place in the late afternoon and in the lower 
course of the Granicus, where the river flows through rela- 
tively flat country but in a deep and muddy bed. He, as Plu- 
tarch also (Alexander, 16), describes the action as taking 
place between Macedonians trying to cross and Persians 
holding the river bank. Diodorus, in contrast, places the 
battle at dawn, and lets the Macedonians cross without diff- 
culty and engage the Persians on the far bank. Probably 


BOOK XVII. 19. 3-5 

phalanx was divided. But Alexander at dawn boldly 334/3 s.c. 

brought his army across the river and deployed in 
good order before they could stop him.! In return, 
they posted their mass of horsemen all along the 
front of the Macedonians since they had decided to 
press the battle with these. Memnon of Rhodes 
and the satrap Arsamenes held the left wing each 
with his own cavalry ; Arsites was stationed next 
with the horsemen from Paphlagonia; then came 
Spithrobates satrap of Ionia at the head of the 
Hyrcanian cavalry. The right wing was held by a 
thousand Medes and two thousand horse with Rheo- 
mithres as well as Bactrians of like number.3 Other 
national contingents occupied the centre, numerous 
and picked for their valour. In all, the cavalry 
amounted to more than ten thousand. The Persian 
foot soldiers were not fewer than one hundred thou- 
sand,* but they were posted behind the line and did 

he located the battle further upstream, in the foothills. 
According to Plutarch (Alexander, 16. 2), the battle would 
have occurred in the Macedonian month Daesius, but as that 
was unlucky militarily, Alexander ordered the intercalation 
of a second Artemisius. See further above, p. 100, note 1. 

2 The novelty of this arrangement consisted in the fact that 
each army placed its cavalry in front at the point of contact. 
This may not have been specifically planned, Alexander 
threw his cavalry across the river to gain a bridgehead, and 
the Persians naturally countered with their cavalry, so that 
a piecemeal engagement followed. 

3 Arsites was the satrap of Hellespontine Phrygia and 
Spithridates of Lydia and Ionia (Arrian, 1. 12. 8). Arrian 
names these Persians and adds Petines and Niphates, but does 
not give the Persian order of battle. He gives that of the 
Macedonians, which Diodorus omits, in 1. 14. 1-3. Arsamenes 
(Arsames, Curtius, 3. 4. 3; Arrian, 2. 4. 5) was satrap of 

a Justin (11. 6. 11) gives the Persian strength as 600,000, 
Arrian (1. 14. 4) as 20,000 foot and 20,000 horse. 



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1! This comment is a rationalization after the event. The 
Persian infantry would not move up to meet the Macedonian 


BOOK XVII. 19. 5—20. 3 

not advance since the cavalry was thought to be 334/3 s.c. 

sufficient to crush the Macedonians.! 

As the horse of each side joined battle spiritedly, 
the Thessalian cavalry posted on the left wing under 
the command of Parmenion gallantly met the attack 
of the troops posted opposite them ; and Alexander, 
who had the finest of the riders on the right wing 
with him, personally led the attack upon the Persians 
and closing with them, began to inflict substantial 
losses upon them. 

20. But the Persians resisted bravely and opposed 
their spirit to the Macedonian valour, as Fortune 
brought together in one and the same place the finest 
fighters to dispute the victory. The satrap of Ionia 
Spithrobates, a Persian by birth and son-in-law of 
King Dareius, a man of superior courage, hurled 
himself at the Macedonian lines with a large body of 
cavalry, and with an array of forty companions, all 
Royal Relatives ? of outstanding valour, pressed hard 
on the opposite line and in a fierce attack slew some 
of his opponents and wounded others. As the force 
of this attack seemed dangerous, Alexander turned 
his horse toward the satrap and rode at him.? 

To the Persian, it seemed as if this opportunity for 
a single combat was god-given. He hoped that by 
his individual gallantry Asia might be relieved of its 

2 This was an honorary title of high nobility in the Persian 
Empire, as later in the Hellenistic kingdoms. 

3 According to Arrian (1. 14. 6-7), Alexander opened the 
battle with a mixed force under Ptolemy the son of Philip, 
probably the one of the bodyguards who was killed at Hali- 
carnassus. He had light troops including the Scouts under 
Amyntas the son of Arrhabaeus, a battalion of the phalanx, 
and a squadron of the Companions. His mission was to open 

a gap in the Persian line. Then Alexander, as usual, charged 
with the Companions obliquely towards the Persian centre. 



yiorwv póßfwv rùv °`Aciav kai rhv mepipónrov Ade- 
édvðpov róùpav raís iias yepoil karaàvôĝvat kal 
rv rõv Ilepoðv ŝótav pů) kararoyvvôfva pôdver 
Baàwv rò oavviov mi rov °`AàéEavõpov kal oŭrw 
pera opoðpâs ciorecwv púuns kal Biaiws Tò ópv 
wodápevos Õiappýćas Te Týv Te doniða Adeédvðpov 
kai Tùv Õeéiav emwulða Sýàace ðià roô hóparos. 
40 è Paocideùs rò èv Béàos rÔ Bpayiovi mepieàkó- 
pevov anéppube, TÔ © innw mpooßaav tà kévrpa 
kal TÑ pún? ris popâs ovvepyð xpnoduevos eis 
pécov Toĝ catpárov TO orfjbos èvýpeioe rò évoróv. 
50 ovvreeolévros ai pèv mÀnoiov táćeis map 
duporépois Sià Tv Únepßpoàùv tis dvõpeías åveßón- 
cav, rs © emoparlðos mepi rov Qúópara ovvrpi- 
Peions kai toô Opaúouaros anromņnõńoavros ó uèv 
Iépons omaocdpevos tò ios èri ròv ’Adétavspov 
êrepépero, ó òè Baocieùs Seadaßdv rò évoròv č- 
phacev evepeîoat TÔ mpooórw ral Srýdaoe Tùv 
6 mÀàņnyýv. kab’ ôv ù xpóvov ó dðeàġdós roô meogvros 
‘Pwodrys mpooinnevoas karýveyre TÔ Eidet karà 
Tis kepadñs `Adegdvõðpov oùrws èmivõvvov TÀN- 
yv oTe TÒ èv kpåávos Õiarrtúčaı, TOÔ è ypwròs 
1 F omits ’Aàeédvôpov . . . kal riv, RX omit xal TV e.. 

katuoxvuvbĝvan No MS. has the full text printed here. 
2 So Reiske: foun. 

„1 If Alexander may be assumed to have carried a shield on 
his left arm, it would have been possible for the javelin to pass 
through this and his breastplate and catch in his epomis on 
the right shoulder (not the shoulder itself, since Alexander 
was not wounded ; Plutarch, Alegander, 16. 5), although 
this would have required a remarkably violent cast, especially 
since the weapon, dangling from the right arm, must have 
passed its entire length completely through the shield. This 

BOOK XVII. 20. 3-6 

terrible menace, the renowned daring of Alexander 8334/3 s.c. 

arrested by his own hands, and the glory of the 
Persians saved from disgrace. He hurled his javelin 
first at Alexander with so mighty an impulse and so 
powerful a cast that he pierced Alexander’s shield 
and right epomis and drove through the breastplate.! 
The king shook off the weapon as it dangled by his 
arm, then applying spurs to his horse and employing 
the favouring momentum of his chaige drove his 
lance squarely into the satrap’s chest. At this, 
adjacent ranks in both armies cried out at the super- 
lative display of prowess. The point, however, 
snapped off against the breastplate and the broken 
shaft recoiled, and the Persian drew his sword and 
drove at Alexander ; but the king recovered his grip 
upon his lance in time to thrust at the man’s face and 
drive the blow home. The Persian fell, but just at 
this moment, Rhosaces, his brother, galloping up 
brought his sword down on Alexander’s head with 
such a fearsome blow that it split his helmet and 

all suggests some exaggeration if not confusion, and it is 
doubtful if the Macedonian cavalry carried shields ; Alex- 
ander is shown without one in the mosaic from the House of 
the Faun in Pompeii, which, of course, pictures the Battle of 
Issus, and not that at the Granicus (cp. Berve, Alexander- 
reich, 1. 104, n. 4; such pictures as that in Doro Levy, 
Antioch Mosaic Pavements, 2 (1941), LXIX, c, however, show 
that cavalry could carry shields ; so also Polybius, 6. 25; 
but in Arrian 1. 6. 5 and 4, 23. 2, mounted troops carried 
shields only when they expected to fight on foot). If this 
shield is the same as the koplon taken from Ilium and men- 
tioned below, chap. 21. 2, it may be that, as Arrian reports 
(1. 11. 7-8), it was actually carried before him by an attendant 
(this does not, of course, make the course of the javelin any 
more easily explicable). In the mosaic, Alexander wears the 
chlamys over his breastplate, and fastened with a fibula on 
his right shoulder. 



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? 4 4 3 LE Ea A ` + 
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map aùròv èv roîs Iépoais ëneocov màeiovs, ĝv 
EN , , > 2. 1 ` , e n 
oav émipavéoraror 'Atıġóns kal Dapvárns ó tĝs 
Aapeiov yuvaikòs dedós, črt Sè Mibpoßovtadvns ó 
Karraðokðv ýyoúpevos. 
` ` ~ T 2 > LA ` ~ 
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TeTaypévot ġvyeiv jvaykdoðnoav, erà è traôra 
kal rÕv AAAwv rparévrwv ò èv Bacıeùs podo- 

1 'Aničóns RX ; 'Arvtóns F. 

1 That is, Spithridates and Rhosaces. This incident is 
variously reported. In Plutarch, Alexander, 16. 4-5, Rho- 
saces and Spithridates attacked Alexander simultaneously ; 
the king killed the former, while the latter cracked his helmet 
and was run through by Cleitus’s spear. In Plutarch, De 
Fortuna aut Virtute Alexandri, 1. 1. 326 r, the antagonists 
are Spithridates and Mithridates. In Arrian, 1. 15. 7-8, 


BOOK XVII. 20. 6—21. 4 

inflicted a slight scalp wound. As Rhosaces aimed 334/3 n.c. 

another blow at the same break, Cleitus, surnamed 
the Black, dashed up on his horse and cut off the 
Persian’s arm. 

21. The Relatives now pressed in a solid body about 
the two fallen ment; at first they rained their 
javelins on Alexander, and then closing went all out 
to slay the king. But exposed as he was to many and 
fierce attacks he nevertheless was not overborne by 
the numbers of the foe. Though he took two blows 
on the breastplate, one on the helmet, and three on 
the shield ? which he had brought from the temple 
of Athena, he still did not give in, but borne up by 
an exaltation of spirit surmounted every danger. 
After this, several of the other noble Persians fighting 
against him fell, of whom the most illustrious were 
Atizyes and Pharnaces, brother of Dareius’s queen, 
and also Mithrobuzanes who commanded the Cap- 

Now that many of their commanders had been 
slain and all the Persian squadrons were worsted by 
the Macedonians, those facing Alexander were put 
to flight first, and then the others also. Thus the 

Mithridates is Dareius’s son-in-law. Alexander dismounted 
him with his lance. Rhosaces cracked Alexander’s helmet 
but was overborne by the king, while it was Spithridates 
whose arm was severed by Cleitus. The text of Diodorus 
here might allow one to suppose that Alexander also was 
thrown to the ground, and a figure appearing in two of the 
reliefs of the Alexander Sarcophagus in Constantinople, with 
cracked helmet and broken spear, has been thought to be 
Alexander at the Battle of the Granicus, but this is all very 
uncertain. 2 Cp. chap. 18. 1 above. 

3 Arrian, 1. 16. 3, gives a longer list of Persian casualties, 
but omits the name of Atizyes. Diodorus gives this name also 
among the Persians who fell at Issus (chap. 34. 5). 



yoúuevov rís åvpayaßías rò mpwreîov" åmnvéykaTo 
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raîs elas ypúpevoi kal capópws &ywvioduevot 
5 peyáàņv èr’ àvõpeiq óav čoyov. perà è TÅV 
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tÂv innéwv trpon)v karanàayévres kal taîs pvuyaîs 
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Ilepoôv oi mávres meğol èv mÀeiovs TÕv pupiwv, 
inneîs 8è oùk eddrrovs ĝioyiAlwv, etwyphônoav ð’ 
únèp roùs Šıopvpiovs. perà è Tùv uáxqv ó ßŘa- 
oiàcùs rods rereeurnkóras lape peyañonperðs, 
rpoĝvporépovs karacrevácat mpòs rToùs èv Taîs 
udáyas kuĝúvovs. 

Aros © dvañaßàv tùv Súvapıv mpoñye ða rìs 
Avõiasy kal rhv pèv rÕv Bapõiavôv nóv kal TàS 
åkpornódeis črt è roùs év aùraîs Înoavpoùs map- 
éàaße Mibpivovs? toô carpárov mapaðóvros ékov- 

22. Eis Sè rhv Miànrov ovurepevyórwv rôv ta- 
owbévrwv èk tis uaxns Ilepoðv perà Mépuvovos 

1 So Stephanus : mpørorTov. 

2 So X: Mðpivovs R, Mibpývovs F; cp. chap. 64. 6; 
Arrian, 1. 17. 3, 3. 16. 5. 

1 By allowing their entire cavalry force to be first contained 
and then routed by the Macedonians, the Persian comman- 
ders left their infantry without protection from the flanks and 
rear, and with little chance of withdrawal. Arrian (1. 16. 2) 
speaks only of the annihilation of the Greek mercenary 
phalanx. According to Diodorus, the Persian infantry would 


BOOK XVII. 21. 4—22. 1 

king by common consent won the palm for bravery 331/3 s.c. 

and was regarded as the chief author of the victory, 
and next to him the Thessalian cavalry won a great 
reputation for valour because of the skilful handling 
of their squadrons and their unmatched fighting 
quality. After the rout of the cavalry, the foot 
soldiers engaged one another in a contest that was 
soon ended. For the Persians, dismayed by the rout 
of the cavalry and shaken in spirit, were quick to flee.! 
The total of the Persian infantry killed was more than 
ten thousand ; of the cavalry not less than two 
thousand ; and there were taken alive upwards of 
twenty thousand.? After the battle the king gave 
magnificent obsequies to the dead,’ for he thought it 
important by this sort of honour to create in his men 
greater enthusiasm to face the hazards of battle. 

Recovering his forces, Alexander led them down 
through Lydia and took over the city of the Sardians 
with its citadels and, what is more, the treasures 
stored therein, for Mithrines the satrap surrendered 
them without resistance.4 

22. Since the Persian survivors of the battle to- 
gether with the general Memnon had taken refuge 

have got away with a loss of some thirty per cent of its 

2 Plutarch, Alegander, 16.7, gives the Persian casualties as 
2500 horse and 20,000 foot; Arrian as 1000 horse and the 
most of the Greek phalanx, except for 2000 who were cap- 

3 The Macedonian casualties were 9 foot and 120 horse 
(Justin, 11. 6. 12), 9 foot and 25 horse (Plutarch, Alexander, 
16. 7), or 30 foot and 60 horse (including 25 “ Companions,” 
Arrian, 1. 16. 4). These were honoured with statues (Justin, 
Plutarch, Arrian, ll.ce.; Velleius Paterculus, 1. 11. 8-4). 

4 Plutarch, Alexander, 17. 1. The account of Arrian, 1. 
17—18. 2, is fuller. 



toî orparņyoð ò uèv Paciàeùs nmànoiov rs móňews 
orparoneðevoas kab’ huépav ovveyeîs mpooßoàas 
2 roîs relyeciw ék ðiaðoyjs émoicîro, ot è moop- 
koúpevot TÒ èv TmpÕTOV pgÕiwS ATÒ- TÖV TEYÔV 
NuUvovTo, TOÀAAÔV èv orparewr®v ŅOporouévwv eis 
Tùv mów, Peiðv è kai rÕv dwy TtÕv eis TV 
moopkiav ypnoipwv Sapi yopnyiav éyovres' 
3 èret ðe o Paocideùs pidoriuórepov Taîs Te pnyavaîs 
énoieîro kard yv dpa kal karà Odàarrav ol te 
Makxeðóves ia Tv mirrõóvrwv reryðv eloefiátovrto, 
Tyvikaĵra katıoyvõuevot mpos vyv èrpárovro. 
4 eùlù © oi Miorot ueb ikernprðv TÂ Baoideî 
mpoonrintovres mapéðwkav opâs aùroùðs kal TÙV 
nów. TtÔv è Papßfápwv ot èv nò rôv Make- 
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B éëpevyov, oi © dAdo mdvres jÀwoav. ó & ’AÀé- 
éavõpos roîs èv Miàņoiois piàavbpónrws mpoon- 
véxðn, roùs © ovs dmavras éénvðparoðioaro. 
rs òè vavrikÎs Övváuews oðons dyphorov kal 
ardvas peydàas êyoúons karéàvoe TÒ vavrikòv 
nÀùv oÀiywv veðv, als expiro mpòs Tùv mapako- 
pòv rÕv moNopkyrekôv opydvwv, èv aÎs ĝoav ai 
nmap ? A ĝnvaiwv ves ovupayiðes eLkoow. 

23. "Evrot è Aéyovor ròv `AàéÉavõpov otparnyı- 
kôs ènmwoñoat Tùv ToÔ oróàov kardìvow' mpoo- 
Soxiuov yap övros roô Aapelov ral peňovons 
ueydàns maparáźews ovvredeîołar vouioat Toùs 

areðóvas ékhvuórepov aywvieîohat maparpebeions 

2 ris karà tTùův huyùv eàriðos. rò © aùrò mpõâéa 

Plutarch, Alexander, 17. 1; Arrian, 1. 18. 3-19. 6. 

BOOK XVII. 22. 1—23. 2 

in Miletus, the king set up camp near the city and 334/3 s.c. 

every day, using his men in relays, made continuous 
assaults on the walls. At first the besieged easily 
defended themselves from the wails, for many 
soldiers were gathered in the city, and they had 
abundant provision of missiles and other things useful 
for the emergency. But when the king, in a more 
determined fashion, brought up siege engines and 
rocked the walls and pressed the siege véry actively 
both by land and by sea, and the Macedonians forced 
an entry through the crumbling walls, then at last 
yielding to superior force, they took to flight. Im- 
mediately the Milesians, falling before the king with 
suppliant olive boughs, put themselves and their city 
into his hands. Some of the Persians were slain by 
the Macedonians, others, breaking out of the city, 
sought refuge in flight, and all the remainder were 
taken captive. Alexander treated the Milesians 
kindly but sold all the rest as slaves.! Since the naval 
force was now useless and entailed great expense, he 
dismissed the fleet with the exception of a few ships 
which he employed for the transport of his siege 
engines. Among these was the Athenian contingent 
of twenty ships.? 

23. There are those who say that Alexander’s 
strategic conception was sound, when he dismissed 
his fleet. For Dareius was still to be reckoned with 
and there was bound to be a great battle, and he 
judged that the Macedonians would fight more des- 
perately if he deprived them of all hope of escape by 
flight. He employed the same device, they say, at 

2 Arrian, 1. 20. 1. Naval operations were resumed six 
months later under the command of Hegelochus and Am- 
photerus (Curtius, 3. 1. 19). 



karà Tùv èri [pavkĝ® uáxyv' karà vórTov yàp 
Àapeîv ròv morauóv, mws unõeis èmpáànra 
peúyeiww mpoðńdov trs dmwàeias oŭons tTÕv Šıwko- 
pévwv êv TÔ ToÔ morapoî peibpw. kal yàp karà 
Toùs Üorepov ypővovs `Ayalokàća tròv Dupakosiwv 
Pacıàéa punoápevov tůýv ° Adeédvõpov orparņyiav 
3 avéàmioTov kal peyádànv viryv nepinrorýoachar ia- 
Pávra yàp avrov eis Aßpúnv per’ dàiyns Svvápews 
kal tàs vas pnpýoavra mapeàéoðat pèv tôv 
otpatriwrÂv TAs Èk roô heúyew éàriðas, ouvavay- 
kdoat è yevvaiws dywvisachaı ral ŝıà Torto 
Kapynõoviwv dvriraybévrwv moais uvpidot viki- 
4 Mera è tùv dàwow rtis Miàýrou tò mÀñOos 
Tõv Iepoðv kai rôv puolopópwv, éri ©’ oi mpakrı- 
kóTtaTot TÕv ýyeuóvwv ovvéðpauov eis tùv ‘AÀ- 
kapvacoóv. aŬTn è ý TÓAùLS ueylorn TÖV katTà TYV 
Kapíav Ñv, Paciàcia pèv éoynkuîa rà Kapôv, 
dkporóàcci è kañðs kekoounuévy. karà Sè ròv 
aùTtòv Karpòv Méuvov pè Tv Te yuvaîka kal Tà 
TéÉkva pòs ĴAapeîov Emepmpe kal ToúTw mapabé- 
pevos àa èv Úréàaße tris dopadeias aùrÂôv kaìôs 
menpovoñoðba, äpa Òe TÒV Pacıàéa kañoùs óuńpovs 
Exovta mpobvuórepov EumioTeúoew aÙùT® TYV TÕV 
Awy ńyepoviav: õrep Kal ovvéßn yevéoðar. eùbùs 
yàp ð Aapeĉos Ememfev ÈTOTOÀàS Tmpòs ToÙS karà 
Odàarrav oikoûvras, mpoordrrwv dravras úra- 
kovew TÔ Méuvov. Šiómep oros mapadaßàv rùv 
TÕv wv yeuoviav mapeoreváero mávra Tà yp- 
oa mpòs Todtopkiav èv ti móàet rÕv ‘AMxapvac- 
24. “O è Baordeùs ’Aàétavðpos Tà uèv moop- 



BOOK XVII. 23. 2—24. 1 

the battle of the Granicus, where he placed the stream 8331/3 B.0. 

at his rear, for no one could think of flight when 
destruction of any who were followed into the bed of 
the river was a certainty. There is also, they note, 
in later years the case of Agathocles, king of the 
Syracusans, who copied the strategy of Alexander 
and won an unexpected and decisive victory. He had 
crossed to Libya with a small force and by burning 
his ships deprived his men of any hope of escape by 
flight, thus constraining them to fight like heroes and 
thereby win a victory over the Carthaginians, who 
had an army numbering many tens of thousands.! 

After the capture of Miletus, the bulk of the Per- 
sians and mercenaries, as well as the most enterpris- 
ing of the commanders, concentrated their forces at 
Halicarnassus. This was the largest city in Caria, 
containing the palace of the kings of the Carians, 
and was well provided with interior fortresses. About 
the same time Memnon sent his wife ? and children to 
Dareius, because he calculated that leaving them in 
the king’s care was a good way to ensure their safety, 
while at the same time the king, now that he had 
good hostages, would be more willing to entrust 
Memnon with the supreme command. And so it 
turned out. For Dareius straightway sent letters to 
those who dwelt next the sea, directing them one 
and all to take orders from Memnon. Accordingly, 
having assumed the supreme command, he made all 
the necessary dispositions for a siege in the city of 
the Halicarnassians. 

24., King Alexander had his siege engines and pro- 

1 See Book 20. 7. 

2 This wife, Barsinê the daughter of Artabazus, was cap- 
tured after Issus and was believed later to have born Alex- 

ander a son, Heracles. 


kKNTikà TÕv òpydvwv kal oîrov karà Îdàarrav 
ekópuoev mi tùv ‘Aùkapvaooóv, aùròs è perà 
rdons Tis Svváuews mpoñyev èri Kapias kal tàs 
ev TÑ mapóðw módes npooýyero rais hıňavðpw- 
miats’ Lára & eùepyéTEL TAS ‘Ednviðas TOÀELS, 
morð aùTàs aùrovóuovs kal aßopoňoyýrTovs, mpoo- 
emàéyav ór tìs trôv ‘EMúvwv èhevhepõcews 
2 veka ròv mpòs Ilépoas módepov ènravýpnrai. övri 
© aùr karà Ttův óðorropiav ànývryoév ri 
yúvarov, õvopa èv "Aa, yévei è mpoońkovoa rÅ 
Kapõv dpxĝ. évrvyoúonņs & aùrñs mepi tis mpo- 
yovixis Õvvaoreias kai enbeions Ponbĝoat raúryv 
pēv ékédevoe mapañaßewv trùv ris Kaplas åpxńv, 
roùs è Kâpas iðlovs êroiýoaro raîs eùvolais Öià 
3 Tv Tis yuvarkòs Taúrņs eùepyeciav: eùbùs yàp ai 
módeis macat npeoßelas åmooréàovoai ypvooîs 
otehávois èriuņoav ròv Bacia kal mávra ovp- 
mpárrew êmņyyelÀavro. 

‘O ðè ’AdéEavðpos mànoiov rûs nóňews orparo- 
meðevoas ovveorýoaro moMopklav èvepyòv kal 
4 kaTaTÀnkTikýv. TÒ èv yàp TpôrTov Toîs reiyeot 
npoopoñàs ovveyeîs ék ĝraðoyjs éroreîro kal Siud- 
pevev év Toîs kivðúvois' perà è rara navroðanràs 
unxavàs êmorýoas kal tràs mpò tis móňews tá- 

povs yworpiot yeàwvais dvaràņnpócas ià tôv 
kpiðv éodàeve Toùs múpyovs kal Tà ueračò ueso- 
múpyia. karaßaňðw Šè uépos ti ToÔ reiygovs rò 

Aorròv hòn Sià ris èr yepòs páyys èßıdéero Sià 
1 So Fischer (cp. Book 2. 27. 1): rpiol. 

1 Arrian, 1. 23. 7-8. Ada had been “ dynast ” of Caria 
previously on the death of her elder brother and husband, 

BOOK XVII. 24. 1-4 

visions conveyed by sea to Halicarnassus while he 834/3 s.c. 

himself with all his army marched into Caria, winning 
over the cities that lay on his route by kind treat- 
ment. He was particularly generous to the Greek 
cities, granting them independence and exemption 
from taxation, adding the assurance that the freedom 
of the Greeks was the object for which he had taken 
upon himself the war against the Persians. On his 
journey he was met by a woman named Ada, who 
belonged by blood to the ruling house of Caria.! 
When she presented a petition to recover the position 
of her ancestors and requested hbis assistance, he gave 
orders that she should become the ruler of Caria. 
Thus he won the loyal support of the Carians by the 
favour that he bestowed on this woman. For straight- 
way all the cities sent missions and presented the 
king with golden crowns and promised to co-operate 
with him in everything. 

Alexander encamped near the city and set in 
motion an active and formidable siege.? At first he 
made continued assaults on the walls with relays of 
attackers and spent whole days in active fighting. 
Later he brought up all sorts of engines of war, filled 
in the trenches in front of the city with the aid of 
sheds to protect the workers, and rocked the towers 
and the curtains between them with his battering 
rams. Whenever he overthrew a portion of the wall, 
he attempted by hand-to-hand fighting to force an 

Idrieus (Book 16. 69. 2) but had been ousted by her younger 
brother Pixodarus (Book 16. 74. 2; cp. Strabo, 14. 2. 17. 

C NE 1. 20. 5-23. 6. Diodorus omits Alexander’s abor- 
tive attack on Myndus (Arrian, 1. 20. 5-7), and his narrative 
is told rather from the Persian than from the Macedonian side 
(W. W. Tarn, Alexander the Great, 2? (1948), 13 f.) 



5 roô TTÓPATOS eis TÙ TóÀAv eioreceîv. Méuvwv 
Dè TÒ èv TmpÕTOV ToÙS npooßáňovras - ToîS TEiXEoL 
Maxreðóvas paðiws huúveTo, Todðv ÖvrTwv êv TÅ 
mÕÀEL aTpaTLwTÂÕV' karà Ô TAS tõv Spydvwv 
npoopoñàs uera Toðv oTpatiwTÂv êryeópevos 
èk TÎS móÀcws vurTòs mûp évéBae raîs unyavaîs. 
6 peyáňwv © ayovov mpò rìs TOÖÀEWS TUNOTALÉVWV 
ot èv Mareðóves raîs aperos ToÀÙ mpoeîyov, o 
Sè Ilépoai TÔ mÀàýhei kai traîs mapaokevaîs ênàco- 
vékrovv' ovvýpyovv yàp aùrtoîs ot drò TÔV TELXÔV 
cvvaywviópevoi kal Toîs oévßeàćot karaméàTais 
os èv dmékrewov TÕv moelwv, oŬs è kaTe- 

25. “Opo è at re odàmyyes sńýpawov tap 
dauporépois rÒ moàemkòv kai Bo) mavrayóbev eyi- 
2 map ékarépwv dvòpayaĥiaıs. ot èv yàp tùův èv 
raîs unyavaîs aipopévnv eis ùpos pàdya Katémavov, 
ol Ò eis xeîpas gvumÀekóuevot TOÀDV È êroiovy pó- 
vov, ANo ò évròs TÖV TITTÓVTWV TELYÕV åvTøko- 
Òópovv ërTepa rTeiyy moù trÔv mpoürmapyővrwv 
3 Papúrepa Ttaîs mapaokevaîs. TÕv ò ġyeuóvwv 
TÕv nepil ròv Mépvova Tm pokivõvvevóvTwv kal pe- 
ydas ðwpeàs Sðóvrwv Tos dvòpayaloðow áv- 
vmépßànros hidoya map àuporépois È êyivero mept 
4 ris virNs. òo kal mapiv ópâv TOÙS pèv Tpavpacıv 
évavriotis TEPLTINTOVTAS katl KkaTà Tàs Àrropvyias 
dmohepopévovs è EK TÎS UÁXNS, TOÙS ÕÈ mepiPaivovras 
TA TITMTOVTO oópaTa Kal mept Tî ToÝTwv dvarpé- 
TEWS peyáňovs dyðvas cvviotTauévovs, QÀÀovsS ðe 
òid Tùv úmeppoàiv tõv ewâv évõiðóvras òn kal 

à ris rò rv yeuóvwv mapakàýocews máÀw 

BOOK XVII. 24. 4—25. 4 

entry into the city over the rubble. But Memnon at 334/3 B.. 

first easily beat off the Macedonians assaulting the 
walls, for he had large numbers of men in the city. 
Where the siege engines were attacking, he issued 
from the city at night with numbers of soldiers and 
applied fire to the machines. Fierce fights occurred in 
front of the city, in which the Macedonians showed 
far superior prowess, but the Persians had the ad- 
vantage of numbers and of fire power. For they had 
the support of men who fought from the walls using 
engines to shoot darts, with which they killed some of 
the enemy and disabled others. 

25. At the same moment, the trumpets sounded 
the battle signal on both sides and cheers came from 
all parts as the soldiers applauded in concert the feats 
of brave men on one side or the other. Some tried 
to put out the fires that rose aloft among the siege 
engines ; others joined with the foe in close combat 
and wrought great slaughter ; others erected secon- 
dary walls behind those which crumbled, heavier by 
far in construction than the preceding. The com- 
manders under Memnon took their places in the front 
line and offered great rewards to those who dis- 
tinguished themselves, so that the desire for victory 
rose very high on both sides. There could be seen 
men encountering frontal wounds or being carried 
unconscious out of the battle, others standing over 
the fallen bodies of their companions and struggling 
mightily to recover them, while others who were on 
the point of yielding to the storm of terrors were 
again put in heart by the appeals of their officers and 



Oappoðvraşs kat veapoùs raîs ypvyaîs yivouévovs. 
5 réÀos è mpòs aùraîs raîs múdars ëmeoóv tives TÕV 
Maxeðóvwv kai oùv aùroîs Neorróeuos hyer, 
avùp èmihavhs. 

Merà õè rara úo uèv mópywv ecis čðados kaby- 
pnuévwv kai òveðv pecorvpyiwv èppiupévwv TÔV 
pèv Iepõikkov orparrwrÂv tives pebvolévres mpo- 
merÕðs vukròs mpocéßadov roîs tris dkporóàcws 
Teiyeow: ol Òè mepi ròv Méuvova ovvvohoavres ùv 
åneipiav rÕv mpocßañiðvrwv kal èregeðóvres kal 
TÔ màe moàù mpoéyovres èrpébavro roùs Maxe- 
6 Õčvas Kral moàoùs avýpovv. yvwolévros è roô 
ovußeßnkóros źeßońðovv modol rv Makeðóvæwv 
kal peyáàns uáxys yevopévņs kal rv mepi ròv 
 Aàéfavõòpov êmipavévrwv oi pèv Iépoar Biachévres 
ovvekàeioĝðnoav eis thv mów, ó è Baciàeùs roùs 
meoóvras mpò ToÎ reiyovs Marxeðóvas iarnpvrev- 
odpevos ğrnoev úmoonóvðovs. `Eġıdàrys èv oĝv 
kal Opaoúßovos ot ’Alnvaîoi ovuuayoðvres roîs 
Hépoais ovveßoúevov pů &Dóvat roùs vekpoòs 
mpòs rapýv, ò è Méuvwv ovveyopnoe. 

26. Mera è rara 'Egıdàrns Bovdevouévæv rôv 
hyeuóvæv ovveßoúeve uù mepiuéveiv dws äv áìov- 
ons Ts móàcws aiyudàwrot karaorÔôcw, ÀX’ 
aùroùs Toùs ýyepóvas mpokwôvveðovras TÕV wo- 

1 According to Arrian (1. 20. 10), Neoptolemus, the son 
of Arrhabaeus and brother of that Amyntas who accompanied 
Alexander as a staff offcer (Arrian, 1. 12.7; 14.1; 28. 4), 
had deserted to the Persians and was killed in the attack on 
Halicarnassus. Diodorus here places him on the Macedonian 


BOOK XVII. 25. 4—26. 1ı 

were renewed in spirit. At length, some of the Mace- 334/3 r.c. 

donians were killed at the very gates, among them an 
officer Neoptolemus, a man of distinguished family.! 

Presently two towers were levelled with the ground 
and two curtains overthrown, and some of Perdiccas’s 
soldiers, getting drunk, made a wild night attack on 
the walls of the citadel.. Memnon’s men noticed the 
awkwardness of these attackers and isśuing forth 
themselves in considerably larger numbers routed the 
Macedonians and killed many of them. As this situa- 
tion became known, large numbers of Macedonians 
rushed up to help and a great struggle took place, 
and when Alexander and his staff came up, the Per- 
sians, forced back, were confined within the city, and 
the king through a herald asked for a truce to recover 
the Macedonians who had fallen in front of the walls. 
Now Ephialtes and Thrasybulus,? Athenians fighting 
on the Persian side, advised not to give up the dead 
bodies for burial, but Memnon granted the request. 

26. After this at a council of the commanders, 
Ephialtes advised them not to wait till the city was 
taken and they found themselves captives ; he pro- 
posed that the leaders of the mercenaries should go 
out themselves in the front rank and lead an attack 

side—and in view of the continued trust reposed by Alexander 
in his brother, this is a more reasonable account. 

2 Two men only of Perdiccas’s battalion ; the event took 
place some days later (Arrian, 1. 21. 1). Was Perdiccas 
trying to repeat his success at Thebes (chap. 12. 3)? It was 
the kind of exploit which Alexander would reward liberally. 
The drunkenness may have been a fiction, since Perdiccas 
acted without orders. 

3 Two of the Athenian generals whose surrender had been 
demanded after the capture of Thebes (chap. 15. 1). Cp. 
Realencyclopädie, 5 (1905), 2852 f. ; 5 A (1936), 575. Arrian 
(1. 10. 4) mentions Ephialtes but not Thrasybulus. 



2 Boġópwv' èmıbéchat roîs moàcuiors. ó è Méuvwv 
ópõðv trov Egdıdàryv mpòs dperiv öppðpevov kat 
peydňas éywv àmiðas èv aùr Sià Tùův avõpeíav 
kal Tv TOÔ cwuaros pounv ovveyæwpnoev aùr 

3 mpárrew ó Boúdorro. ó è SıoyıÀlovs rv polo- 
pópwv mékrovs dvaìaßav kal roîŭs ýuioseci ĝia- 
õoùs das Huuévas roùs ©’ dAovs dvrirdéas roîs 
moàcuioirs ådvw tràs múas mdoas dveréracev. 
dpa © ýuépa perà Toúrwv èkyvleis roîs èv uy- 
xavýpaoiw évĵke mp kai mapaypua mov 

4 ovvéßn yevéoðar hàóya, rv © dAàwv èv Babeiq 
pdàayyı memvevwpévwv aùròs mpoņnyeîro kal rtoîs 
ékßponhooı Mareðóow eréppačev. ó è Bacıňeùs 
katavoýoas TÒ yivőpevov ToÙs pèv Tpopáyovs TV 
Mareðóvwv mpúrovs črače, eģġéðpovs ©? čornoe 
Toùs êmÀéKrovs’ ml Sè ToúrTois Tpirovs ènéračev 
érépovs Toùs Taîs dvòpayaliais Úrepáyovras. aùròs 
e mpò mávrwv rToúrwv ńyoúpevos ónéory rToùs 
moàepiovs, Šófavras Sià Tò Bdápos draraywviorovs 
elvat. égémepmpe Sè kal Toùs karaoßéoovras tù 
pàóya kai Bonbýoovras raîs uņyavaîs. 

5 "Apa è map dpporépois ris re Boñs źaioiov 
yivopévns kai rÔv oaàmiyywv onpawovoðv rò 
Toàepikòv uéyas dyàv ovvéorn iù Tàs åperås TÔv 
dywviouévwv kai tùv úneppoàùv ris pdotiuias. 

67ò pèv ov mp kwàvoav oi Mareðóves èmwveun- 
Oñvar, karà è rùv páyyv èmàcovérrovv oi mepl tòv 

1 So MSS.: perà râv polopópav Rhodoman and Wesseling 
(cp. Book 11. 31. 2). 

BOOK XVII. 26. 1—6 

on the enemy.! Memnon recognized that Ephialtes 334/3 s.c. 

was eager to prove himself and, having great hopes 
of him because of his courage and bodily strength, 
allowed him to do as he wished. Accordingly he col- 
lected two thousand picked men and, giving half of 
them lighted torches and forming the others so as to 
meet the enemy, he suddenly threw all the gates 
wide open. It was daybreak, and sallyińng forth with 
his band he employed the one group to set fire to the 
siege engines, causing a great conflagration to flame 
up at once,? while he personally led the rest deployed 
in a dense phalanx many ranks deep and charged the 
Macedonians as they issued forth to help extinguish 
the fire. When the king saw what was happening, 
he placed the best fighters of the Macedonians in 
front and stationed picked men in reserve. Behind 
these he posted a third group also consisting of others 
who had a good record for stout fighting. He himself? 
at the head of all took command and made a stand 
against the enemy, who had supposed that because 
of their mass they would be invincible. He also sent 
men out to extinguish the fire and to rescue the siege 

As violent shouts arose at the same time on both 
sides and the trumpets sounded the attack, a terri- 
fic contest ensued because of the valour of the con- 
testants and their consummate fighting spirit. The 
Macedonians prevented the fire from spreading, but 
Ephialtes’ men had the advantage in the battle, 

1 Arrian mentions two sallies of the besieged, one or the 
other of which may be identified with this (1. 21. 5-6; 22. 
1-3). 2 Arrian, 1. 22. 1. 3 Arrian, 1. 21. 5. 

2 épéðpovs & Dindorf, roúroris 8’ éġéðpovs Reiske; roùs 
&’ èpéôpovs RX, mpos Toùs épéðpovs ĝè F. 


 Edidàryv: oros yàp moù mpoéywv rv dAAwv 
TÑ ToÔ owparos põøun Toàoùs dvýper rv els 
xetpas êpxyoévwv. oi T éġeor®rTes émi TÔ mpoopa- 
Tws dvtrikarackevaolévri Telyet moààoùs dvýpovv 
mvkvoîs toîs Péàcoi ypúópuevor ékaròv yàp TNV 
tò pos múpyos Eúvos kareokeúaotTo, TÀĎPNS 
karaneàrðv oéuvpeiðv. moðv ðè Makeðóvwv 
minrtóvrwv kal Trv dAwv dvaywpoúvrwv tà TÒ 
mÀÑOos Tv feiðv, roô re Méuvovos moaràaciois 
otrpatwTas emponlhoðvros kal aùròs ò Paocideùs 
eis Toà dunyaviav èvémimrev. 

27. "Evða Sù rv èk tis móews katıoyvóvrwv 
mapaðóéws ó rívðvvos madivrporov TV påyxyv 
čoyev. ot yàp mpeoßúraroi rv Makreðóvwv, Sià, 
èv Tùv NÀkiav aroàeàvuévoi rÔv kwðúvæv, ovv- 
eorpatevuévot è idinrmw kal moàààs pdyas 
2 karwplwkóres, Ýnò TrÕv kapôv eis dÀkùv mpo- 

ekàýlņoav, ppovýuarı è kal raîs karà móàepov 

épmeipiais TOÀÙ mpoéyovres roîs èv fvyouayoôoci 
vewrépois mikpõås wvelðioav Tùv avavðpíav, aùrol 
òè ovvalpoiohévres ral ovvaonioavres Ónéornoav 
3 roùs okoðvras Hn vevikykévar. rTéÀàos Sè rév Te 
 EgdidàTyv kal moods dAdovs dveàóvres roùs Aor- 
4 moùs ùvdykacav eis tv mów ovupvuyerv. oi è 

Maxeðóves ris vukròs èmaßoúons roîs feúyovoi 

guveroémecov évròs TÕV TeyÂÕv' roð è Bacıiéws 

keàeúoavros oņpivat Tò dvakàņtıkòv dveyópnoav 
5eis TÒ orparómeðov. oi è mepi ròv Méuvova 
otparnyol kat oatpárar ovveàbóvres čyvwoav Tùův 



BOOK XVII. 26. 6—27. 5 

and he himself, who had far greater bodily strength 334/3 s.c. 

than the rest, slew with his own hand many who tra- 
ded blows with him. From the top of the recently 
erected replacement wall, the defenders slew many 
of the Macedonians with dense showers of missiles 
— for there had been erected a wooden tower, a hun- 
dred cubits high, which was filled with dart-hurling 
catapults. As many Macedonians fell and the rest 
recoiled before the thick fire of missiles, Memnon 
threw himself into the battle with heavy reinforce- 
ments and even Alexander found himself quite help- 

27. Just at that moment as the men from the city 
were prevailing, the tide of battle was surprisingly 
reversed.! For the oldest Macedonians, who were 
exempt from combat duty by virtue of their age, but 
who had served with Philip on his campaigns and had 
been victorious in many battles, were roused by the 
emergency to show their valour, and, being far su- 
perior in pride and war experience, sharply rebuked 
the faintheartedness of the youngsters who wished to 
avoid the battle. Then they closed ranks with their 
shields overlapping and confronted the foe, who 
thought himself already victorious. They succeeded 
in slaying Ephialtes and many others, and finally 
forced the rest to take refuge in the city. Night had 
already fallen as the Macedonians pushed within the 
walls along with their fleeing enemies, but the king 
ordered the trumpeter to sound the recall and they 
withdrew to their camp.? Memnon, however, as- 
sembled his generals and satraps, held a meeting, and 

1 Cp. Arrian, 1. 22. 4-6, who simply refers to Ptolemaeus 

with two battalions of the phalanx. , 
2 Arrian, 1.22. 7, giving as the reason a desire to spare the 
citizens of Halicarnassus the horrors of a sack. 

VOL. VIII H 193 


pèv nów êkùreîv, eis Sè Triv dkpórow roùs dapi- 
áppočoúoņs yopņyíaşs ròv Àorròv öyàov kal rà 
6 xpýuara dnmekóuoav cis thv Kôv. ó ğ `AAéÉ- 
avðpos du ýuépą yvoùs rò yeyevņnuévov TůV uèv 
TAV katéokafe tfi Ò ákporöàe mepiéðnke rTeîyos 
kal Tráhpov aģıóňoyov: aùròs è uépos ris vvd- 
pews petà orparnyðv èténemhev eis Thv peoóyeov, 
mpoordgas trà ovvey rÕv èbvôv yeipoôoba. 

Oro. pèv ov évepyôs moeuýoavres mâoav Tùv 
xópav péypi Ts peydàņs pvyias karacrpepá- 
pevot, ébpebav roùs otrpatiwras èk ris moàeuias' 

70 © 'Aàééavõpos tv mapabadarriav nâsav uéypi 
Kidikias yepwodpevos moàààs módes karektrhoaTto 
kal ġpoúpia kaprepà giňotiuórepov moiopkýoas 
Ti Piq kareróvyoev, év oÎîs évòs mapaðóźws kpd- 
TNOE, mept oÔ Õià TÅv iiórNTa TiS mepirereias oùk 
déiov mapaùıneîv. 

28. Ts yàp Avrias mepi tàs èoyatıàs nérpav 
peydànv òxupóryre ıadépovoav ækovv oi Map- 
papeîs ôvopağóuevot, otTwES TAptÉVTOS ’ AÀeédvðpov 
TÒ xwpiov ènébevro Toîs karà tùv oùpayiav Maxe- 
óo kai ovyvoùs dveàóvres Toà TÔv owpárwv 

1 Arrian, 1. 23. 1. 2? Arrian, 1. 23. 6. 

? Arrian, 1. 24. 3, states only that Parmenion was sent back 
to Sardes with mostly non-Macedonian troops, to proceed 
thence into Phrygia. 

_ * Presumably Diodorus means to say that this story was 
in his source, and too interesting to be omitted. He does 
actually at this point omit all the other events of Alexander’s 
Pisidian campaign including the miraculous passage of the 
Climax, as well as the famous story of the Gordian knot. 
These are told by Curtius (3. 1), Justin, 11. 7, Plutarch (Alex- 


BOOK XVII. 27. 5—28. 1 

decided to abandon the city. They installed their 334/3 z.o. 

best men in the acropolis with sufficient provision and 
conveyed the rest of the army and the stores to Cos. 
When Alexander at daybreak learned what had taken 
place he razed the city and surrounded the citadelwith 
a formidable wall and trench.? A portion of his force 
under certain generals he dispatched into the interior 
with orders to subdue the neighbouring tribes.? 

These commanders, campaigning vigorously, sub- 
dued the whole region as far as greater Phrygia, sup- 
porting their men on the land. Alexander, for his 
part, overran the littoral as far as Cilicia, acquiring 
many cities and actively storming and reducing the 
strong points. One of these he captured surprisingly 
with such a curious reversal of fortune that the 
account of it cannot be omitted.t 

28. Near the frontiers of Lycia there is a great 
rock fortress 5 of unusual strength inhabited by people 
named Marmares. As Alexander marched by, these 
people attacked the Macedonian rear guard and 
killed many, carrying off as booty numerous men 

ander, 17—18. 2), and Arrian (1. 24. 3-2. 4. 6). Tarn’s argu- 
ment (Alexander the Great, 2, 12) that these popular stories 
were not in Diodorus’s source of the moment is untenable if 
his source was Trogus (p. 13). 

5 Here and elsewhere, Diodorus uses the term petra for the 
abrupt and isolated rocky hills which are not uncommon in 
Asia, and which made excellent fortresses. This story is not 
otherwise reported. Freya Stark (Journal of Hellenistic 
Studies, 18 (1958), 116 ; cp. Alexander's Path (1958), 250 f.) 
identifies this place with Chandir in Pamphylia. Appian 
(Bell. Civ. 4. 10. 80) tells the same story of Xanthus, tradi- 
tionally destroyed in this way three times (Herodotus, 1. 176 ; 
Plutarch, Brutus, 31), and it was something of a literary 
topos (also Diodorus, Book 18. 22. 4-7; Strabo, 14. 5. 7. 671). 
Strabo (14. 3. 9. 666) remarks that this destruction was 
necessary to open the passes. 



2 kat TÕv úrokvyiwv adhpracav. émi è ToúrTois Ò 
Pacideùs mapotvvleis ovveorýoaro moopkiav kat 
nâcav ecioepépero orovðùv pią kparĵoar rto 
xwpíov. oi è Mapuapeîs avõpeia Sradépovres ral 
"~ m~ ld ? lå lA t L 
T) TÕv Tómwv èpvuvőTrņTi mioreðovres Úméuevov 
eùpwotws TYV Toopkiav. èri èv ov huépas úo 
ovvexeîs éyivovro npoofoàai kat pavepòs v ó pa- 
oiÀeùs oùk dnmoornoóuevos čws àv EAN TÅV méTpav. 
3 Oi ðè npeoßúrepoi rv Mappapéwv Tò èv npô- 
rov ovuvepoúevov Toîs véors mavoapévois ris Bias 
êp oîs fv vvaròv ovàvbñvat mpòs ròv Bacıidéa: 
où melbopévav © aùrðv, dAd mávrwv hidotiuov- 
pévov ovvarobaveîv tù ris marpiðos èdevlepia 
mapekáàcecav aùrToùs Tékva pèv kal yvvaîkas kal 
Toùs yeynpakóras dveàeîv, aùroùs è roùs vva- 
pévovs ða Tis dks oóķeobar vvrròs ià uéowv 
TÕv Todepiwv iekneceîv kal karapuyetv eis Tùv 
4 nànoiov ôpewńv. ovykaralðeuévwv è trôv véwv 
ovyyeveias aroàaúoavrtas TÕV mpoonveorárwv Bpw- 
rTÕv re kal morÕv úroueîvar TÒ erwòv! čdoče Toîs 
véois, oĝoiv Ós éfakrocíois, To èv poveúew Toùs 
npooýkovras åmooyéoðar, tàs ©’ oikias èunpioa 
kal à rv mvàðv èkyvlévras eis thv òpewhv 
5 dnoywpioar. oror pèv ov rà Šeðoyuéva ovv- 
Teàécavres Taîs iðiais éorioais ékáorovs èroinoav 
êvraġivar, aùroi è Sià uéocwv rv mepreorparo- 
meðevkótrwv ëTL vukròs oŭons Õrekneoóvres čġvyov 
eis Tv mÀņoiov òpewńyv. 
Tara pèv oĝv érpáyðn karà Toôrtov ròv èviavróv. 
1 Diodorus may have confused his narrative in compres- 
sing it, or some words may have been lost here. 


BOOK XVII. 28. 1-5 

and pack animals. The king was enraged at this, 334/3 s.c. 

established a siege, and exerted every effort to take 
the place by force. The Marmares were very brave 
and had confidence in the strength of their fortifica- 
tions, and manfully withstood the attack. For two 
whole days there were constant assaults and it was 
clear that the king would not leave until he had cap- 
tured the “ rock.” , 

First, then, the older men of the Marmares advised 
their younger countrymen to end their resistance and 
make peace with the king on whatever terms were 
possible. They would have none of this, however, 
but all were eager to die together simultaneously 
with the end of the freedom of their state, so next 
the elders urged upon them that they should kill with 
their own hands their children and wives and aged 
relatives, and those who were strong enough to save 
themselves should break out through the midst of the 
enemy at night and take refuge in the neighbouring 
mountain. The young men agreed, and consequently 
gave orders to go each to his own house and there, 
enjoying the best of food and drink with their families, 
await the dread event. Some of them, however (these 
were about six hundred), decided not to kill their rela- 
tives with their own hands, but to burn them in the 
houses, and so issuing forth from the gates to make 
their way to the mountain. These carried out their 
decision and so caused each family to be entombed at 
its own hearth, while they themselves slipped through 
the midst of the enemy encamped about them and 
made their way to the near-by hills under cover of 

This is what happened in this year. 



29. Em äpxovros &’ Alvor Nikokpárovs év 
Pun TÅ Ürmarov åpxùv crcdéfaro Kaloswv Otad- 
Àépios kal Aeúkios Iaripios. èmi 8è roúrwv 
Aapeîos ypnudrwv nAÑÂos eéénempe r@ Méuvovi 
2 kat TOÔ moàéuov navròs anéðeiée otparņnyóv. ò 
Sè pmobopópwv .nàğbos dðpoisas kal tpiakocias 
vas mÀnpóocas vepyðs upre Tà karà ròv ré- 
Àepov. Xîov pèv ov mpoonydyero’ mÀcúoas &’ èri 
Aéoßov Avriooav pèv kat Mýðvuvav xai Húppav 
ka Epeocor’ pgðiws èyerpwoaro, thv è Mirv- 
Avn peyáàny osav kal mapackevaîs peydàais 
kai mÀàńýbe rõv åpvvopévæov åvðpðv keyopnynué- 
vyv moas huépas moMopkýoas kal Toààoðs tTÔv 
oTpaTLwTÕV aroßaàwv uóyis eÎàe karà kpáros. 
3eùhù è rs mepl röv orparņnyòv évepyelas Sia- 
Ponbeions at màeiovs rôv Kuràdðwv vúýowv ŝue- 
mpeopevovro. npoorecovons è dýuns eis tùv 
EMdôa Sióri Méuvwv perà toô oróàov LÉAÀEL 
màcîv em Eùßoias ai èv karà tv viĝoov TAÒTNV 
móňes mepipoßor kaberorńýrewav, oi è tà rôv 

epoðv atpoúpevor rv ‘EdMhvwov, èv oîs únpxov 
kal Zrapriârar, peréwpot raîs eàrlow èyivovro 
4npos kaworouiav. ó è Méuvæav ypńuaci Šia- 
pheipwv moods rôv ‘EňMývwv newe kowwvetv 
Tô Hepoixâv eàriðwv. où uiv ù róyn y”° etacev 
emi mÀcéov mpoedbeîv rv råvõpòs aperýv' ð yàp 
Méuvwv mepinecaw åppworig kal mále Tmapaßóàw 
ovoyelels perýàaće kal ti roúrov teevri ovv- 
erpin kal rà roô Aapeiov mpdypara. l 

30. Ipoceðórnoe èv yàp ó Baoiňeòùs perabńoe- 
E ’Epeooðv RX, "Epecooov F] see Strabo, 13. 24; Ptolemy, 

BOOK XVII. 29. 1—30. 1 

29. When Nicocrates was archon at Athens, Caeso 333/2 s.c. 

Valerius and Lucius Papirius became consuls at 
Rome.! In this year Dareius sent money to Memnon 
and appointed him commanding general of the whole 
war. He gathered a force of mercenaries, manned 
three hundred ships, and pursued the conflict vigo- 
rously. He secured Chios, and then coasting along to 
Lesbos easily mastered Antissa and Methymna and 
Pyrrha and Eressus. Mitylenê also, large and pos- 
sessed of rich stores of supplies as well as plenty of 
fighting men, he nevertheless captured with difficulty 
by assault after a siege of many days and with the 
loss of many of his soldiers. News of the general's 
activity spread like wildfire and most of the Cyclades 
sent missions to him. As word came to Greece that 
Memnon was about to sail to Euboea with his fleet, 
the cities of that island became alarmed, while those 
Greeks who were friendly to Persia, notably Sparta, 
began to have high hopes of a change in the political 
situation. Memnon distributed bribes freely and 
won many Greeks over to share the Persian hopes, 
but Fortune nevertheless put an end to his career. 
He fell ill and died, seized by a desperate malady, 
and with his death Dareius’s fortunes also collapsed.? 

30. The king had counted on Memnon’s transfer- 

1 Nicocrates was archon from July 333 to June 332 B.C. 
Broughton (1. 139) lists the consuls of 336 s.c. as L. Papirius 
Crassus and K. Duillius. The former has apparently already 
been named by Diodorus, chap. 17. 1. 

2 Arrian, 2. 1, gives a similar account, but states that 
Mitylenê was not captured until after Memnon’s death. 

5. 2. 19. For 'Epeoós see IG 12. 2, Index, p. 148; Head, 
Historia Nummorum, 486. 
2 Cospius deleted kal Aéoßov of MSS. after Mirvàńvnv. 
3 Added by Kallenbach (cp. chap. 101. 2). 


obat aùròv' Tròv ndvra mróàepov èk tis °`Aoclas eis 
Tv Eùpónyv: òs È jkovoe rv Méuvovos reñev- 
TÅV, avvýyaye trÕv piwv ovvéðpiov kal mpoéðnke 
Bovàiv TóTEpov Òe? oTpaTNyoÙS kal OTPATIAV kaTa- 
méunew émi Odàarrav Ñ ròv Baoiàda perà máons 
Tis Õvváduews karaßávra Saywvieohar roîs Maxe- 
2 ðóow. évior èv ov čpacav Ŝeîv aùròv ròv Bacıàéa 
maparárreoðar kal rò màhbos rôv Ilepoðv drepai- 
vovto mpobvuőtepov aywveîohar Xapiðnuos &’ 
Abnvaĉos, avp Îavpačópevos èrm dvõpeíg kal 
ÔevórnTi otpatrnyias, ovveorpareúoaro èv iir- 
TP TÊ Paoideî kal mávrwv Trv emırnðevuádrTwv 
apxnyòðs kal oóußovdos yeyovæas Ñv, ovveßoúdevev 
Sè TŐ Aapeiw HÀ Tporerôs damokvpeðoar mepi ris 
Paordeias, gAA aùróv èv Tò Pápos kal tùv Tîs 
Aoías apx ovvéyew, mi è ròv módeuov dro- 
aTéew gTparnyòðv meîpav eðwkóra ris ias 
äperis.? Sóvapıv Ò ikavův eîvaı éka uvpidðwv, 
Ús TÒ TpiTov Ednvas moroa pobopópovs, ral 8è 
éupdoews aùròs dveðéyero karopbðóoev rův èm- 
Boàiv taŭryv. 
4 Tò èv oĝv mpõôrov ó Baci\eùs ovyrareribero 
Toîs Àeyopévors, pera è rara rv piàwv yevvaid- 
TEpov avTerTóvTwv kal òv Xaplðnpov eis órokiav 
ayóvrwv őri ris orparņyias òpéyerar Tuyeîv, órws 
roîs Mareóot mpo riv Iepoôv Ñyeuoviav, ó 

1 Added by Fischer. 
2 So Rhodoman : åpyĝs. 


SR Curtius, 3. 2. 10-19, with strong reminiscences of the rôle 

BOOK XVII. 30. 1-4 

ring the impact of the war from Asia into Europe, but 333/2 s.c. 

learning of his death called a session of his Council of 
Friends and laid before them the alternatives, either 
to send generals with an army down to the coast or for 
himself, the king, to march down with all his armed 
forces and fight the Macedonians in person. Some 
said that the king must join in battle personally, 
and they argued that the Persians would fight better 
in that event. Charidemus,! however, the- Athenian, 
a man generally admired for his bravery and skill as 
a commander—he had been a comrade-in-arms of 
King Philip and had led or counselled all his suc- 
cesses *+—recommended that Dareius should on no 
account stake his throne rashly on a gamble, but 
should keep in his own hands the reserve strength 
and the control of Asia while sending to the war a 
general who had given proof of his ability. One 
hundred thousand men would be an adequate force, 
so long as a third of these were Greek mercenaries, 
and Charidemus hinted that he himself would assume 
the responsibility for the success of the plan. 

The king was moved by his arguments at first but 
his Friends opposed them stoutly, and even brought 
Charidemus into suspicion of wanting to get the com- 
mand so that he could betray the Persian empire to 

of Demaratus in Herodotus. Charidemus is not mentioned 
in Justin, Plutarch, or Arrian (except earlier, 1. 10. 4-6). 

2 It seems impossible that Diodorus can be right here. 
Charidemus was not always a dutiful Athenian, but he was 
one of the generals whom Alexander had demanded after the 
capture of Thebes, and who had had to fiee like Ephialtes 
and Thrasybulus (chap. 25. 6). Itis possible that Charidemus 
had visited Philip’s court about 354 B.C., when his patron Cer- 
sobleptes became Philip’s friend, but most of Charidemus’s 
career was spent in operations against the Macedonians 
(Berve, Alexanderreich, 2, no. 823). 



pv Xapiðnuos mapopyioleis kal mpoyerpórepov 
oveðicas ùv Iepoðv avavðpiav énomoev èri 
mÀcîov' mpookópai ròv Bacıiàéa roîs Àóyois, ToÔ 
Ouo Sè rò ovupépov ahaipovuévov ó uv Aapeîos 
emÀapópevos rûs toô KXapðýuov tóvns karà ròv 
rv Ilepoðv võpov mapéðwke roîs órnpérais kal 
5 npocéraģev dmorrtetvat ó è Xapiðnuos drmayó- 
pevos émi tòv Odvarov dveßóņoev perapeińoew 
rara rayù TÔ facie? kal ris dôikov tıeuwpias 
aùroô oúvrouov Efew tùv kóňaow, èmòóvra Tùův 
kardvow ths Paciàeias. 

Xapiðnuos èv oĝv ueydàwv èàriðwv èkreoov 
à mappyolav ärarpov Toraúryv čoye Tův toô Blov 
6 karaorpopýv: ó è Pacıeùs dvévros roô Îvuoô 
TYV puyiv eùbòs perevõnoe kal kareuéuparo éavròv 
ös Tà péyioTa ýuaprnkóra. ÀX où yàp Ñv 
Ôvvaròv rò yeyovòs Sià rs Paois etovolas 
7 ayévnrTov kataokeváoai. Šıórep òverporoovpevos 
raîs Maxeðóvwv dperaîs ral tùv evépyerav TÙV 
’Adefdvðpov mpò sġhaàpðv \aupávawv ère 
otpatņnyòðv déióypewv röv Šıaðeéóuevov TV To 
[éuvovos ġyepoviav: où Suvduevos &’ eópeîv aùròs 
Ñvaykdbero karaßaíveww eis rov úrèp ris Bacıdeias 

31. Eòßòs ov pereméurero tàs mavrayóbev 
Suvdpeis kait nmpocéračev åmavrâv els Babviðva 
kai rÕv pi\wv kal rÔv ovyyevôv èneàéyero rtoòs 
eùlérovs, v Toîs uèv ràs ápuočoúcas Hyeuovias 
kaTeuépi%e, roùs è ue’ arot riwõvvevew mpoo- 
2 érattev. &s © ó rs orparelas aġwpiouévos 
xpóvos mpooeyévero, karńvrnoav dmavres eis TÙY 
Bafvàðva. ó &’ dpiðuòs fv rv orparıwrâv metot 
202 . 

BOOK XYII. 30. 4—31. 2 

the Macedonians. At this, Charidemus became angry 338/2 s.c. 

and made free with slurs on Persian lack of manliness. 
This offended the king, and as his wrath blinded him 
to his advantage, he seized Charidemus by the girdle 
according to the custom of the Persians, turned him 
over to the attendants, and ordered him put to death. 
So Charidemus was led away, but as he went to his 
death, he shouted that the king would soon change 
his mind and would receive a prompt requital for 
this unjust punishment, becoming the witness of the 
overthrow of the kingdom. 

Charidemus’s prospects had been high, but he 
missed their fulfilment because of his ill-timed frank- 
ness and he ended his life in this fashion. Once the 
king’s passion had cooled he promptly regretted his 
act and reproached himself for having made a serious 
mistake, but all his royal power was not able to undo 
what was done. He was haunted by dreams of the 
Macedonian fighting qualities and the vision of Alex- 
ander in action was constantly before his eyes. He 
searched for a competent general to take over Mem- 
non’s command but could find no one, and finally felt 
constrained to go down himself to take part in the 
contest for the kingdom. 

31. He wasted no time in summoning his forces 
from all directions and ordered them to muster in 
Babylon. He canvassed his Friends and Relatives and 
selected those who were suitable, giving to some 
commands suited to their abilities and ordering others 
to fight at his side as his personal staff. When the 
time set for the march had come, they had all arrived 
in Babylon. The number of the soldiers was over 

l màeîov] màciw RE. 



Pa L e a ` 
uèv mÀelovs TÔv Terrapdkovta uvpidðwv, imrets Òè 
oùk éàdrtrovs TÕv Õéka uvpidðwv. 

~ KO z 
Aapeîos èv oĝv perà rocaúrns Švvápews dva- 

teúćas èk Baßvàðvos npofjyev mi Kias, ëywv 
ueb’ éavroô rýv re yuvaîka kal Tà rékva, viov Kal 
3 úo Qvyarépas, kat Tùv unrépa: `Adéfavðpos è 
npò uèv ts Meéuvovos redeuvris muvvłðavópevos 
Xov xal ràs èv Aéoßw módes reyerpðoba, TÙv 
Sè Mıirvàývnv rarà kpdaros Àwkuvîav, mpòs è Tov- 
tois ròv Méuvova rtpiakociais Tprýpeoi kai meči 
Svvduei péàovra orpareðeiw èni Mareðoviav, rôv 
S “Edývwv roùs màelovs éroipovs elvat mpòs dró- 
4 araow où perpiws hywvia, œs È Ñkóv Twes ån- 
ayyéàdovres rův Mépvovos redeuriýv, anmeàúðn tis 
noààñs dywvias. per oàiyov Õè cis appworiav 
Bapvrépav èêunecàv kat yaàer® maler ovveyópevos 
5 ovvekáàeoe roùs iartpoús. TtÕv pèv ov dÀAÀwv 
ékaoros ĝvuoyepôs eÎye mpos rùv Îepareiav, Pià- 
innos © `Akapvàv TÒ yévos mapaßðdois kat ovv- 
Tõpois epaneiais* ypópevos enņyyeliaro ĝia 
6 pappareias Àúoew Ttùv võcov. douévws è ToÔ 
Baciéws úmakoúoavros ià rò Aéyeohar Aapeîov 
erà tis Õvvduews k Baßvàðvos ©punkévat ó 
èv iarpòs ĝoùs páppakov mieîv kal ovvepyòv Aaßàv 
Tùy púow Tto káuvovros kai Tùv TÚyŅv eùbùs dr- 
HAdače tis vócov ròv `Aàééavðpov. oros èv ov 
mapaðóéws kpuyæav rov rivðvvov kal ròv lartpòv 
TiuhoasS pEyaÀonpeEnÂðS Kkaréračev aùTòv eis TOÙS 
eùvovordrovs TÕv hiñ\wv. 
1 So RX: iarpeiuus F. 

BOOK XVII. 31. 2-6 

four hundred thousand + infantry and not less than one 333/2 v.c. 

hundred thousand cavalry. 

This was the force with which Dareius marched out 
of Babylon in the direction of Cilicia ; he had with him 
his wife and children—a son and two daughters—and 
his mother. As to Alexander, he had been watching 
how, prior to his death, Memnon had won over Chios 
and the cities in Lesbos and had taken Mitylenê by 
storm. He learned that Memnon planned to carry 
the war into Macedonia with three hundred ships of 
war and a land army also, while the greater part of 
the Greeks were ready to revolt. This caused him no 
little anxiety, but when persons came with the news 
of Memnon’s death, he was relieved of this fear ; but 
shortly thereafter he became seriously ill? and, 
afficted by severe pain, sent for his physicians. All 
the rest were hesitant to treat him, but Philip the 
Arcarnanian offered to employ risky but quick-acting 
remedies and by the use of drugs to break the hold of 
the disease. This proposal the king accepted gladly, 
for he had heard that Dareius had already left 
Babylon with his army. The physician gave him a 
drug to drink and, aided by the natural strength of 
the sufferer as well as by Fortune, promptly relieved 
Alexander of the trouble. Making an astonishing 
recovery, the king honoured the physician with mag- 
nificent gifts and assigned him to the most loyal 
category of Friends.’ 

1 Justin (11. 9. 1) also gives 400,000. The unknown writer 
of the Alexander History P. Oxyrhynchus 1198 (Frag. 44, col. 
2.2/3)and Arrian (2. 8. 8) give the Persian strength as 600,000. 

2 Either from fatigue, as Aristobulus, or from swimming 
in the cold river Cydnus (Arrian, 2. 4. 1). 

3 Other writers add that Alexander was warned against 
the physician by Parmenion, but that Alexander showed the 



32. ‘H è uýrnp toô Baoiňéws ëypape TpÒS TÒV 
Adéfavõpov rd re äÀda Trv ypnoipwv kal ŝióri 
pvàdčaoðai mpoońýrei ròv Avyeņoriv’ ’ AàéÉavõpov. 
oros © æv åvõpeig Ŝıdhopos kal ppovýuartos mÀý- 
PhS kal ovuraparkoàovbðv TÔ Pasic? perà TÖV 
2 dààwv hiiwv èmorevero. moôv Sè kai Aw 
eùbàóyæwv avvõpauóvræwv mrpòs raúryv Tv rafo- 
àv ovààngbeis kal Sebeis els pvàariv mapeðóbn, 
ws Tevéópevos ikaornpiov. 

; ʻO ôe AAéfavðpos mvlópevos tròv Aapeîov àiywv 
Npepõðv öðòv aréyew Tappeviwva pèv LETA TÎS 
Õvváduews anéoreiev Tpokataànpóuevov TàS mapõ- 
ovs xal ràs ovopačouévas . . . Ilúóas* oros 
© empPaddv tToîs rórois kal rods mpokaTteiànpóras 
ràs voywpias Papßápovs Bıacáuevos kúpios yé- 
3 vero TÕv mapóðwv. AapeTos Šè Bovàduevos eðčwvov 
moroa Tùv Õóvauıv Tà pèv okevobópa kal Ttov 
mepirròv ôxàov eis Aapaoròv ris Xvpias arébero, 
Tv © 'ANéfavðpov mvÂóuevos tràs Svoywpias mpo- 
kateàņnpévar kal vouioas aùròv uÙ) Toàuâv èv rô 
meðiw caywvieohat npoĝyev èr’ ačròv oúvrouov 
4rùv óðorropiav nmoroúuevos. oi § eyxwptot Tis 

1 So Wesseling (cp. chap. 80. 2): Avyroriv. 

2 Kilas Fischer (cp. Book 14, 2 ; f 
but that is another H . 20. 1; Arrian, 2. 4. 2, 4, 

letter to Philip only as he drank the medici i 
i in 
ö-6 ; Justin, 11. 8. 3-9 ; Plutarch, Akeno. e A 
2. k 7-11 ; P. Oxyrhynchus 1798, Frag. 44, col. D). ” 
Justin (11. 7. 1-2) and Arrian (1. 25) say that the plot of 
Alexander was revealed by a Persian captive, and place the 
incident earlier. Perhaps for this reason, Tarn (Alegander 


BOOK XVII. 32. 1—4 

32. Alexander’s mother wrote at this time to him, 835/2 s c. 

giving him other useful advice and warning him to be 
on his guard against the Lyncestian Alexander.! This 
was a man distinguished for bravery and high spirit 
who accompanied the king in the group of Friends in 
a trusted capacity. There were many other plausible 
circumstances joining to support the charge, and so 
the Lyncestian was arrested and bound and placed 
under guard, until he should face a court.? 
Alexander learned that Dareius was only a few 
days march away, and sent off Parmenion with a body 
of troops to seize the passage of the so-called ... 
Gates.” When the latter reached the place, he forced 
out the Persians who were holding the pass and re- 
mained master of it. Dareius decided to make his 
army mobile and diverted his baggage train and the 
non-combatants to Damascus in Syria * ; then, learn- 
ing that Alexander was holding the passes and think- 
ing that he would never dare to fight in the plain, 
made his way quickly to meet him. The people of 

the Great, 2. 68) thought that the “ king’s mother ” here was 
Dareius’s mother, Sisygambis. But he recognized that she 
did not yet know Alexander and had no motive for such a 
warning ; Olympias, on the other hand, was both in close 
touch with and watchful over her son. Diodorus’s account 
is very credible. 

3 Alexander belonged to the ruling family of Lyncestis. 
His two brothers had been executed by King Alexander at 
his accession, but this Alexander had demonstrated his loyalty 
and remained a trusted friend of the king. He was, however, 
a possible rival for the throne of Macedonia, and doubtless 
suspected by Olympias. He was executed without facing 
specific charges at the time of Philotas’s conspiracy (chap. 
80. 2). 

3 aiy: the Syrian Gates; cp. Arrian, 2. 5. 1, who 
calls them simply *“‘ the other gates.” 

4 Curtius, 3. 8. 12; Arrian, 2. 11. 9-10. 





` A M à ? SÀ z Z 
èv rôv Mareðóvwv oùryótyrTos rkaraġpovýoavtes, 
Trò Sè nAflos ris rôv Ilepoðv orparıâs kara- 
À £ À lA A AÀ t4 ð ld 
nenànypévoi karaùıróvres Tòv ` AAééavðpov mpocé- 
m A h3 ` 7 
bevro TÔ Aapeiw kal rás re Tpohpàs kal Tv AANV 
mapagkevyv eTa ToÀÀÑs mpobvuias êxophyovv Toîs 
a È 
IHépoais kal ĝa Ts iias kpiosews Tpoeocýuawov 
a [A ` ’ e 3 9 z 4 
toîs Bapßápois tův vik. ó © `AàéEavòpos TÙùv 
hi ? ` SÀ 3 SÀ À d 3 
èv `Iooòv mów daéióoyov kararàņnéduevos ye- 
~ $ 2 3 # ? Ca 
33. Tôv è karaokórwv dnayyeidvrwov aùtT® 
Tpidkovra ortTaðiovs dnéyew ròv Aapeîov kai ovv- 
Teraypévņn TÅ Öuváuet Mpociévat KATATÀNKTIKÕS, 
e ` AY m A 2— A y ` 
únroàabwv mapà rv lev aùr® Seðóohat rTòv 
kupòv Wore m mapardéei vkýoavtra karaoa 
riv Iepoðv ýyepoviav Troùs èv orpatrwrTas Toîs 
oikeiois Àdyois mapekdàeoev èrm. Tòv mepi TÕV ÔÀAwV 
Sıardéas roùs èv inneîs ênéornoe' mpò máons Tis 
Po 4 ~ Pa 
orpatiâs, Tv è rv nev ddàayya karómıv 
> + 
edeðpeðeiww mpocéraćev. aùròs è mponyoúpevos 
“~ “~ + 3 a 
ToÔ Õeéioð pépovs amývra Toîs modeuiois, Exwv 
peb’ éavroĝ rtoùs kpariorouvs rôv innéwv: rò & 
ceùwvvuov uépos ¿neîyov ot rv OQerradðv inneîs, 
` ~ z [4 A > + 
Toàù TÕv dAMwv iapépovres raîs re avõpayabiars 
bi a ? $ e 
kai Taîs eumerpiais. œs Ò’ at ðvuvdueis vròs Bédovs 
3 7 Aa 
eyivovto, Toîs èv Tepi Tòv ` AàéÉavõpov èréppupav 
e A m A "~ 
ot Pappapor rocoĉrov màñhos Peiðv ğore Sià Tùv 

1 énéornoe]| éornoe Bekker. 

1 A little less than four miles (Curtius, 3. 8. 23). Of all the 

BOOK XVII. 32. 4—33. 3 

the country, who had little respect for the small 333/2 s.c. 

numbers of the Macedonians but were much impressed 
with the great size of the Persian army, abandoned 
Alexander and came over to Dareius. They brought 
the Persians food and other materials with great good- 
will, and mentally predicted victory for them. Alex- 
ander, however, occupied Issus, a considerable city, 
which was terrified into submission. 

33. When his scouts reported that Dareius was only 
thirty stade away and advancing in alarming fashion 
with his forces drawn up for battle, a frightening spec- 
tacle, Alexander grasped that this was a god-given 
opportunity to destroy the Persian power in a single 
victory. He roused his soldiers with appropriate 
words for a decisive effort and marshalled the bat- 
talions of foot and the squadrons of horse appropri- 
ately to the location. He set the cavalry along the 
front of the whole army, and ordered the infantry 
phalanx to remain in reserve behind it. He himself 
advanced at the head of the right wing to the en- 
counter, having with him the best of the mounted 
troops. The Thessalian horse was on the left, and this 
was outstanding in bravery and skill. When the 
armies were within missile range, the Persians 
launched at Alexander such a shower of missiles that 

historians, Diodorus alone fails to state that Dareius occupied 
Issus in Alexander’s rear, and his narrative is very conven- 
tional. Actually, Dareius established a fortified line along 
the north bank of the river Pinarus, and Alexander was 
compelled to turn the position by a movement through the 
hills to the east. Cp. Polybius, 12. 17-23 ; Curtius, 3. 8-11. 
15; Justin, 11. 9. 1-9; Plutarch, Alexander, 20. l-5; 
Arrian, 2. 8-11. The battle was fought in the Attic month 
Maimacterion, perhaps in November, 333 s.c. (Arrian, 2. 11. 
10), or somewhat earlier (M. J. Fontana, Kokalos, 2 (1956), 
4). i 



nukvórra rv Baňopévwv QÀAÀ\ńÀois ovykpovóv- 

4 rwv dobeveorépas yiveohar tràs mànyás. rtÕv ğè 
caìmıkrÕv map duporépois TÒ Todeikòv opar- 
vóvræv oi Mareðéves mpõrot ovvañañdéavres Boùv 
etalciov ènroiņoav, perà è rara rv Bapßápwv 
àvrihheyfauévwv ovvýxņoe èv ń oúveyyvs pew) 
nâca, rò è uéyebos tis Poñs únepipe Tv mpoye- 
yevyuévny kpavyňv ©s äv nevrýkovra pvupidðwv 
wâ powvf ovvnyovoðrv. 

5 “O & 'Aàéfavõpos mávry trùv opw Pdàñwv rat 
oneúðwv kariðeîv rov Aapeîov dua T katavofjoat 
mapaypipa petrà TÖV mept aÙTÒV inTéÉwV ÈT’ aÙTÒv 
êdépero ròv Pacıiàéa, oneúðwv oùy oŭTrw kara- 
nporepjoar rÕv Ilepoðv ws Tò Òe avro mepirorý- 

6 caoĝĵar Tùv vikņyv. dpa Sè roúrw kait rv dÀÀwv 
hövov ywopévov ń èv uáxņ ià tràs TÕv dywvio- 
uévwv peras aupiðoćov eîye Tv TÕv wv rpiow' 
eraàavrevero yap ðepo kakeîoe, Tis Tporis vad- 

7 ÀQÉ yivouévys. oŬte yap dkovricas oùŭte maTdéas 
oùðeis dmpakrov čoye TÙV TANyÌV œs àv Öt TÒ 
mÀğlos érolpov roô orkoroô Keiuévov. ið kal 
mTOov kal péxpi Ts êcyárns åvanvoñs Îvuopayov- 
Tes TÒ Ċiv mpõrepov Ņ Tv aperv éééàerrov. 

34. Of è ékdorns ráćews ńyeuóves rv únro- 
TeTaypévæwv mpoaywvióuevoti ia TS iias aperis 
Toùs mooùs dvõpayabeîv mpoerpépavro. ið kal 
nmapiv ópôâv mods uèv ciabéoeis Tpavpárwv ywo- 
uévas, moikiovs è kal peydàovs dyðvas ovvora- 

2 pévovs Úrėp tis vikņns. 'Oédbpns È ó Ilépons, 
dðcàdòs uèv æv Aapeiov, karà è rv dvðpeiav 

BOOK XVII. 33. 3—34. 2 

they collided with one another in the air, so thickly 333/2 s.c. 

did they fly, and weakened the force of their impact. 
On both sides the trumpeters blew the signal of 
attack and then the Macedonians first raised an 
unearthly shout followed by the Persians answering, 
so that the whole hillside bordering the battlefield 
echoed back the sound, and this second roar in volume 
surpassed the Macedonian warcry as five hundred 
thousand men shouted with one voice.! 

Alexander cast his glance in all directions in his 
anxiety to see Dareius, and as soon as he had identi- 
fied him, he drove hard with his cavalry at the king 
himself, wanting not so much to defeat the Persians as 
to win the victory with his own hands. By now the 
rest of the cavalry on both sides was engaged and 
many were killed as the battle raged indecisively 
because of the evenly matched fighting qualities of 
the two sides. The scales inclined now one way, now 
another, as the lines swayed alternately forward and 
backward. No javelin cast or sword thrust lacked its 
effect as the crowded ranks offered a ready target. 
Many fell with wounds received as they faced the 
enemy and their fury held to the last breath, so that 
life failed them sooner than courage. 

34. The officers of each unit fought valiantly at the 
head of their men and by their example inspired 
courage in the ranks. One could see many forms of 
wounds inflicted, furious struggles of all sorts inspired 
by the will to win. The Persian Oxathres was the 
brother of Dareius and a man highly praised for his 

t This is the total Persian strength as given above, chap. 
31. 2. 

1 nool F, corrected to moààoîs, as in RX. 


enmaiwvoúuevos, œs elðev ròv `Aàéfavôpov akara- 
la ez 3o oA 4 A A 3 À A8 “~ 
oxyérws tépevov èm trov Aapeîov, èpiàotriuýÂn TÕS 
3o an lA M > m~ > ` D 
3 aùris Týxyns kowwvijoat TaðeÀAp®. davañaßov oĝv 
Toùs apiorovs Tv innéwv rÕv peb’ avroð teray- 
’ ` 2 » [A ~ bi 4 AÀ l4 
pévwv perà toúrwv néppače Toîs mepi TOV éé- 
avõpov kal vouicas TÒ piàdôeàdov Tis puys otoew 
aùT® mepipónrov rapa Ilépoais Sófar mpoeuáyero 
To Aapeiov tTeÂpinnmov kal per èurerpias eùrõà- 
uws roîs modelos ovuTtàekóuevos ToàÀoùs dré- 
4 krewe. TÕv è mepi ròv ° Adéfavõpov úneppaddo- 
évwv raîs avòpayaliais mepit pèv TÒ ToÔ Aapeiov 
Tébpinrnov rayù vekpðv swpeýðn nmàñlos: mávres 
` 3 A ~ 
yap êßiépevor To Booiàéws paoar mpos dAAńàovs 
êkĝÎvuórara ıiyywvibovro rat roô Giv oùðepiav 
eroroñvro hebo. 
7 Pa m 
5 "Eneoov © èv TÔ rwðúvw roúrw modol tT®v 
` II , 3 POR 7 , E 1 
mapa Ilépoais êmipavôv hyepóvwv, èv ois ùnipxev 
bd 2 ~Y A 
Avriéóņs? kai ‘Peopiðpys kai ò ts Aiyórrov 
/ T / 3 e , ` a ` N 
catpánys Tacidrys.? ópoiws è Tov kal mapa 
roîs Makeðóoi meoóvrwv ovvéßņn kral aùròv ròv 
kd l a hJ 
Aàéfavðpov rpwðñvaı ròv pnpõv, mepiyvðévrwv 
6 aùr TÖV Todepiwv. ot è rov roô Aapelov re- 
’ 4 3 l4 
Opinnmov Guyòv ènéyovres immor, tpavpatıčóuevor 
m~ ` KJ A m m~ 
mukvôs kal ià TÒ nÀAÑIos rÕv Tepl aùroùs cwpevo- 
s m~ 
HÉvwv vekpÕvV TTUpÕLEVOL, TA ÈV XaÀwà ieselovTo, 
1 So RX; órñpxorv cet. 
3 : , , 
Wesseling would correct to *°Arıtóns from chap. 21. 3. 
3 Taoıidrens RX ; Eracidrns F ; Zaßdrns Arrian (2. 11. 8). 

BOOK XVII. 34. 2-6 

fighting qualities ; when he saw Alexander riding at 333/2 s.c 

Dareius and feared that he would not be checked, he 
was seized with the desire to share his brother’s fate. 
Ordering the best of the horsemen in his company 
to follow him, he threw himself with them against 
Alexander, thinking that this demonstration of 
brotherly love would bring him high renbwn among 
the Persians. He took up the fight directly in front 
of Dareius’s chariot and there engaging the enemy 
skilfully and with a stout heart slew many of them. 
The fighting qualities of Alexander’s group were 
superior, however, and quickly many bodies lay piled 
high about the chariot. No Macedonian had any other 
thought than to strike the king, and in their intense 
rivalry to reach him took no thought for their lives. 

Many of the noblest Persian princes perished in 
this struggle, among them Antixyes and Rheomithres 
and Tasiaces, the satrap of Egypt.? Many of the 
Macedonians fell also, and Alexander himself was 
wounded ? in the thigh, for the enemy pressed about 
him. The horses which were harnessed to the yoke 
of Dareius’s chariot were covered with wounds and 
terrified by the piles of dead about them. They re- 

1 Curtius, 3. 11. 8. This is the scene pictured in the Alex- 
ander Mosaic from the House of the Faun at Pompeii. 

2 Rheomithres was mentioned as a cavalry commander 
on the Persian right wing at the Granicus (chap. 19. 4). 
Curtius (3. 11. 10) mentions the death of Atizyes, Rheo- 
mithres, and Sabaces, satrap of Egypt; Arrian (2. 11. 8) 
names Arsames, Rheomithres, Atizyes, Sabaces of Egypt, 
and Bubaces. Although Diodorus has reported Atizyes dead 
at the Granicus (chap. 21. 3), it is possible that he is the other- 
wise unknown Antixyes here. 

3 By Dareius himself, according to Chares (Plutarch, De 
Fortuna aut Virtute Alexandri, 2. 9. 341 B). Alexander’s 
wound is mentioned by Curtius (3. 11. 10), Justin (11. 9. 9), 
Plutarch (Alexander, 20..5), and Arrian (2. 12. 1). 



map òàiyov è kal aùròv ròv Aapeîov eis rToÙs 
modeuiovs é$ýveyrav. iò kal rwĝvveúwv doyárws 
ó Pacideùs aùròs prace roùs purĝpas, cvvavay- 
katóuevos Asar tův oeuvórnra ris mpooracias 
kal ròv mapa Ilépoais roîs Baciàcoı keiuevov vó- 
7 pov úneppivar. mpoońýyðn Šè kai rébpirrov črepov 
Úrò Trv únnperðv Tr Aapeiw kal karà Tùv els 
ToÔTo perdpaov Tapayñs yevopévns ó èv Aapeîos 
émkeuevwv Tv moñepiwv eis ékTàngw kal Séos 

Ot è Iépoar ròv Baoràda karavońoavres rapar- 
Tópevov eis puyi &öppyoav. Tò Ò avrò kal rÔv 
EXOLEVAV ITTÉWV TOoodvTav rTayù mávres èrpdá- 
8 mnoav. ris sè puyis oùons v rómois orevoîs kal 
Tpaxéor gupminTovTes AÀAAÑÀovs ovverdrTovy kal ToÀ- 

ot xwpis moàepias nànyfis aréðvyorkov. ëčkewro 
yàp  OpoD/ owpevlévres ot èv vev TrÔv õmÀwv, 
oi è rypoðvres tàs mavoràias’ riwvès $è yeyvuvw- 
péva tà ćiġn Siadvàdčavres roùs mepi rara àva- 
mepouévovs dvýpovv: ot è mÀeîorot eis Tà mela 
Õrekreoóvres Šia roúrwv åmò kpárovs éħaúvovres 
Toùs imnovs eis ràs ovpuaylõas ródes karépevyov. 
9) dè rv Mareðóvav pdìayé kal rò trôv Hepoôv 
mev orpárevua Bpaxòv ypóvov èv rĝ páxn õé- 
pewev’ npontTTuévwv yàp trv innéwv olovel tis 

1 A more literal rendering would be “ they shook off 
out) their bits,” but it is hard to see how Ba could do A 
Curtius (3. 11. 11)renders the same idiom as “iugum quatere,” 

‘ toss the yoke.” If, as has been suggested in the Introduc- 
tion (p. 13), Diodorus was using Trogus as a source, it may 
be that he was put to it to translate a Latin saying. We may 
assume that the horses reared and tossed and shook their 

BOOK XVII. 34. 6-9 

fused to answer to their bridles, and came close to 833/2 B.o. 

carrying off Dareius into the midst of the enemy, but 
the king himself, in extreme peril, caught up the 
reins, being forced to throw away the dignity of his 
position and to violate the ancient custom of the 
Persian kings. A second chariot was brought up by 
Dareius’s attendants and in the confusion as he 
changed over to it in the face of constant attack he 
fell into a panic terror.? 

Seeing their king in this state, the Persians with 
him turned to flee, and as each adjacent unit in turn 
did the same, the whole Persian cavalry was soon in 
full retreat. As their route took them through narrow 
defiles and over rough country, they clashed and 
trampled on one another and many died without 
having received a blow from the enemy. For men 
lay piled up in confusion, some without armour, others 
in full battle panoply. Some with their swords still 
drawn killed those who spitted themselves upon 
them.? Most of the cavalry, however, bursting out 
into the plain and driving their horses at full gallop 
succeeded in reaching the safety of the friendly 
cities. Now the Macedonian phalanx and the Persian 
infantry were engaged only briefly, for the rout of 
the cavalry had been, as it were, a prelude of the 

heads, making their control almost impossible. This is how 
they are represented in the Alexander Mosaic. 

2' The Alexander Mosaic shows Dareius about to mount a 
horse to make his escape, as in Curtius (3. 11. 11), and Arrian 
(2.11. 5). In chap. 37. 1, also, Dareius makes his escape on 
horseback. Perhaps he intended to continue the battle in the 
second chariot. f 

3 Arrian (2. 11. 8) quotes Ptolemy as reporting that Alex- 
ander’s cavalry in the pursuit crossed a deep gully on the 
piled up bodies of the dead. Even a king, it seems, might 
draw the long bow on occasion in writing history. 



mpoayæv èyeyóver ris SÀns vikys. mávrwv è rv 
Papßápwv rayòù tparévrwv kal roooúrwv pupidðwv 
év oTevoîs TóTois Tv puy morovuéevwv tayòù mâs 
ò ovvex)s TóTos vekpôðv èrànpobn. 

35. Nvkròs © emdapoúons oi èv Iépoat pq- 
iws Seordpnoav eis moàoùs Térovs, ot è Ma- 
keðóves mavoduevot TOÔ wyo mpòs åprayv 
öpunoav kal diora mepi tràs Baciùikàs ornvàs 

2 Sià rÒ mÀñhos ris movredeias hoxooðvro. Sıómrep 
moàùs èv äpyvpos, oùk òàlyos è ypvods, mau- 
mÀnleis Sè kal moduredeîs éobires èr rûs Paoidris 
ydgns ðiepopoðvro. óuolws Sè kal rÕv roô Ba- 
oiAéws pidwv kai ovyyevôv kal rv ÄÀANwv ýyeuő- 

3 vwv oùk òàiyos Ômprdyn moros. où uóvov yàp 
at rs Paois oikias, dààà kal ai rôv ovyyevôv 
kal þiàwv yuvaîkes è$ åppárwv yoúpevar kara- 
xpýowv ovvņkoàoðłovv kard ti márpiov čbos tôv 

4 IMHepoðv: ékdory Sè roúræv ià Tùv úrepßoàdv roô 
mÀoúrov kal tûs tpupis nepiýyero màñlos mov- 
Sardávov karaokrevis kal yvvakelov kóopov. 

Iáhos © fv Sewórarov repi tràs aiyuaiwrito- 

5 pévas yuvaîkas. ai yàp mpórepov Šià tpueiv èr 
åmývas modvreàéot uóyıs karakopčóuevat kal 
yvuvòv uépos To oúparos oùðèv paivovoar, rére 
povoyiTwves kal tàs éobñras mepippýrrovoar per 
oðvupuðv èk Trv okyvðv èterńýðwv, empowuevar 
Oeoùs kat mpoorimrovoat Toîs rÔv kparoúvræv 

6 yóvaci. Tepiorpoúpevar è Taîs yepol Tpeuovoas 
TOV TOÔ owpaTos kóopov kal tàs kóuas åveruévat 
Sià rónwv Tpayéwv čbeov ral mpòs àAÀńÀas ovvtpé- 

BOOK XVII. 34. 9—35. 6 

whole victory. Soon all of the Persians were in re- 333/2 s.c. 

treat and as so many tens of thousands were making 
their escape through narrow passes the whole country- 
side was soon covered with bodies. 

35. When night fell, the remainder of the Persian 
army easily succeeded in scattering in various direc- 
tions while the Macedonians gave over the pursuit 
and turned to plunder, being particularly attracted by 
the royal pavilions because of the mass of wealth that 
was there.! This included much silver, no little gold, 
and vast numbers of rich dresses from the royal 
treasure, which they took, and likewise a great store 
of wealth belonging to the King’s Friends, Relatives, 
and military commanders. Not only the ladies of the 
royal house but also those of the King’s Relatives and 
Friends, borne on gilded chariots, had accompanied 
the army according to an ancestral custom of the 
Persians, and each of them had brought with her a 
store of rich furniture and feminine adornment, in 
keeping with their vast wealth and luxury. 

The lot of these captured women was pathetic in 
the extreme.? They who previously from daintiness 
only with reluctance had been conveyed in luxurious 
carriages and had exposed no part of their bodies 
unveiled now burst wailing out of the tents clad only 
in a single chiton, rending their garments, calling on 
the gods, and falling at the knees of the conquerors. 
Flinging off their jewelry with trembling hands and 
with their hair flying, they fled for their lives over 
rugged ground and, collecting into groups, they 

1 This capture of the personal baggage and retinue of the 
king and his nobles was followed by that of the military train 
at Damascus (chap. 32. 3), which Diodorus does not mention 

(Arrian, 2. 11. 10). f 
2 The same picture is sketched by Curtius, 3. 11. 21-23. 



xovoar PonÂoùs rekañoðvro tràs map érépwv èm- 
7 kovpias ðeouévas. Ñyov & aùràs oi pèv anò ris 
kóuņs mormóuevot tàs Ùruynkvias, of è ràs 
eobiras mepipnyvývres kal yvuvoîs toîs cópaow 
emPáàovres ras yeîpas kai raîs orádðpais TÔv 
SopdTwv TÝTTOVTES kat TÀ TULOTATA Kal meppónTa 
trõv Papßápwv raîs rs róxyņns wpeaîs óßpitovres. 

36. OLS’ emeicéoraroi rÔv Mareðóvwv rùv pera- 
Poàiv tÂs Tóxns ópðvres ovumaðeis yivovro ral 
tàs TÕv dkàņpoúvræv ovupopàs ŅhÀéouv, aÎs Tà uèv 
mpoońkovra kal peydàa' uakpàv ånńprnto, rà & 
daààóġvàa Kal moàéwa mapiv oúveyyvs .. . kal 
Tpòs arvyĵ kai eroveiðiorov aiypaàwoiav map- 

Mára è roùs mapóvras eis Šdkpva kal ovp- 
nálerav Ñyayev ý Aapeiov pýrnp kal yuvi kal ŝúo 
3 Îvyarépes éniyapor ral víðs maîs rhv hAxiav. èri 
yàp Toúrwv ń ueraßoàù tis Túxņs kal rò péyeĝos 
TrÕv aveńiorwv åkàņpnuárwv èv ğer reiuevov 
eùÀóyws roùs ópðvraşs role ovuráoyew roîs 
4 ruynkőoi. mepit pèv yàp Aapelov mórepov Či kal 
mepieorw Ñ kal perà tis TÕv &ÀÀwv lopâs àró- 
Awàev oùk èyivwokov, éópwv è tùy okyvv Šiap- 
mdtovras èvórdovs modepiovs dvõpas, åyvooðvras 
èv tàs Àwkvias, modà Sè Sià rv &yvorav 
anpenf mpárrtovras, kal rò oúvoàov ŠÀņv tův ° Aciav 
aixudàwrTov ueb? abrÂv yeyevnuévyv kal raîs pèv 
rv catpanrðv yuvi mpoomınroúcais kal ĝeco- 
pévais Ponle oùy olov ovvemiaßéobat riwvòs to- 

1 For peyáña Wesseling suggests ueràlyia, Bezzel hiña. 

1 There seems to be an omission in the manuscript here. 


BOOK XVII. 35. 6—36. 4 

called to help them those who were themselves in 333/2 n.o. 

need of help from others. Some of their captors 
dragged these unfortunates by the hair, others, rip- 
ping off their clothing, drove them with blows of their 
hands or spear-butts against their naked bodies, thus 
outraging the dearest and proudest of the Persian 
possessions by virtue of Fortune’s generosity to them. 

36. Now the most prudent of the Macedonians 
looked on this reversal of fortune with compassion 
and felt pity for the case of those who had seen their 
former lot so violently changed ; everything belong- 
ing to their high rank was far removed from them, 
and they were encompassed by what was foreign and 
hostile. (This, however, was not the attitude of most 
of the soldiery,) + and the women were herded off 
into a luckless and humiliating captivity. 

What particularly moved to tears of pity those who 
saw it was the family of Dareius, his mother, wife, 
two daughters of marriageable age, and a son who 
was a mere boy.? In their case, the change in fortune 
and the magnitude of their loss of position, incredible 
as it was, was a spectacle that might well inspire com- 
passion in those who beheld it. They knew nothing 
of Dareius, whether he lived and survived or had 
perished in the general disaster, but they saw their 
tent plundered by armed men who were unaware of 
the identity of their captives and committed many 
improper acts through ignorance. They saw the 
whole of Asia taken prisoner with them, and as the 
wives of the satraps fell at their feet and implored 
their help, they were not able to assist any one of 

The words in parenthesis represent what may have been the 
original sense. j 
2 In chap. 38. 2, he is said to have been six years old. 




Xvov, dÀÀà kal aùrai raúras Ñélovv ovvemikovpijoat 
Toîs éavrõv dkàņnpýpacw. 

Oi è roô Pacidéws mates karañaßóuevor Thv 

to Aapeiov okyvv rarkeívov Àovrpà kal ŝeîrmva 
mapeokevdtovro kat \aumdðwv Toà) mvpàv dav- 
TES mpooeðéyovro röv `AéÉavðpov, nws ànò Tob 
Ôrwypot yevóuevos ral karaňaßàv éroiunv mâcav 
Tv mapaokeviv roô Aapeiov oiwviontai Thv ŠÀnv 
tTÎs `Acias hyeuoviav. 
6 Kara õè rùv páynv èreňcúrņoav rôv Bapßpápwv 
mekot pèv màelovs rÔv õéka'! pupidõwv, inmeîs §&’ 
oùK eÀdrTTovs TÕv pupiwv, rÔv $è Maresdvwv reto 
èv eis tpiakociovs, inmeîs $è mepi ékaròv kal 
mevrýkovra. ń èv oĝv èv loo ris KiMrias AXN 
ToLoŬTov éoye TÒ TÉÀoS. 

37. Tõv è Paoıidéwv Aapeîos èv karà kpáros 
ýrryuévos eis uyv &punoev kal Lerañaupávwv 
AAàov èé Ààov rv àpiorwv innwv karà KpåToOS 
TAavve, Siadvyeîv orevðwv tràs ’Aeédrõpov xeîpas 
kat Tôv åvw carparerðv dacha Tmpoarpoúuevos" 
AÀéfavôpos Sè perà ris érapixis inrov kal rôv 
dAwv apiorwv innméwv èrowîro ròv wyuórv, 
onevðwv eykparhs yevéobar roô Aapeiov. Siavýoas 
è oraôiovs Siaxociovs åvékaupev eis TÙV mapep- 
Poàùv mepi uésas vúrras, roîs &è Àovrtpoîs Qepa- 
Ma Sdóðeka RX. Cp. Curtius, 3. 11. 27: peditum 

1 Curtius, 3. 11. 23; Justin, 11. 10. l-5; Plutarch, Alex- 

ander, 20, 6-8. Justin and Plutarch (21. 4) state that Alex- 

BOOK XVII. 36. 4—37. 2 

of them, but themselves sought the assistance of the 333/2 s.c. 

others in their own misfortunes. 

The royal pages now took over the tent of Dareius 
and prepared Alexander’s bath and dinner and, light- 
ing a great blaze of torches, waited for him, that he 
might return from the pursuit and, finding ready for 
him all the riches of Dareius, take it as an omen for 
his conquest of the empire of all Asia.! 

In the course of the battle there died on the Persian 
side more than one hundred thousand infantry and 
not less than ten thousand cavalry ?; on the Mace- 
donian side, the casualties were three hundred. in- 
fantry and one hundred and fifty cavalry.” This was 
the conclusion of the battle at Issus of Cilicia. 

37. The kings, however, were still occupied. When 
he knew that he was decisively defeated, Dareius 
gave himself up to flight and mounting in turn one 
after another of his best horses galloped on at top 
speed, desperately seeking to escape from Alexander’s 
grasp and anxious to reach the safety of the upper 
satrapies. Alexander followed him with the com- 
panion cavalry ê and the best of the other horsemen, 
eager to get possession of Dareius’s person. He 
continued on for two hundred furlongs and then 
turned back, returning to his camp about midnight. 

ander married Barsinê at this time (above, p. 183, note 2). 
Curtius mentions Barsinê (3. 13. 14) but not the marriage. 

2 These same figures are given by Curtius (3. 11. 27), Plu- 
tarch (Alexander, 20. 5), and Arrian (2. 11. 8). Justin gives 
(11. 9. 10) 61,000 infantry and 10,000 cavalry killed and 
40,000 captured. 

3 Curtius gives 4500 wounded, 302 missing, 150 killed 
(3. 11. 27); Justin (11. 9. 10), 130 infantry killed and 150 
cavalry ; Arrian (2. 10. 7), 120 Macedonians killed. 

4 This is the usual term for the Macedonian royal horse 



mevoas rov èk ris kakonalĝelas Kkórov ETpÉTETO 
mpòs äveow kal ĝerrvoroiiav. 

3 Hpòs è rhv yvvaîka kal rùv unrTépa roô Aapeiov 
mpooedbóv tis amýyyerdev öre mdpeoriw °AÀdćav- 
pos dno ToÔ ewyuoð, röv Aapeîov éokvàevrkos. 
evla ù kpavyĝs ueydàns ral kìavôuoð TEpt TAS 
yvvatkas yevouévov kal TOÔ mÀýÂovs rôv aiyuaňń- 
Twv à Tv dmayyeàlav ovunevhoðvros kai roùv 
dõvpuðv mpoïeuéùov, mvðóuevos ó Paoideùs rò mept 
tàs yuvaîkaşs nmdálos efénewpjev éva trôv iiw 
Aeovvárov! karamaúsovra rùv TApaxNV kat Tapa- 
pvônoóuevov tàs mepi Tv Xioúyyaußpw kal ôn- 
Aúoovra õiórı Aapeîos uèv tf, ó & ’ Aàéfavðpos 
EmiuéÀciav aùrÂv moýoera TV mpooýkovoav kal 
Sióri mpa Boúderar mpocayopeôoai re aòrås ral Sid 
4 TÕv épywv dnmoðeifaohar rv lav pþiàavðpwriav. ai 
pev oy aixuañwriðes Tmpoorecoðons aùraîs mapa- 
ôógov Kal Tavredðs åmnàmouévns eùruyias tóv re 

Adéfavõpov ws beòv mpoccdéfavro kal rôv oðvp- 
põv annààdynoav. 

0 ðe Paoideds aw ÚpÉpO Àaßpov éva rôv piàwv 
Tov uáora Tiúpevov Hgaroriwva nmaphAbe mpòs 
Tas yuvaîkas. ExövTwv è duporépwv èobiras èv 
Opoias, TÕ peyéber Sè kal rdùàci TpoÉXovTOS TOÔ 

Hgaoriwvos ń Zioúyyaußpıs Torov úrodaßoðoa 
eÎvat tròv Baciàéa mpocekúvnoev: Šiavevóvrov Š’ 
aùr) TÕVv TApEOTÓTWV kai TÑ Xepi Seirvýóvrwv ròv 
AAcgavðpov ù pèv Zioóyyaußpıs alðeobeîca TYV 
ayvorav TaÀw eÈ dpyis mpocekúvet ròv °` AÀééav- 
6 ðpov, ò Sè Bacıdeds úrodaßàv eîmev, Myõèv povri- 

BOOK XVII. 37. 2—6 

Having dispelled his weariness in the bath, he turned 333/2 s.c. 

to relaxation and to dinner. 

Someone came to the wife and the mother of Da- 
reius ' and told them that Alexander had come back 
from the pursuit after stripping Dareius of his arms. 
At this, a great outcry and lamentation arose among 
the women ; and the rest of the captives, joining in 
their sorrow at the news, sent up a loud wail, so that the 
king heard it and sent Leonnatus, one of his Friends, 
to quiet the uproar and to reassure Sisyngambris ? by 
explaining that Dareius was still alive and.that Alex- 
ander would show them the proper consideration. In 
the morning he would come to address them and to 
demonstrate his kindness by deeds. As they heard 
this welcome and altogether unexpected good news, 
the captive women hailed Alexander as a god and 
ceased from their wailing. 

So at daybreak, the king took with him the most 
valued of his Friends, Hephaestion, and came to the 
women. They both were dressed alike, but He- 
phaestion was taller and more handsome. Sisyngam- 
bris took him for the king and did him obeisance. As 
the others present made signs to her and pointed to 
Alexander with their hands she was embarrassed by 
her mistake, but made a new start and did obeisance 
to Alexander. He, however, cut in and said, “ Never 

1 Curtius, 3. 11. 24—12. 18; Justin 11. 9. 12-16; Plutarch, 
Alexander, 21; Arrian, 2. 12. 3-8. According to the last, 
Ptolemy and Aristobulus wrote that Alexander sent Leon- 
natus to the queens, but did not visit them himself; this is 
the version followed by Plutarch. The personal visit of Alex- 
ander and Hephaestion is attributed to another source, not 

2 The usual spelling is Sisigambis, as in Curtius, 3. 3. 22. 

1 Aeovárov RX (cp. Book 16. 94. 4). 


ons, Ô pirep: kal yàp kat oros ’Aàééavðpós 
otw. où uùv GÀÀà Tùv mpeoĝpûrw unrépa mpoo- 
ayopeðoas ià trs piavðpwrorárys mpooņyopias 
nmpoeońýuawe rois mpontuynkóot Tův péAÀovoav 
čéoco al hiàavôbpwriav. craßeßarwodpuevos ® aÙTÀv 
únápčeiw Ševrépav uņrépa ros čpyois eùĵùs rú- 
pwoe tùy Ña TÕv Àóywv emayyeàiav. 

38. Ilepiéðnke yàp aùrh kõopov re Bacidıkòv kal 
TÒ mpoyeyovòs déíwua Taîs mpooņnkovoats Tiuaîs 
ġmokarTéoTrqoe: Tùv èv yàp bepareiav aùr nâ- 
gav Tùv obeîcav ro Aapeiov mapéðwkev, iðiav 
Ò dAànv oùk éàdTtTova ts mpoümapyovons mpos- 
ceõwphoaro kat Ts pèv rv nmaphlévwv èkðócews 
Béàtiov tĝs Aapeiov kpioews ênnyyeidaro mpovoý- 
cechat, rov mata è Opépew s viðv iov kal 
2 Baciùxis tius déóoew. mpookaàeoduevos & 
aùròv kal hià)oas, ws elðev dôcðs Pàépavra ral 
unõèv ws karanàayévra, mpòs Toùs mepi rTòv 
‘Hpaoriwva eîrev ótt ó maîs æv EÉ èrôv kal tùv 
aperùv Úrèp Thv Àriav mpopaivwv Toà Beàriwv 
orl Tob martpós. mepl è Ts apelov yuvaikòs 
kal tis mepi aùrùv oeuvórņros mpóvorav čćew 
épnoev õmws unõèv dváčiov máðņ růs mpoyeyevn- 
BÉVNS eùðaruovias. 

Iod è kai Ada mpòs éàeov kal pidavâpwriav 
cradeylecis noinoe ràs yuvaîkas Sià rò péyelos 
Tis daveàriorov yapâs eis dkaráoyera mponreceîv 
Ôdkpva. èmi Sè mâ roîs mpoerpnuévois Sods TÅv 
Õcérav où póvov órò rÔv e mabóvrow èraivwv 
èróyyavev, dÀÀù kal mapà nâo Toîs ovorparevo- 
pévois nepipónrov čoye trův ómepßoňův ris èm- 

1 So editors : mpovońoaoðar. 

BOOK XVII. 37. 6—38. 3 

mind, Mother. For actually he too is Alexander.” 1 833/2 s.c, 

By thus addressing the aged woman as “ Mother,” 
with this kindliest of terms he gave the promise of 
coming benefactions to those who had been wretched 
a moment before. Assuring Sisyngambris that she 
would be his second mother he immediately ratified 
in action what he had just promised orally. 

38. He decked her with her royal jewelry and re- 
stored her to her previous dignity, with its proper 
honours. He made over to her all the former retinue 
of servants which she had been given by Dareius and 
added more in addition not less in number, than the 
preceding. He promised to provide for the marriage 
of the daughters even more generously than Dareius 
had promised and to bring up the boy as his own son 
and to show him royal honour. He called the boy to 
him and kissed him, and as he saw him fearless in 
countenance and not frightened at all, he remarked 
to Hephaestion that at the age of six years the boy 
showed a courage beyond his years and was much 
braver than his father.? As to the wife of Dareius, 
he said that he would see that her dignity should be 
so maintained that she would experience nothing in- 
consistent with her former happiness. 

He added many other assurances of consideration 
and generosity, so that the women broke out into 
uncontrolled weeping, so great was their unexpected 
joy. He gave them his hand as pledge of all this and 
was not only showered with praises by those who had 
been helped, but won universal recognition through 
out his own army for his exceeding propriety of con- 

1 This recalls the proverbial Greek definition of a friend as 
a “ Second Self,” ascribed to Zenon in Diogenes Laertius, 
7.23. Cp. also Plutarch, De amicorum multitudine, 2. 93 £. 

2 Curtius, 3. 12. 26. 

VOL. VIII I 225 


m~ ` 
4 ekeias. kalhóàov © ëywye vouičw’ moààðv rat 
m~ pd SE | > lA t 
kaìðv čpyæwv úr ’`Aàeédvðpov ovvrereàeopévæv 
` A a e lA ` a Rd 
unv roúrwv pe%ov úrápyeiw unè uâdov détov 
5 dvaypaġĥs kai uvýunņs ítoropikñs cîvai. at pèv 
yàp TÕv TmóAcwv moùopkiai kal mapardées kal Tà 
QÀAÀa Tà karà Tòv móàcuov mporepýuara Tà TmÀecl- 
AS r "A ? > ~ 2 ’ e kd 3 
ova ià rúxnv Ņ Òe dperův èmırvuyydverat, ó © èv 
raîs? éfovoiais eis roùs èntaikóras čÀcos mepi- 
ld “a 
6 óuevos tà puóvņns tris dpovýgews yiverar. oi 
nÀeîorot yap id TÅv eùrvyiav êraipovrat uèv Taîs 
eùmpačioais, Úmepýhavor © èv raîs eùrvyiais yiwó- 
pevot Ts àvðpwrivņns kat kowñs dobeveias èri- 
2 Po 
Àavĝdvovrar’ iò kal roùs mÀeiorovs ópâv čari Tùv 
3 1 e ` l ? > m 
eùrvyiav warep Tt Papù popriov pépew aðvvaroôv- 
> P ` O + a a 
7 ras. `Aàéfavõpos èv oĝv, kaimep moňaîs yeveaîs 
mpoyeyovws To kaf’ uâs Piov, rvyyavérw kai 
mapà TÕv perayeveorépwv Šikailov kal TpéTovTOS 
raîs iias aperats? èraivov. 
39. Aapeîos è ðeavúcas eis Bafvàðva kal roùs 
) ` ~ kJ b m~ / 
iro Tis ev `Iloc® pdxns ceacwbouévovs dvadaß®v 
pa A lA 
oùk énmeoe TÔ povari, kaimep eydy mepi- 
` m~ 
TETTWKWS ovupopå, dÀ\à mpòs ròv `Adéfavðpov 
3 > lA 
eypapev avðpwrivws pépew trùv eùruyiav kal toùs 
bg À F TAA s 8 ld a 
aiypañwrovs dÀÀdgachai ypnuárwv màğðos Àa- 
+ kaĝódov è yéyovev ëpyov ToôTo péya kal mepipónrov: yo ôè 
vouitw X. 
2? Fischer suggests adding here karà tùv eùrvyíav from 
Book 18. 59. 5. It is possible that this phrase may have been 

displaced two lines below, where it is out of place. (Dindorf 
conjectured reading there eùńýĝerav, Bezzel paðvuiav.) 


BOOK XVII. 38. 3—39. 1 

duct. In general I would say that of many good 333/2 s.c. 

deeds done by Alexander there is none that is greater 
or more worthy of record and mention in history than 
this. Sieges and battles and the other victories 
scored in war are due for the most part either to 
Fortune or valour, but when one in a position of 
power shows pity for those who have been over- 
thrown, this is an action due only to wisdom.? Most 
people are made proud by their successes because 
of their good fortune ? and, becoming arrogant in their 
success, are forgetful of the common weakness of 
mankind. You can see how very many are unable to 
bear success, just as if it were a heavy burden. Al- 
though Alexander lived many generations before our 
time, let him continue to receive in future ages also 
the just and proper praise for his good qualities.? 
39. Dareius hurried to Babylon and gathered to- 
gether the survivors of the battle at Issus. He was 
not crushed in spirit in spite of the tremendous set- 
back he had received, but wrote to Alexander advis- 
ing him to bear his success as one who was only 
human and to release the captives in return for a 
large ransom. He added that he would yield to 

1 This was a well-known cliché in later Greek literature ; 
cp. Plutarch, Pericles, 38. 4; De Fortuna aut Virtute Alex- 
andri, 1. 7. 329 D; 11. 332 c; 2. 7. 339 A/B. 

2 The words ‘“‘ because of their good fortune ” are out of 
place here, and may belong after “ a position of power ” 
three lines before. See the critical note 2 on p. 226. 

3 If we follow the manuscript reading here (critical note 
3) we should translate, ‘he should receive from future 
writers also just praise proper to their narrative.” Arrian 
(2. 12. 8) is not sure that this incident occurred, but approves 
it if so. Itis praised by Curtius (8. 12. 18-23) and Plutarch 
(Alexander, 21. 4-5). 

3 åperaîs] ioropiais RX, and F in margin. 


l ? ` `Y ~ 3 ld bi ? ` 
Bóvra' npoceriðet Sè kal ris `Acias trùv èvròs 
e À TA bi SÀ 2 1 924) 
Aàvos yøpav kai módeis ovyywphoew,* àv Bov- 

2 àbi yevéobar pios. ó ©’ °’ Adétavõpos ovvayayav 

A + 4 ` k A ? Ai > 
Toùs hidovs kal rv pèv &àņÂwiv èmoroàiv àno- 
kpviápevos, érépav è ypdas pérovoav mpòs rò 
éavr® ovupépov mpoońveyke roîs ovvéðpois kal 


3 roùs mpéopeis dnpákrovs éćganéorei\ev. Šıdmep ó 
Aapeîos aroyvoùs Tùv Ŝià rÊv émoroiðv oúvleow 
mapacrevàs peyáňas énmorîro mpòs Tòv TmóÀeuov 
kal TOÙS Èv kaTà TYV Tponùv droßeßànkóras tàs 

, ` RA > 9 ? > 
mavoràias kabúnàķev, dÀdovs È mAeyópevos eis 
otpariwrtikàs TáÉes karéypaġe: tràs & èk TtÔv 
vw catpamerðv Švvdueis, äs droàedoirmas v Sià 

Di 3E 7 A 

4v òúrņra ris orparelas, perenéumero. kal 

LA 2 3 

Téàos Tocavryv elonvéykaro omovðiv eis Tùv kara- 
` "~ m 

okevhv Tis Õuvápews ðore Öırdaciav yevéobar rs 

? bd m~ 

év 'loc® maparagapévns: ôyðoýkovra uèv yàp pv- 

2 m~ 

pidðes metôv, eikooi È inméwv ÑOpoiohnoav kal 
` e 2 A 
xæpis apudtrwv peravnpópwv màñbos. 
m ` o ~ 
Taôra uèv ov èrpdyðn karà roôrov ròv evı- 

1 Reiske: ovveyópnoev. 


t Diodorus is the only author to report this forgery. Three 
approaches by Dareius to Alexander are mentioned. (1) After 
the battle of Issus. Justin (11. 12. 1-2), Arrian (2. 14), and 
Curtius (4. 1. 7-14) state that this letter of Dareius demanded 
that Alexander withdraw from Asia and release his captives 
with (Curtius, Justin) or without (Arrian) a ransom. Curtius 
adds that this letter was cast in an insulting tone, suggesting 
the manner of the one here stated to have been forged by 
Alexander. (2) After the capture of Tyre. Dareius now 
offered the hand of one of his daughters and all the territory 
west of the Halys River (Curtius, 4. 5. 1-8) or a share in the 

BOOK XVII. 39. 1-4 

Alexander the territory and cities of Asia west of the 338/2 B.C. 

Halys River if he would sign a treaty of friendship with 
him. Alexander summoned his Friends to a council 
and concealed the real letter. Forging another more 
in accord with his interests he introduced it to his 
advisers and sent the envoys away empty handed.: 
So Dareius gave up the attempt to reach an agree- 
ment with Alexander by diplomatic means and set 
to work on vast preparations for war. He re-equipped 
those who had lost their armour in the defeat and he 
enlisted others and assigned them to military units. 
He sent for the levies from the upper satrapies,? 
which he had previously left unemployed because of 
the haste of the last campaign. He took such pains 
over the constitution of the army that he ended up 
with one twice the size of that which had been en- 
gaged at Issus. He assembled eight hundred thou- 
sand infantry and two hundred thousand cavalry, and 
a force of scythe-bearing chariots in addition. 
These were the events of this year. 

kingdom (Justin, 11, 12. 3-4). This is approximately the 
same as the true letter which Diodorus mentions here. Arrian 
locates at this point what appears elsewhere as the third 
letter. (8) After the departure from Egypt and before 
Gaugamela, and connected with Alexander’s kindly treat- 
ment of Dareius’s queen. This took the form of an embassy, 
probably (Diodorus, 17. 54. 1-6; Curtius, 4. 11; Arrian, 2. 25), 
rather than a letter (Justin, 11. 12. 7-16 ; Plutarch, £lex- 
ander, 29. 4). Dareius offered the hand of another daughter 
in marriage, cession of all territory west of the Euphrates, 
and a ransom for the royal women of 10,000 (Plutarch, 
Arrian) or 30,000 (Diodorus, Curtius, Justin) talents. An 
extensive correspondence, largely fictional, between Alex- 
ander and Dareius was in circulation in antiquity, and frag- 
ments of it occur in the papyri (cp. PSI, 12. 1285). Much of 
it found a place in or contributed to the Alexander Romance. 
2 These are listed by Arrian, 3, 8. 3-6. 



40. Er äpyxovros È °`Abúývnoi Niknpárov ‘Pw- 
patot katréorņoav úrárovs Máprov ’AriNov kal 
Mápkov Oùañépiov, cÀvumas & yOn Sevrépa mpòs 
taîs ékaròv kal éka, ka? v evika P pýàos‘ 
Xaàkðeús. émi è roúrwv ’Aàééavõpos perà Tùv 
év 'loo® virnv roùs èv teàevrýhoavras čbapev, èv 
oîs kal rÕv nmoàepiwv tToùs èv raîs åvõðpayaðíaıs 
Oavuaolévras: perà è rara rToîs leois peyadorpe- 
meîs Buoias ovvreàéoas kal tToùs èv ti páyņn kar 
daperùv Šahópovs yevopévovs Tiuńoas raîs délas 
ékdorovs Šwpeais ep’ ýuépas tivàs dvéiaße rùv 
2 ðúvajuv. čnmera nmpodywv èn? Ailyúrrtov kal kar- 
avtrýoas ecis Thv Dowikyv tràs uèv Añas róàcs 
mapédaßev, éroiuws Tv èyywpiwv mpooĝetauévwv 

O: è Túpiot Bovàopévov roô Baoiéws rô 
‘Hpakàc r Tvupiw oar mporeréorepov Šieró- 
3 Àvoav aùròv Tis eis Thv mów eloóðov. toô & 
Adegdvõpov yaderõs évéyravros kal darenoa- 
pévov moàeuýoew tùv mów oi Túpior rebappn- 
kótws Ûmépevov Tův mooprkiav, &pa uèv Aapeiw 
xapıõuevot kat rhv mpòs aùròv eŭvorav Beßaiav 
Typoðvres ral vopibovres peydàas wpeàs àvri 
Tavrns Tis xápiros àvrńńeoðat mapà roô Ba- 
oÀéws, émomopevot uèv Tòv ’Aàéfavðpov eis 
modvypóviov kal èmivðvvov moMopkiav, SÒóvres 
© dveow TÔ Aapelw mpòs tàs Tapaokevás, ápa ðè 
kal TLOTEÚOVTES TÍ) TE ÖXVUpÉTNTI TS výoov kal raîs 

1 So RX; Hpúaàos F (Tpúňos in margin by 2nd hand). 

1 Nicetes was archon at Athens from July 332 to June 

331 s.c. (Arrian, 2. 24. 6, calls him Anicetus). The consuls of 
335 s.c. (Broughton, 1. 139) were M. Atilius Regulus Ca- 


BOOK XVII. 40. 1-3 

40. When Niceratus was archon at Athens, the 332/1 s.c. 

Romans elected as consuls Marcus Atilius and Marcus 
Valerius, and the one hundred and twelfth Olympic 
Games were held, in which Grylus of Chalcis was the 
victor. In this year, Alexander buried the dead from 
his victory at Issus, including even those of the Per- 
sians who had distinguished themselves by courage. 
Then he performed rich sacrifices to the gods and 
rewarded those who had borne themselves well in 
battle with gifts appropriate to each, and rested the 
army for some days. Then he marched on towards 
Egypt, and as he came into Phoenicia, received the 
submission of all the other cities, for their inhabitants 
accepted him willingly. 

At Tyre, however, when the king wished to sacrifice 
to the Tyrian Heracles, the people overhastily 
barred him from entering the city ; Alexander be- 
came angry and threatened to resort to force, but 
the Tyrians cheerfully faced the prospect of a siege. 
They wanted to gratify Dareius and keep unimpaired 
their loyalty to him, and thought also that they would 
receive great gifts from the king in return for such 
a favour. They would draw Alexander into a pro- 
tracted and difficult siege and give Dareius time for 
his military preparations, and at the same time they 
had confidence in the strength of their island and the 

lenus and M. Valerius Corvus. The 112th Olympic Games 
were held in July 332 s.c. 

2 For this Heracles cp. B. C. Brundage, Journal of Near 
Eastern Studies, 17 (1958), 225-236. The siege of Tyre is 
described by Curtius (4. 2. 1-4. 18; Justin, 11. 10. 10-14; 
Plutarch, Alexander, 24. 2-25. 2; Arrian, 2. 16-24). It was 
the time of the great annual festival of the god (Curtius, 
4. 2. 10), and the Tyrians may have felt that to allow Alex- 
ander to sacrifice at that time would have meant acknowledg- 
ing his sovereignty. 






êv aùrf) mapaokevaîs, črt Sè Toîs åmoyóvois aùrôv 

‘O òè Paoıdcùs ópõv karà darrav pèv ĝvo- 
moMópryrov osav Tùy TóÀw Šid TE TV Tapackeviv 
TÕv kaTà TÒ TeÎyos épywv kal rùv Úmápyovoav èv 
aùr Súvayıv vavrıkýv, katrà Sè yiv oyeðov åmpay- 
páTevTov oðoav ià TÒ Térrapot oraðiois Šielpye- 
obar Ts Ņreipov uws ëkpive ovppépew mávra 
kivõðvvov kal nóvov úrouévew Úmèp To u) kara- 
ppovnbivar rhv rv Makreðóvæv Súvayuıv órò mâs 
kai Tijs Tuyoúons móňews. eùbòs ov kaburpôv rùv 
maàaav Acyouévyv Túpov kal mov pupidðwv 
kombovoðv Tods Àilovs ypa kareokevale Sire- 
pov TÔ màdrei. mavõnuel è mpocdaßóuevos roùs 
katoikoĝvras tàs mÀnolov móàes rayù ià ràs' 
moàvyeipias Ņvúero Tà TÕv čpywv. 

41. Of è Túprot Tò uèv mpõrov npooràéovres 
TÔ xúuatı kareyéàwv To Baciàéws, eè rob loce- 
SÕvos éavròv oke? mepiéoeoðhar: merà è rara 
mapaðófws To yöparTos aùoućvov rékva uèv kal 
yvvaîkas Krat roùs yeynpakóras eis Kapynõóva 
ôrakopibeiw è&bnpicavro, roùòs & dkrudtovras raîs 
NAkilais ênéàckav mpòs Tù)V Teyouaylav kal vav- 
payiav éroimws mapeokeúatov, éyovres tprýpeis 
òyðoýkovra. TéÀos è rÕv Tékvwv kal yvovarôv 
pépos èv éġhacav rekbéuevot mpòs ros Kapyxn- 
Ôoviovs, kararayoúpevot © rò rs moàvyeipias 
kal raîs vavotv oùk vres åéıóuayot cvvyvaykáobny- 

t às Fischer: rĝs codd. 

+ Justin, 11. 10. 12. Curtius (4. 3. 19) reports that the 
Carthaginians were unable to send reinforcements. 


BOOK XVII. 40. 3—41. 2 

military forces in it. They also hoped for help from 8332/1 s.c. 

their colonists, the Carthaginians.! 

The king saw that the city could hardly be taken 
by sea because of the engines mounted along its walls 
and the fleet that it possessed, while from the land 
it was almost unassailable because it lay four furlongs 
away from the coast.? Nevertheless he determined to 
run every risk and make every effort to save the 
Macedonian army from being held in contempt by a 
single undistinguished city. Immediately he de- 
molished what was called Old Tyre ? and set many 
tens of thousands of men to work carrying stones to 
construct a mole two plethra in width.4+ He drafted 
into service the entire population of the neighbouring 
cities and the project advanced rapidly because the 
workers were numerous. 

41. At first, the Tyrians sailed up to the mole and 
mocked the king, asking if he thought that he would 
get the better of Poseidon.’ Then, as the work pro- 
ceeded with unexpected rapidity, they voted to trans- 
port their children and women and old men to 
Carthage, assigned the young and able-bodied to the 
defence of the walls, and made ready for a naval en- 
gagement with their eighty triremes. They did 
succeed in getting a part of their children and women 
to safety with the Carthaginians,’ but they were out- 
stripped by the abundance of Alexander’s labour 
force, and, not being able to stop his advance with 
their ships, were compelled to stand the siege with 

2 Curtius, 4. 2. 7. 3 Curtius, 4. 2. 18. 

4 Two hundred feet. 

5 Curtius, 4. 2. 20. 

€ Curtius, 4. 3. 20; Justin, 11. 10. 14. Below, in chap. 
46. 4, Diodorus states that most of these persons were actually 
removed to safety. 



3 gav Únopeîvai mavònuel Tv TmoMopkiav. EXOVTES 
Sè modiy Sapiiciav karareàrðv kal TÕv aAÀwv 
unyavðv rv mpòs moMopkiav ypyoipwv érépas 
moaràaciovs kareokeúaoav paòiws ða rÕv êv 
ri Túpw unyavororðv kai rÕv dwy TeyvirÂv 

4 navroðar®v óvrwv. ià Õè roúrwv òpyávwv mav- 
roðarðv kal éévwv raîs èmwolais karaskevaģo- 
uévæv dnas èv ò mepiBodos tis móàews enànpoðn 
TÕv pnyavðv, páorTa è kaTà TOV TÓTOV TOÜTOV 
êv © rò yôpa oùvýyyi%e T TeiyetL. 

5 ‘Qs & eis rhv ddeow To Bédovs Siérewe rò 
karackevatópevov úrò rv Makeðóvwv épyov, kat 
mapà rv hev Tiwa mpoeonuaivero Toîs kivòv- 
veðovow. èk uèv yàp To meàdyovs ð kÀŬÝðwv 
npooceréàace roîs épyois kfjros dmeorov TÒ péyebos, 
TÔ Ò éTépw pépet TOÔ owpaTos npocavakekÀruévov 
erl moàùv ypóvov čpeve kat moàÀàw karárnànéw 

6 mapeiyero Toîs hewuévois TÒ mapáðogov, mdv &’ 
eis TO méÀayos vyěduevov cis ðerciðaruoviav dugho- 
Tépovs mpoņnydyero’ ékárepot yàp ws Toî loce- 
Ovos aùroîs Bonlýoew puéAovros Õıékpivov TÒ 
oņpeîov, pérovres raîs yvæp pats mps TÒ Wõrov 

7 Eyivero è kal dAàa oneta mapdõðoća, Švvápeva 
Srarpomiv kat ġóßov rtoîs öydois mapacyéoba. 
katrà yàp tràs Ttpopàs mapa rtoîs Mareðóow oi 
akàóuevor TÕV pruv aiparoeh Tv mpoo 
eîyov. éwpakévar ŠE tis épyoev öpw kaf? ñv ó 
’ Anróàdwv édeye pée éavròv èkùimeiv rhv nów. 

8 roô è mAýlovs Ýnrovoýoavros ótt menÀak®s ein 
Tòv Àóyov yapıčópevos ` Adeceédvðpw kai tà ToôTo 

BOOK XVII. 41. 2-8 

almost their whole population still in the city. They 832/1 s.c. 

had a wealth of catapults and other engines employed 
for sieges and they had no difficulty in constructing 
more because of the engineers and artisans of all sorts 
who were in the city. All kinds of novel devices were 
fashioned by them, so that the entire circuit of the 
walls was covered with machines, especially on that 
side where the mole was approaching the city.! 

As the Macedonian construction came within range 
of their missiles, portents were sent by the gods to 
them in their danger. Out of the sea a tidal wave 
tossed a sea-monster of incredible size into'the midst 
of the Macedonian operations. It crashed into the 
mole but did it no harm, remained resting a portion 
of its body against it for a long time and then swam 
off into the sea again.? This strange event threw 
both sides into superstition, each imagining that the 
portent signified that Poseidon would come to their 
aid, for they were swayed by their own interest in 
the matter. 

There were other strange happenings too, calcu- 
lated to spread confusion and terror among people. 
At the distribution of rations on the Macedonian 
side, the broken pieces of bread had a bloody look.? 
Someone reported, on the Tyrian side, that he had 
seen a vision in which Apollo told him that he would 
leave the city. Everyone suspected that the man 
had made up the story in order to curry favour with 

1 Curtius, 4. 2. 12. 

2 Curtius (4. 4. 3-4) places this event a little later in the 

3 Curtius, 4. 2. 14. Diodorus omits Alexander’s favouring 
dream of Heracles (Curtius, 4. 2. 17 ; Arrian, 2. 18. 1). 

1 rôv òpydvwv MSS. ; Fischer deleted rôv. 


a lA e ? 3A ` À 8 AÑ A 
TÕv vewrépwv ópunodvrwv emi rò ÀAbofoihoat rTòv 
dvôðpwrov oros èv dà rÕv apxyőóvrwv èkkàa- 
meis! kal karaġuyæv eis TO roô ‘“Hpakàéovs iepòv 

l4 ` 4 hJ A e + e 4 lA 
Seéhvye TÅv Teuwpiav ià Tùv ireciav, ot 8è Túpior 
Scrciðaruovýoavres ypvoaîs oceipaîs mpooéðyoav Tò 

m 3 $ + m A ? l e 
To ’Aróàwvos Édavov ti) Pdoet, éurmoðigovrtes, ws 
wovro, TOÔ leot ròv èk Ts mócws ywpiouóv. 

` ~ ~ e ` ? ` z 

42. Merà òè rara oi èv Túpior rùv ağénow 

m lA k LA 3 Lg $ m 
To? yóparos ceùdaßnhévres enràńpwoav moa TÕv 
éñarróvwv okaġõv oétvßedðv re kal karaneàrôÔv 
kal toforðv kal opevõðovņnrôv davðpðv kal mpoo- 
mÀcúoavres roîs êpyatouévois Trò ypa mToàdods 
2 uèv karérpwoav, oùk Àiyouvs è amékrewav: eis 
dvórňovs yàp kal mukvoùs Tmoààðv kal mavroiwv 
Beiðv pepopévwv oùðeis hudpravev, éroipwv kal 
apvàdkrwv rÕv okonôv keévwv. ovvéßawe yàp 
où póvov kaTà nmpócwrov Tà hepópeva BEAN mpoo- 

’ m m~ 
minmTew, QÀÀA kai mpòs Tà võTa TV dvTriTpocw- 

7 ? A a 
mwv õvTwv év orev® ywparti ukveohar kal unòéva 

? a 
õúvaohaı Seapuàdéacðaı roùs èE duporépov rôv 

e > 9 JA “~ ~ 

O © 'Aàétavõðpos rò mapáňoyov Ts ovuhopâs 
+ ? 
Povàópevos ò£éws Sıeopfóoaobai, mÀnpócas máoas 

hJ m~ 4 
tas vas kat kKkaĝyyoúuevos aùròs énÀàce karà 

` 24 ` ~ 
amovòņv emi Trov Apéva tôv Tupiwv kal rùv èrdáv- 
4 Ò A ® + e Ld e i 2 
oðov Tv Powikwv úrerépvero. ot è Pdáppapot 
’ 2? m~ 
hopnévres uýrore kvpreðoas rôv M\uévæav Kara- 

2 % ld d o o 

AdBnrar tùv mów ëpņnuov oĝoav otpariwrâv, karà 
` ` 
modà omovòiv dvénàcov els rùv Túpov. àpo- 

+ ` ` A e ` ~ ~ 
répwv è ià Tv únmeppoàùv ris giňoriuias raîs 

+ So Hertlein (cp. Books 12. 27.3; 19. 75.2): rìareis. 

BOOK XVII. 41. 8—42. 4 

Alexander, and some of the younger citizens set out 33°/i s.c. 

to stone him ; he was, however, spirited away by 
the magistrates and took refuge in the temple of 
Heracles, where as a suppliant he escaped the people’s 
wrath, but the Tyrians were so credulous that they 
tied the image of Apollo to its base with golden cords, 
preventing, as they thought, the god from leaving 
the city.! 

42. Now the Tyrians were alarmed at the advance 
of the mole, and they equipped many small vessels 
with both light and heavy catapults ? together with 
archers and slingers, and, attacking the workers on 
the mole, wounded many and killed not'ʻa few. As 
missiles of all sorts in large numbers rained upon un- 
armed and densely packed men, no soldier missed his 
mark since the targets were exposed and unsuspect- 
ing. The missiles struck not only from the front but 
also from the back, as men were working on both sides 
of a rather narrow structure and no one could protect 
himself from those who shot from two directions. 

Alexander moved immediately to rectify what 
threatened to be a shocking disaster, and manning 
all his ships ? and taking personal command of them, 
made with all speed for the harbour of Tyre to cut off 
the retreat of the Phoenicians. They in turn were 
terrified lest he seize the harbour and capture the 
city while it was empty of soldiers, and rowed back 
to Tyre as fast as they could. Both fleets plied their 
oars at a fast stroke in a fury of determination, and 

1 Curtius, 4. 3. 22 ; Plutarch, Alegander, 24. 3-4. 

2 Probably the oxybeleis were armed with heavy wooden 
arrows or quarrels, while the catapeltae threw balls of 

3 Alexander was by now in possession of the fleets of the 
other Phoenician cities (Arrian, 2. 20. 7). 



ceipeoiais nmvkvaîs ypwpévwv kal rÔôv Makeðóvwv 
HÒN màyoratóvræwv rots Muéow oi Doivies map 
ôàiyov èv HABov TOÔ mdvres amoàéobar, maperonre- 
oóvres ®© óuws r Biq kal tràs redevraias vaôs 
anopaàóvres ĝeocóbnoav eis Tv mów. 

ʻO è Pacieùs peydàns mpos drorvyæv 
TÁÀv mpocekaprépet TÔ yó atı kal TÔ nÀýber TÕV 
veðv mapeixero roîs épyağopévoirs rův doġdàeav. 
Trv È épywv màņoatóvrav T móde kal ris 
á\ðoews mpooðokwupévns åpyéorns ğveuos uéyas 
êneyévero kal TOÔ yaparos moù uépos éìvuńvaro. 
60 ©’ `Aàééavõðpos eis dunyaviav éunintwv ŝià Tùv 
aùrópaTov TÕv čpywv $lopàv uerepéňero uèv èri 
T TÜS ToMopkias émpodĝ, pws Sè rÅ pidoriuia 
mpoayópevos èk Tis opewñs èkkórrwv óreppeyéðn 
ôévõpa mapekóuýe ral oùv aùroîs roîs rÀdõois 
7 èyxæcas védpaće tův Bav roô kàúðwvos. Tayò ò’ 

drokataorýoas Tà menmovykóra roô yóparos kal 
Ti movyeipig Tporópas eis Rédovs åheow eréoryoe 
TAS uNyavas eT äkpov TÒ yÕpa kal ros uèv me- 
Tpoßódors karéBade TÀ TELXN, Toîs Ò dévßeàéow 
aveîpye roùs emi rÔv endàéewv éġeorôras’ ovv- 
nywvitovro è Toúrois ot Te Tročóraı kal oġevõðovñ- 
TAL ka TmoàÀoùs rõv èv ri móde mapaßonboôvras 

43. Oi è Túpiot yadxeîs? ëyovres reyviras kai 
pnxavoroioùs kareokeóacav hpiàóreyva Boņnðńuara. 

1 yaàkeîs Fischer ; dùeîs codd. 

t! Curtius, 4. 3. 6-7. 
; orug 4. 3.9. 
hese “* counter-measures ” do not appear elsewhere in 
the sources, and Tarn (Alexander the Great, 2. 120 f.) may 

BOOK XVII. 42. 4—43. ı 

the Macedonians were already nearing the entrance, 332/1 n.o. 

but the Phoenicians, by a narrow margin, escaped 
losing their whole force and, thrusting their way in, 
got safely to the city with the loss only of the ships 
at the tail of the column. 

So the king failed of this important objective, but 
nevertheless pushed on with the mole, protecting his 
workers with a thick screen of ships. As his engines 
drew close to the city and its capture seemed im- 
minent, a powerful north-west gale blew up and da- 
maged a large part of the mole.! Alexander was 
at a loss to deal with the harm done to his project by 
the forces of nature and thought of giving up the 
siege attempt, but driven by ambition he sent to 
the mountain and felling huge trees, he brought 
them branches and all and, placing them beside the 
mole, broke the force of the waves.? It was not long 
before he had restored the collapsed parts of the mole, 
and pushing on with an ample labour force until he 
came within missiles’ range, he moved his engines 
out to the end of the causeway, and attacked the 
walls with his stone throwers, while he employed his 
light catapults against the men stationed along the 
battlements. The archers and slingers joined in the 
barrage, and wounded many in the city who rushed 
to the defence. 

43. The Tyrians had bronze workers and machi- 
nists, and contrived ingenious counter-measures.? 

be right in tracing them ultimately to a technical military 
manual. It is not impossible that they may be insertions 
of Diodorus himself and were lacking in his source; Dio- 
dorus was interested in curiosities. The wheels appear again 
below (chap. 45. 3) in somewhat different form. They are 
otherwise unknown in antiquity (Tarn, p. 121). Apparently 
they were made to whirl in front of the men on the walls, 



` ` ` ` À A IN A! 
TpOS pv yàp Tà karaneàrikà PEAN Tpoyoùs kart- 
a A 
eokeģacav ĝnupévovs mukvoîs iadpáyuacı, 
a 2 ` 
ToúrTovs Ôe Öd Tivos unyavis Šweúovres Tà uèv 
A Ca LA 
gvvérpißov, Tà è mapéovpov rv Beàðv, mávrwv 
` 4 kd m~ + ` ? LA AI bd ? m 
òè TÅv ék Tis Bias popàv éééàvov: roùs È èk rôv 
JÀ f Allovs ĝexó Àakaî 
merpoßpóàwv hepouévovs Àlbovs Seyópevoi uadakaîs 
a ` 
Tio kal ovvevåDovoas karackevaîs èrpduvov TÙV 
3 m > a ’ 2 e 4 i e 

2 ek Tis opyavixñs Pias õúvayıv. ò è Baoıňcùs åpa 
TÑ kaTà TÒ yÕpa npooßodf mavri TÔ arów repi- 
énÀeL TV TÓAV kal Tà Tei%N mepieokénrtero kal 
pavepòs v moMopkýowv Tv mów karà yiv dpa 
kal kara Îdàartrtav. 

3 Tõ ðe Tvpiwv åvravayðivaı pèv TÔ oró% 
pnkéT. ToàuóvTwv, Tpiol è vavolv óppovvrwv mpo 
To Auévos ó Baocideùs emrmàcúcas aùraîs kal 
mdcas ovvrpijas énavĵàbev mi rùv ilav orparo- 

l e 4 2 2 lA ` 
neðeiav. ot è Túpiori Bovàdpevor Siràacidoar Tv 
> h m“ Ca 
ano tTÕv teyxyðv dopdáerav, dnmoorýoavres mévre 
2 er a 3 m~ 
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TÀÍTOS Kal TùV àvà uésov TÕV TeyÕv oúpryya Àí- 
` lA 

4 wv kal yúóuaros ènàńpovv. ó &’ ° Aàééavõpos tàs 

z lA ` a 
Tppes Gevyvówv kai uņnyavàs mavroĝanràs aùraîs 
> $ a 
EmoTNoas katéßadev émi mÀéÎpov Toô reiyovs' kal 

4 ~ 
5 òà To mróuartos eloémmrov eis rhv nów. of Šè 
P: ` 3 a 
Túpior Toùs eioßiagopévovs mvrvoîs Bécot Bddàov- 
lg > [A 
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TOÛ TEixovs davøkoðóunoav vukròs émiAaßovons. 
` ` m~ ~ ~ 
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3 . 
1 åmeorpéjavro RF; ånerpéļavro X ; damerpiþavro Wesseling. 

giving them observation through the spokes but protecting 

BOOK XVII. 43. 1-5 

Against the projectiles from the catapults they 332/1 s.c. 

made wheels with many spokes, and, setting these 
to rotate by a certain device, they destroyed some of 
the missiles and deflected others, and broke the force 
ofall. They caught the balls from the stone throwers 
in soft and yielding materials and so weakened their 
force. While this attack was going on from the 
mole, the king sailed around the city with his whole 
fleet and inspected the walls, and made it clear that 
he was about to attack the city alike by land and 

The Tyrians did not dare to put to sea again with 
their whole fleet but kept three ships moored at the 
harbour mouth.! The king, however, sailed up to 
these, sank them all, and so returned to his camp. 
Wanting to double the security of their walls, the 
Tyrians built a second one at a distance of five cubits 
within the first ; this was ten cubits in thickness, and 
the passage between the walls they filled with stones 
and earth, but Alexander lashed triremes together, 
mounted his various siege engines upon them, and 
overthrew the wall for the space of a plethron.? 
Through this breach the Macedonians burst into the 
city, but the Tyrians rained on them a shower of 
missiles and managed to turn them back, and when 
night came, they rebuilt the fallen part of the wall. 

Now the causeway had reached the wall and made 

them from missiles. The translation here offers difficulties ; 
“ wheels divided by thick diaphragms ” or “ with many 
barriers at close intervals.” Possibly the diaphragms were 
screens between the wheels. 

1 Curtius, 4. 3. 12; Arrian, 2. 20. 9. 

2 The distances are seven and one-half feet, fifteen feet, 
and one hundred feet respectively. 

3 Arrian, 2. 22. 7. 



TEiXEL kal TÜS TÖAEWS YEPPOVýToV yevopévnS Toà- 
Àoùs kal peyáàovs dyðvas ovvéßawe yiveoĝar karà 
6 T)v Teyopayiav. ot èv yàp TÒ Öeiwòv ëyovres èv 
Spladuoîs kal rhv èk ris ádàócews cvuhopàv ava- 
Àoyı$õpevor raîs puyaîs oŭrw mapéoryoav mpòs 
rov kivõuvov wore TOÔ Îavdrov karapovĝoat. 
7rõv yap Mareðóvwv rposayóvræv múpyovs úm- 
Àoùs igous Toîs reiyeci kal ià roúrwv tràs èm- 
Páðpas émPadàóvrwv rai Opacéws raîs erdàćeow 
eniPawóvrwv oi èv Tópior ià rùv ènivorav rôv 
ôpyavororðv ToàÀà mpòs Tyv Teiyopayiav elyov 
8 Bonbýpara. xadkevodpevor yàp eùpeyébes rpi- 
óðovras TmapnykıotTpwuévovs TOoÚTOLS ETUTTOV èk 
xeipòs Toùs êm tÕv núpywv kaĥeorôras. èunN- 
yvvupévwv è eis tàs doriðas Toúrwv kal káìovs 
exóvrwv mpooðeðeuévovs eîÀkov mpòs éavroùs èm- 
9 Àaußavópevot trv kdňwv. dvaykaîov oĝv Åv À 
mpoieohar Tà ÖmÀàa kal yupvovpévovs Tà oóuara 
katatırpwokeobat mov gepouévwv peiðv À 
Typoðvras tà mda ià ùv aloyóvyy mimrew åg 
10 úyàðv múpywv ral reàcurâv. Ador © ádvrikà 
iktTua ToÎs emi TÕv êm pPabpôrv Šiapayopévois èmp- 
pirtoÎvres kat Tas yeîpas dypýorovs moroðvrTes 
katéonwý kal mepiekóov årò ris èmpáðpas èri 

~N A 
TNV yY. 

44. “Erepov ©’ èrevónoav ečpeua hiàdreyvov karà 
Tis rôv Makeðóvwv dvôpeias, 8? oô rods åpiorovs 
TÕV Toàepiwv dunydvois kal Sewaîs mepiébaov ri- 
pwpiais. katTaokevdoavtes yàp doriðaşs yaàkâs 
kal oðnpâs kal raúras mÀànpóoavres àupov pàoyi 
TOoAAÑ ovveyôs Úrékaiov kal ÔLdTupov kareokev- 

2 aov Tv dppov. raúrnv è ŝid Twos unNxavis Toîs 

BOOK XVII. 43. 5—44. 2 

the city mainland, and sharp fighting took place along 8332/1 s.c. 

the wallis. The Tyrians had the present danger be- 
fore their eyes and easily imagined what a disaster 
the actual capture of the city would be, so that they 
spent themselves so freely in the contest as to despise 
mortal danger. When the Macedonians moved up 
towers as high as the walls and in this way, extending 
bridges, boldly assaulted the battlements, the Tyrians 
fell back on the ingenuity of their engineers and 
applied many counter-measures to meet the assault. 
They forged great tridents armed with barbs and 
struck with these at close range the assailants stand- 
ing on the towers. These stuck in the shields, and as 
ropes were attached to the tridents, they could haul 
on the ropes and pull them in. Their victims were 
faced with the alternative of releasing their arms and 
exposing their bodies to be wounded by the missiles 
which showered upon them, or clinging to their shields 
for shame and perishing in the fall from the lofty 
towers. Other Tyrians cast fishing nets over those 
Macedonians who were fighting their way across the 
bridges and, making their hands helpless, pulled them 

off and tumbled them down from bridge to earth. 
44. They thought of another ingenious device also 
to offset the Macedonian fighting qualities, by which 
they involved the bravest of the enemy in a horrible 
torment which could not be avoided. They fashioned 
shields of bronze and iron and, filling them with 
sand, roasted them continuously over a strong fire 
and made the sand red hot. By means of a` certain 


Opacýórara payopévois éneppimrovv kal traîs èoyd- 
Tras ovupopaîs mepiéßaàov roùs úroneoóvras' 
Õià yàp rÕv lwpákwv kal rÔôv ÚnoðvrÕv mapei- 
minrtovoa ý) duos kat ià Thv úmeppoàńv tis Oep- 
pacias Àvpawopévy tràs odpkas dßońðnrTov roie 
3r7ò arúyņupa. ð kat maparàņoiws roîs Pacavı- 
touévois nâoav ĝentrikhv pwviv mpoïépevot roùs 
èv êmikovpýoovras oùk elyov, aùroil òè à TÙV 
õewwvóryra To málovs eis pavrbðeis iabéoeis èp- 
minrtovtes ereÀeúrwv, eÀeew® kal duyydvw máber 


“Apa è kal mp ènreppirrovv kal cavvia ral 
Àibovs eméßañdov oi oivixes kai TÔ màýbe tÊv 
Peàðv kareróvovv tàs dperàs rôv dvhiorapévwv 
kat Taîs èv Õperavnpópois kepaiais TàS TÕV kptÂÔv 
òppoTnpias Úroréuvovres ypnorov Tův rv p- 
yávæv iav èroiovv, raîs Sè muppópois uúðpovs 
peyáñovs ðiarúpovs eméßaňov eis rò mÀñbos tTÔv 
moàeuiwv kal ià Tù mukvórnra rv dvðpôv ovy 
ýuápravov TÕv okorðv, roîs è kópafı kal raîs 
onpas yepoiv dvýpračov roùðs roîŭs Îwparelois 
5 êpeorðras. ri è modvyepig náoas tàs unyavàs 
évepyeis" moroðvres moods rv Biatouévwv àn- 

45. `Avuneppàýrov è rìs èkmàýéews oðons kal 
Ts êv roîs dyôoı Õewóryros dvvroorárov yiwo- 
Héns oð ðs éAqyov rs róňunņs ot Maresóves, 
dÀÀà Tos det mimtovras Úrneppaivovres oùk èvovbe- 
2 rovro Tais TÕv dÀ\wv ovugopaîs. ó &’ ’Aàdéav- 
pos morýoas èri roùs åpuótovras rórovs? rovs 

1 évepyeîs Fischer ; dvepyeîs RX ; åvevepyeîs F. 

BOOK XVII. 44. 2—45. 2 

apparatus they then scattered this over those Mace- 832/1 s.o. 

donians who were fighting most boldly and brought 
those within its range into utter misery. The sand 
sifted down under breastplates and shirts, and scorch- 
ing the skin with the intense heat inflicted upon them 
irremediable disaster. They shrieked supplications 
like those under torture and there was no one to help 
them, but with the excruciating agony they fell into 
madness and died, the victims of a pitiable and help- 
less lot. 

At the same time, the Phoenicians poured down 
fire and flung javelins and stones, and by the volume 
of their missiles weakened the resolution of the at- 
tackers. They let down long poles or spars equipped 
with concave cutting edges and cut the ropes sup- 
porting the rams, thus rendering these instruments 
useless. With their fire-throwers they discharged 
huge red-hot masses of metal into the press of the 
enemy, and where so many men were packed together 
they did not miss their mark. With “ crows ” and 
“iron hands ” 2? they dragged over the edge many 
who were stationed behind the breastworks on the 
towers. With many hands at work they kept all their 
engines busy and caused many deaths among the 

45. They caused extreme terror by all of this and 
the fury of their fighting became hardly resistible, 
but the Macedonians did not lose their boldness. 
As those in front kept falling, those behind moved up 
and were not deterred by the sufferings of their com- 
rades. Alexander mounted the stone-throwing cata- 

1 Curtius, 4. 3. 25-26. 2 Two forms of grappling irons. 

2 roùs åppótovras rórovs added by Fischer, exempli gratia, 
from Polybius, 5. 4. 6. 


merpopódovs kararéàras kal Albovs peydàovs 
dgieis esdeve Tà telyn, roîs È cévßeàćéow àro 
rÕv múpywv rÕÔv Évàívwv èkßdààwv Peàðv mavro- 
ðarðv màñhos ews karerirpwoke Toùs eheorô- 
3 Tas Toîs Teiyeotw. dvTiuNyavópevor Š Tpòs Traîra 
ot Túópioi mpò èv rÕv Teyðv pappapivovs Tpoyoùs 
toravov kal id Twv òpydvwv Tovrovs Šweðovres 
TÀ hepóueva Béàn karareàtixà ovvérpißov ral eis 
Tà TÀdyia pép mapádyovres ånmpákrovs rolovv tàs 
4rõv dpieuévwv mànyás. mpòs è roúrois Búpoas 
kat Sıràâs ıphépas mepvkwuévas karapádrrovres 
eis Traúras dneĝéyovro tàs nò rv merpoßóňwv 
mànyds’ kait padarhs tris èvõóoews yiwouévns ét- 
5 eàvero TÕv hepouévwv nerpôv ý Bia. kafóìov Šè 
ot Túópiot mávra rpőrov eùpóorws åuvvópevoi rai 
kaTevnopoðvres Tots Ponlýuacı kareðdppnoav tôv 
moàcuiwv kal TÒ TeÎîyos kal ràs evròs TÔv TÚpPYWV 
ordoeis dnoùróvres èr aùràs òbhoûvro ràs ém- 
Pálpas kai raîs rv moàeuiwv åvõpayabðiais åvr- 
6 érartrov tàs éavrõv dperás. Šıò kal ovurÀekópevor 
Toîs moàeuiois kal ùv páyyv èk yepòs ovvord- 
evot péyav ayva tòv rèp rs nmarplos ovv- 
Íoravro kai tives meÀékeot TrÔv ånmavrávrwv rò 
TpooTEsÒV pépos TOÔ owuaTos àTmékorrtov. 

"Evða ù râv mapà ros Maxesóow hyeuóvæv 
Tis, voa pèv ”Aðunros, Sıadépwv è dvõpeia raì 
cúparos pun, TeBappròs thv Biav rôv Tvplwv 
ûnéory kal nmànyeis medéket éon Tiv kehaàñv 
mapaypiua karéorpepe rov Biov hpwikôs. 

7 “O © ’Aňééavðpos ópðv rå uáxņ trv Tvpiwv 
katrıoyvouévovs toùs Makxeðóvas dvekadéoaro TÌ 

BOOK XVII. 45. 2-7 

pults in proper places and made the walls rock with 332/1 s.c. 

the boulders that they threw. With the dart- 
throwers on the wooden towers he kept up a constant 
fire of all kinds of missiles and terribly punished the 
defenders of the walls. In response, the Tyrians 
rigged marble wheels in front of the walls and causing 
these to rotate by some mechanism they shattered the 
flying missiles of the catapults and, deflecting them 
from their course, rendered their fire ineffective.! In 
addition, they stitched up hides or pairs of skins and 
stuffed them with seaweed so as to receive the blows 
of the stones on these. As these were soft and yield- 
ing, the force of the flying stones was lessened. In 
sum, the Tyrians defended themselves strongly in all 
regards and showed themselves well provided with 
the means of defence. They were bolg in face of 
their enemies, and left the shelter of the walls and 
their positions within the towers to push out onto the 
very bridges and match the courage of the Mace- 
donians with their own valour. They grappled with 
the enemy and, fighting hand to hand, put up a stout 
battle for their city. Some of them used axes to chop 
off any part of the body of an opponent that presented 

There was one of the Macedonian commanders 
named Admetus who was a conspicuously brave and 
powerful man.? He withstood the fury of the Tyrians 
with high courage and died heroically, killed instantly 
when his skull was split by the stroke of an axe. 

Alexander saw that the Macedonians were held in 
check by the resistance of the Tyrians, and, as it 

1 Cp. chap. 43. 1 above, and note. 

2 He commanded the kypaspistae or infantry of the guard 
(Arrian, 2. 23. 2-5). He was killed by a spear thrust, accord- 
ing to Arrian (2. 24. 4). 





kal TÒ èv nmpÊrTov ëkpive ÀADoar Tv moMopkiav kal 
Tv orparteiav émi Tyv Aiyunrtov mowîoha pera- 
vocas è mádÀw kal vopisas aioypòv eÎvat mapa- 
xwpoar Tupiois ts karà thv moMopkiav ééns 
kai TÕv hiàwv éva uóvov óuoyvwpovoðvra Aaß®v 
’ A uúvrav ròv ° Avðpouévovs maw mpòs Tùv Toop- 
kiav ÈTpÉTETO. 

46. Hapakañéscas ĝè roùs Mareðóvas éavroô uù 
Àciplĝvar kar’ dvõðpeiav ànmdoas tràs vas mode- 
pikÂÔs karackevácas mpooéßaňàe Toîs reiyeow ék- 
Oúuws karà yv dpa kal karà Îdàarrav. kara- 
vocas è mepi Tà vewpta TÒ Teîyos dohevéorepov 
Úmdpyeiv ToÚT® Tpoocýyaye ras Tprýpeis ètevyuévas 
kal pepoúoas tràs dgrooywráras uņyavás. èv- 
rala’ è èróàunoev èmreàéoachlai mpâéw oùð’ 
aùrtoîs Toîs ópðot morevopévyv: èmpdðpav yàp 
dno ToÔ čuàivou múpyov rols ts móňews reiyeow 
emPaàwv òà raúrns uóvos éréßn TÔ Teiyet, oùre 
Tov dro ris Tóxns $lövov eðňaßnðbeis oŭre rův rôv 
Tvpiwv õewóryra rararàayeis, Aà Tùv kar- 
aywvioapévnv roùs Heépoas Súvapıv čywv Bewpòv 
Ts iias dvõpayabias Toîs èv &Adors Mareðéow 
akoàovleîv mpocéraćev, aùròs 8è kaðnyoúuevos TÔv 
eis xyeîpas Bratouévæv roùs uèv TÔ óparı, rods Šè 
TÑ payaipg TÓTTwV dmékrewev, éviovs È aùrh TÅ 
mepipepeig Ts doriðos åvarpérwv èmoyeîv roô 
ToAÀod Opdoovs éroiņoe roùs modeulovs. 

“Apa è roúrois mparropévois kab’ črepov uépos 

1 êraîha Dindorf; & raúrais codd. 

1 Curtius, 4. 4. 1. 

BOOK XVII. 45. 7—46. 3 

was now night, recalled his soldiers by a trumpet call. 8332/1 s.o. 

His first impulse was to break off the siege and march 
on to Egypt, but he changed his mind as he reflected 
that it would be disgraceful to leave the Tyrians with 
all the glory of the operation. He found support in 
only one of his Friends, Amyntas the son of Andro- 
menes,? but turned again to the attack. 

46. Alexander addressed the Macedonians, calling 
on them to dare no less than he. Fitting out all his 
ships for fighting, he began a general assault upon the 
walls by land and sea and this was pressed furiously. 
He saw that the wall on the side of the naval base was 
weaker than elsewhere, and brought up to that point 
his triremes lashed together and supporting his best 
siege engines. Now he performed a feat of daring 
which was hardly believable even to those who saw 
it.* He flung a bridge across from the wooden tower 
to the city walls and crossing by it alone gained a 
footing on the wall, neither concerned for the envy of 
Fortune nor fearing the menace of the Tyrians. Hav- 
ing as witness of his prowess the great army which 
had defeated the Persians, he ordered the Macedoni- 
ans to follow him, and leading the way he slew some 
of those who came within reach with his spear, and 
others by a blow of his sabre. He knocked down 
still others with the rim of his shield, and put an end 
to the high confidence of the enemy. 

Simultaneously in another part of the city the bat- 

2 A prominent Macedonian noble, who served Alexander 
in various positions of trust until his death in 330 or 329 s.c. 
(Berve, Alexanderreich, 2, no. 57). 

3 Curtius, 4. 4. 10-11. Tarn comments (Alexander the 
Great, 2, p. 120) that this description would fit better the de- 
scription of a land siege. Arrian’s account (2. 23. 5) is quite 



ó kpiòs TÝnTWV KaTéßaňe moù pépos ToÔ Teiyovs' 
Sià è roô mróparos ceioreoóvrwv rv Mareðóvwv 
kal rÔv mepi Tròv ’Adétavòðpov ià Ts èmfpdðpas 
SraBdvrwv èri TÒ Teîxos Ñ) ÈV MÓAS KATEIÀANTTO, 
oi è Túpior mpòs dàkùv tparévres kal mapakañé- 
gavres dÀÀńÀovs êvéġpačav roùs orevwmoùs kal 

4 ğvres màelovs TÕy énrakioyiÀiwv. O è Pacideùs 



tékva pev kal yvvaîkas čnņnvðparoðicato, roùs ðè 
véovs mdvras, òvras oùk éÀdTtTOoVS TÖV ÖIoxiÀiwV, 
èkpéuace. owpara © aixudàwra rocalra TÒ TÀAÑ- 
bos eúpéðņn wore rv rmàeciorwv eis Kapynòóva 
kekoo pévwv TÀ ùroeiphévra yevéoðlar màeiw rÕv 
uupiwv kal TpoyiÀiwv. 

Túpiot èv ov yevvarðrtepov pňov Ñ poviem- 
mecov ovuhopaîs, moMopknÂévres uvas émrd. ó 
Sè Bacideùs roô uèv  Ardàwvos tràs ypvoûs cerpas 
kal Tà ðeouà mepieàóuevos mapýyyerev óvopdģew 
ròv Beòv torov Arow pidadééavðpov, TÔ ôè 
‘Hpakàeî peyaàorpereîs Ouoias ovvreàésas kal 
roùs avòpayalýoavras tiuýoas, črte è roùs rere- 
Acurykóras peyañorpenrðs Odas rs èv Tvupiwv 

1 Curtius (4. 4. 16) gives the total as 6000, Arrian (2. 24. 4) 
as 8000. Justin (11. 10. 14) states that Tyre was taken by 

i Curtius (4. 4. 17) reports that 2000 men were “ erucibus 

3 Arrian (2. 24. 5) gives the number of survivors as 30,000, 
and the Macedonian losses as 400. In chap. 41. 2 above, 
Diodorus stated that only a few of the non-combatants were 
removed to Carthage. 


BOOK XVII. 46. 3—6 

tering ram, put to its work, brought down a consider- 332/1 s.c. 

able stretch of wall; and when the Macedonians 
entered through this breach and Alexander’s party 
poured over the bridge on to the wall, the city was 
taken. The Tyrians, however, kept up the resistance 
with mutual cries of encouragement and blocked the 
alleys with barricades, so that all except a few were 
cut down fighting, in number more than seven thou- 
sand.! The king sold the women and children into 
slavery and crucified all the men of military age.? 
These were not less than two thousand. - Although 
most of the non-combatants had been removed to 
Carthage, those who remained to become captives 
were found to be more than thirteen thousand.? 

So Tyre had undergone the siege bravely rather 
than wisely and come into such misfortunes, after a 
resistance of seven months.* The king removed the 
golden chains and fetters from Apollo and gave orders 
that the god should be called “ Apollo Philalex- 
ander.” 5 He carried out magnificent sacrifices to 
Heracles, rewarded those of his men who had dis- 
tinguished themselves, and gave a lavish funeral for 
his own dead. He installed as king of Tyre a man 

4 This length of the siege is given by Plutarch also (4lex- 
ander, 24. 3), and the city was taken in Hecatombaeon (July ; 
Arrian, 2. 24. 6), probably, if the Macedonian months were 
equated to the Athenian, on the 29th day. Plutarch (4lex- 
ander, 25. 2) reports that Alexander, to save a prophecy of 
Aristander, redesignated that day as the 28th and not the 
30th. (In other words, it was a *“ hollow ”’ month and had 
no 29th day ; Alexander intercalated a second 28th and was 
prepared to continue the process until the city was taken.) 

5 Another version of the same story is given by Plutarch, 
Alexander, 24. 4. The Tyrians suspected that Apollo in- 
tended to desert them (chap. 41. 8), and tied him to his base, 
calling him an °Aàefavðpiorýs. 



nóňcws karéorņoe Raciàéa ròv dvopaópevov Ba- 
Advvuuov, Tepi oÔ TAa karà uépos oùk déiov Tapa- 
Arev Òtà TO ThS mepirerelas mapdõogov. 
47. Toô yàp nmpoïmdpyovros Bacıiàéws Xrpárwvos 
à Tùv mpòs Aapeîov hiàiav êkmeoóvros êk TS 
apxfjs ò °` Aàééavðpos éðwrev ééovoiav ‘Hoaroriwvi 
karaorioat Baciàéa ris Túpov rv iðiotévwv ôv 
2 äv mpoupiTa. TÒ èv ov mpõrTov oros eùðoký- 
oas TÔ Eévw, map ® tùv èmoraluiav èneroinrto 
keyapıouévws, ToÛrTov èneßdàero kúpiov dvayopeð- 
oat Tis móàcws’ ó è màoúrw èv kal ĝóén ðia- 
pépwv rv moùrõv, oùðeuiav è ovyyéverav Eywv 
mpòs Troùs yeyovóras Paocıideîs oùk eðééaro TÙův 
3 õwpedv. roô È ‘Hhaoriwvos èmrTpépavros aùr® 
thv êkàoyùv morýoachar èk roô yévovs rôv Ba- 
oiÀéwv épnoev eivai tiva ts PaoikÎs oikias 
anóyovov Tà èv Àa owppova kat ayabòv åvõpa, 
4 névnra ðè kab’ úneppoàńýv. ovyywpńoavros è roô 
‘Hpaoriwvos roúrw tùv ðuvaorelav ò Àaßav tùv 
Paois èchiros kai karéìaßev aùròv ëv tm 
kýnw polo èv dvràoðvra, pákeot è rToîs Tv- 
5 yoðoiw obire ypõuevov. nàwoas è TÅv mept- 
mérerav kat nmepibeis rhv Bacidxiv oroàùv kal ròv 
dAÀov Tòv åpuóģovra kóopov ávýyayev aŭròv es 
Tv ayopàv rat dnméðeiče Baocıiàda rv Tvupiwv. 
6 douévws è ro mÀýlovs mpooðečauévov kal rò 

1 Baàóvvpov X ; BadMóvupov RE. 

Mi; Presumably the correct form of the name, Abdalonymus, 
is preserved in Curtius (4. 1. 15-26) and Justin (11. 10. 8), and 
it is a proper Phoenician nomenclature, with the meaning 


BOOK XVII. 46. 6—47. 6 

named Ballonymus,! the story of whose career I can- 332/1 s.c. 

not omit because it is an example of a quite astonish- 
ing reversal of fortune. 

47. The former king, Straton, was deprived of his 
throne because of his friendship for Dareius, and 
Alexander invited Hephaestion to nominate as king 
of Tyre any personal guest-friend whom he wished. 
At first he favoured the host with whom he found 
pleasant lodging, and proposed that he should be 
designated master of the city. He was prominent 
among the citizens in wealth and position, but not 
being related to those who had been kings he would 
not accept the offer. Hephaestion then asked him 
to make a choice from among the members of the 
royal family, and he said that he knew a man of royal 
descent who was wise and good in all respects, but 
he was poor in the extreme. Hephaestion neverthe- 
less agreed that he should be given the royal power, 
and the one who had been given the choice went off 
to find the man he had named, bearing with him the 
royal dress, and came upon him drawing water for 
hire in a garden, dressed in common rags. He in- 
formed him of the transformation in his position, 
dressed him in the king’s robe, and gave him the other 
appropriate trappings of office. Then he conducted 
him to the market place and proclaimed him king of 
Tyre. Everyone accepted him with enthusiasm and 

“ Servant of the gods.” Some have wished to see this king 

as the owner of the Alexander Sarcophagus from Sidon, now 
in Istanbul; cp., e.g., I. Kleemann, Der Satrapen-Sarkophag 
aus Sidon (1958), pp. 28 f. In any case, the mention of King 
Straton shows that the incident occurred in Sidon, not in 
Tyre. Plutarch, De Fortuna aut Virtute Alesandri, 2. 8. 
340 c-E, locates it in Paphos (rendering the name Araly- 
nomus). See Addenda. 



lA A 2 A D ` l 
mapáðoģov rs rúyns avudoavros oros èv piàos 

L4 > À 4 ` À 7 ” z. 
yevóuevos °`Adcédvõpw Tův Paoiàceiav čoye nmapd- 
ðceiryua Toîs dyvooðot Trùv Ts TÚXNS mapdðoćov 

‘Hues © emel rà mepi ròv ° Adééavõpov ShAbo- 

Pa ` 7 
pev, peraànpópeba riv Siýynow. 

48. Kara yàp rv Eùpónyv” Ayıs pèv ó rôv Aa- 
keðaruoviwv Paoideùs rõv èk ris èv loc udáyns 
cracwhévrwv puolhopópwv dvaňaßðv krarıoyıàlovs 
vewTépwv mpaypárwv dvreiyero, yapıčópevos Aa- 
2 peiw. mpociaßòv Õè mapà tToúrov kal vas kal ypy- 

ld a p 3 f h3 ~ € 
párTrwv nÀflos érdevoev eis Kpýryv kat rv nócewv 
Tas mÀeiovs yepwoduevos Ņváykace rà IMepoôv 

'Auúvras © ó ġvyav èk Mareõovias ral mpòs 
Aapeĉov avaßàs ovvnywvicarto pèv rois Iépoais èv 
ti Kiùkig, draowheis © èk ris èv loo rapa- 

lA ` Aĉ 1 8 l x. A 
ráews perd TerpakioyiÀlwv pobopópwv kal mpò 

m > 2 
ris `Adeédvõpov mapovoías õiavúoas els Tpimoàw 

~ (69) [d 3 [A 3 la ` L ` 
rs Powirns nédećev r toô mavròs oréìov rås 
dpkoúcas vas eis ròv mÀoðv roîs llors orparıð- 
3 rais, TàS Ò’ Adas evénpnoe. Siaràcócas &’ els TÙY 
Kúrpov kai mpoocaßóuevos otparuóras kal vaôs 
SrémÀcvoev eis rò Inàovoiov. ris 8è mróàcws êy- 
KpaTůs yevópevos dméĥawev éavròv úrò Aapeíov 
To Paoiàéws dreordàbat orparnyòv Sià TÒ rov 
e [A ~ 
Ņyovuevov Ts Aiyórtov oatpányv ovvaywvičó- 

BOOK XVII. 47. 6—48. 3 

marvelled at the vicissitudes of Fortune. Thus he 33?/1 s.c. 

became a Friend of Alexander’s and took over the 
kingdom, an instructive example to those who do not 
know the incredible changes which Fortune can effect. 

Now that we have described Alexander’s activity, 
we shall turn our narrative in another direction. 

48. In Europe, Agis king of Sparta engaged the ser- 
vices of those mercenaries who had escaped from the 
battle at Issus, eight thousand in number, and sought 
to change the political situation in Greece in favour of 
Dareius. He received from the Persian king ships 
and money and sailed to Crete, where he captured 
most of the cities and forced them to take the Per- 
sian side.! 

That Amyntas who had fled from Macedonia and 
had gone up to Dareius had fought on the Persian 
side in Cilicia. He escaped, however, from the battle 
at Issus with four thousand mercenaries ? and got 
to Tripolis in Phoenicia before Alexander’s arrival. 
Here he chose from the whole Persian fleet enough 
ships to transport his soldiers, and burned the rest. 
He sailed over to Cyprus, took on additional soldiers 
and ships, and continued on down to Pelusium. Be- 
coming master of that city, he proclaimed that he had 
been sent by King Dareius as military commander 
because the satrap of Egypt had been killed fighting 

1 The narrative is continued later, chaps. 62. 6-63. 4; 73. 
5-6. Cp. Curtius, 4. 1. 388-40 ; Arrian, 2. 13. 4-6 ; 8. 6. 3. 

2 A prominent Macedonian, son of Antiochus, suspected 
of hostility to Alexander because of his association with 
Alexander’s cousin Amyntas (SIG? 258). Amyntas had de- 
serted to the Persians about 335 s.c. (Berve, Alexanderreich 
2, no. 58). Curtius (4. 1. 27-33) also gives him 4000 troops, 
Arrian (2. 13. 2-3) 8000. 

1 qpioyiàiwv Q. 


4 pevov èv ` loo ris Kidikias memrwkévai. dvaràeú- 
cas © ecis Méugdiv rò pèv npôrov mpò tis móews 
maparačáuevos roîs èyywpiois vikae: merà Õè 
eneéeàlóvres ék Trs mócws érébevro Tois daTdrTwWS 
SLaprdgovot tàs émi TÅS XÓpas kTýoes kal TOV TE 
’ Auúvrav drékrtewav kal troùs per aùroô mávras 

5 åpðņv avetñàov. `Apúvras pèv oĝv peydàais èrm- 
Boñaîs èyyerphoas kal map ària opadeis Torob- 
rov oye ToÔ Biov Tò tédos. 

e d ` lA ` ~ KA e d 

Opoiws ðè toúrw kat rv dAàwv hyeuóvwv 
kal orparnyðv tives èk tis èv `looc® páyns perà 
orparrwrõv iacwhévres dvrelyovro rv Ilepoi- 

6 kôv éàmiðwv. oi èv yàp TÕÀecLS êmkalpovs KaTa- 
Aaupavópevoi cepúarrov Traúras T® Aapeiw, ot 
© élvy mpocayóuevoi kat Švvápeis mepi avroùs 
napackevaópevoi Tràs åppočoðoas ypeías Toîs Úro- 

Oi òè cúveðpor rõv “‘Edńvwv èfpnpiocavro méppa 
npéoßeis mevreraiðerka oréhavov þépovras ypvooðv 
mapà ts ‘“EMdõos dpioretov? ’'Adeédvõpw kal 

7 ovvnolnoouévovs t karà Kixiav viky. ° AÀéé- 
avòpos è orpareúoas ènmi T'ábav dpovpovpévnv rò 
Iepoðv kal õiunvov npoceðpeúoas eTe karà kpáros 

49. Er dpyovros &’ ’Abývnow °Apioroġávovs èv 
‘Põun kareoráðnoav öraror Zrovpios IMoorówos 
kal Tîros Oùeroúpios. èm. è roúrwv ’Adééav- 

1 mapacrevačópevoi F ; raracrevatópevoi cett. 

2 apıoreîov F; dpíøoriov Fischer and codd. 

2 His name was Sabaces or Tasiaces (chap. 34. 5). 
2 Tarn (Alexander the Great, 2, p. 13) sees here very plau- 


BOOK XVII. 48. 3—49. 1 

at Issus in Cilicia. He sailed up the river to Mem- 
phis and defeated the local forces in a battle before 
the city, but then, as his soldiers turned to plunder, 
the Egyptians issued out of the city, attacked his 
men as they were scattered looting estates located 
in the countryside, and killed Amyntas and all who 
came with him to the last man. And that was the end 
of Amyntas, who had set his hand to great undertak- 
ings and failed when he had every prospect of success. 

His experience was paralleled by those of the other 
officers and troop leaders who escaped at the head of 
their military units from the battle at Issus and at- 
tempted to maintain the Persian cause. Some got 
to important cities and held them for Dareius, others 
raised tribes ? and furnishing themselves with troops 
from them performed appropriate duties in the time 
under review. 

The delegates of the League of Corinth voted to 
send fifteen envoys with a golden wreath as a prize 
of valour from Greece to Alexander, instructing 
them to congratulate him on his victory in Cilicia. 
Alexander, in the meantime, marched down to Gaza, 
which was garrisoned by the Persians, and took the 
city by storm after a siege of two months.* 

49. In the archonship of Aristophanes at Athens, 
the consuls at Rome were Spurius Postumius and Titus 
Veturius.’ In this year King Alexander set in order 
sibly a reference to the revolt of Cappadocia (Curtius, 4. 1. 
34-35 ; 5. 13). 3 Curtius, 4. 5. 11-12. 

4 Full accounts of the siege of Gaza are given by Curtius 
(4. 6. 7-30) and Arrian (2. 25. 4-27). Cp. Plutarch, Alexander, 
5 e was archon at Athens from July 331 to 
June 330 s.c. The Roman consuls of 334 s.c. were Sp. Pos- 
tumius Albinus and T. Veturius Calvinus (Broughton, 1, 
p. 140). 

VOL. VIII K 257 

332/1 B.C. 

331/0 B.C. 


pos ð Pacıdcùs ra repli tv Tágav diorcýoas 
’Auúvrav èv perà éka veðv eis Mareðoviav ègé- 
meupe, npooráćas TÕv véwv roùs eùlérovs émAééa 
npòs orpaTeiav, aùròs Sè perà nmáons Tis vváduews 
maphAbev cis Aiyurrov kal napédaße máoas tràs èv 
2 aùr Tóàes ywpis kwõúvwv' ot yàp Aiyúntioi TÔv 
IHepoðv oeßnkórwv eis rà tepà kai Biaiws åpxóv- 
Twv douevoi mpocedééavro roùs Makeðóvas. 
Karaorýoas è rà karà rv Aiyvnrtov mpoñAbev 
ceis ”Aupwvos, Bovàóuevos ypýoaocðar TÔ Oeô. 
kata uéony è tùv òðòv anývryoav aùr mpéoßeis 
mapa Kvpnvaiwv oréġavov kouitovres kal meya- 
Àorpenri pa, èv ols yov immovs re moàemoràs 
3 rpiakociovs kal névre TéÎpirna Tà kpádriora. ó ðè 
ToúTovs èv droðefdpevos hiàlav kal ovppayiav 
guvélero mpòs aùroús, aùròs è merà rÔv ovvano- 
Ônuovvræwv npoñyev èri rò iepóv' kal Siavýsas emi 
TV épņuov kal ğvvðpov, Úpevoduevos Šiýet TÀV 
xøpav éyovoav upov péyelos åépiov. èv huépas 
ôe réooapow éfavaàwlévrwov tÕv komtouévwv 
4 WðáTæv eis ewy onáviwv mapeyévovro. eis àĝvulav 
ov návrwv éunecóvrwv äġvw moàùs õußpos eÉ où- 
pavoĵ kateppdyn, Tùv Örndpxyovoav rv úypôv ëv- 
Serav mapaðótws Šwphoðpevos: Siò xal rò ovußàv 
Eogev aveàriorws owbeîoi Bev mpovoig yeyovévar. 
5 Úpevodpevot È ëk Twos roràdõos, mi réooapas 

1 This was Amyntas the son of Andromenes (chap. 45. 7). 
Curtius (4. 6. 30) mentions the same incident. His brother 
Simmias took over his battalion of the phalanx in his absence. 
A oa Alexander in 331 (chap. 65. 1; cp. Arrian, 3. 

2 Curtius, 4. 7. 1. Arrian (3. 1. 2) limits this friendliness 
to Mazaces, the Persian satrap. 


BOOK XVII. 49. 1~5 

the affairs of Gaza and sent off Amyntas with ten ships 331/0 s.c. 

to Macedonia,! with orders to enlist the young men 
who were fit for military service. He himself with all 
his army marched on to Egypt and secured the adhe- 
sion of all its cities without striking a blow. For since 
the Persians had committed impieties against the 
temples and had governed harshly, the Egyptians 
welcomed the Macedonians.? 

Having settled the affairs of Egypt, Alexander went 
off to the Temple of Ammon, where he wished to 
consult the oracle of the god. When he had ad- 
vanced half way along the coast, he was met by en- 
voys from the people of Cyrenê,: who brought him 
a crown and magnificent gifts, among which were 
three hundred chargers and five handsome four-horse 
chariots. He received the envoys cordially and made 
a treaty of friendship and alliance with them ; then 
he continued with his travelling companions on to the 
temple. When he came to the desert and waterless 
part, he took on water and began to cross a country 
covered with an infinite expanse of sand. In four 
days their water had given out and they suffered from 
fearful thirst. Al fell into despair, when suddenly 
a great storm of rain burst from the heavens, ending 
their shortage of water in a way which had not been 
foreseen, and which, therefore, seemed to those so 
unexpectedly rescued to have been due to the action 
of divine Providence. They refilled their containers 
from a hollow in the ground, and again with a four 

3 Curtius, 4. 7.9. This incident is omitted by Arrian. For 
the Siwah visit in general see Curtius, 4. 7. 6-32; Justin, 
11. 11. 2-12 ; Plutarch, Alegander, 26. 6-27 ; Arrian, 3. 3-4. 

4 Curtius, 4. 7. 14; Plutarch, Alexander, 27. 1; Arrian, 
3. 3. 4. 




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Pa Post (cp. Herodotus, 3. 4. 3); Sieténrecav 


BOOK XVII. 49. 5—50. 2 

days’ supply in hand marched for four days and came 331/0 s.c. 

out of the desert.! At one point, when their road 
could not be traced because of the sand dunes, the 
guide pointed out to the king that crows cawing on 
their right were calling their attention to the route 
which led to the temple.? Alexander took this for an 
omen, and thinking that the god was pleased by his 
visit pushed on with speed. First he came to the so- 
called Bitter Lake, and then, proceeding another 
hundred furlongs, he passed by the Cities of Ammon. 
Then, after a journey of one day, he approached the 

50. The land where this temple lies is surrounded by 
a sandy desert and waterless waste, destitute of any- 
thing good for man. The oasis is fifty furlongs in 
length and breadth and is watered by many fine 
springs, so that it is covered with all sorts of trees, 
especially those valued for their fruit. It has a mo- 
derate climate like our spring and, surrounded as it 
is by very hot regions, alone furnishes to its people a 
contrasting mildness of temperature.* Itis said that 
the sanctuary was built by Danaüs the Egyptian. The 
land, which is sacred to the god, is occupied on the 
south and west by Ethiopians, and on the north by 

1 The four days are mentioned by Curtius, 4. 7. 15. 

2 The crows come from Aristobulus ; Arrian, 3. 3. 6; cp. 
Curtius, 4. 7. 15; Plutarch, Alexander, 27. 2-3. 

3 These localities are not mentioned by the other sources, 
and the first looks like a mistake for the salt lakes at the Wadi 
Natrun. There is a small oasis between Mersa Matruh and 
Siwah, but this could hardly be the *‘ Cities of Ammon.” The 
total map distance from the coast to Siwah is about 90 miles. 

4 Curtius, 4. 7. 17. 

2 åuuóðovs codd. ; upov RX, which may be better. 
3 gorepnuévns Cospius ; eorepuévņ codd. 


Aßúwv vouaðıkov élvos ral mpòs Tùv uesóyerov 
avfkov rò rôv Nacapùvwv òvopagouévwv ébvos. 

Tõôv © 'Apuuwviwv rwunõòv oikoúvrwv karTà 
éonv aùrôv Tův yópav årpõroùis úrápxet TpiTÀoîs 
nepipodos éyet trÕv àpyaíwv vvaorðv acideca, ò 
Ò érepos Tv yvuvaukwvirv aùÀ)v kal TaS TÔV 
Tékvwv kal yvvukÂôv kal ovyyevðv oikýoes kal 
dpvàakrýpia trv okonrðv,! ére è ròv roô eot 
oņkòv kal Tùv iepàv kpvyv, á% fs Trà TÔ beĝ® 
npoohepóueva ruyyáver ts dyveías, ð è TpiTos 
tàs TÔv Õopvfópwv karañŭýoceis kat rà fvàarrhpia 
TÕv Tòv Túpavvov opvóopoðvrwv. 

Kabispvrai Sè ts akporóàews kròs où uakpàv 
éTepos vaòs ”“Auuwvos mToàdoîs kal ueydàois ĝév- 
pois oúokios. Torov è nÀnolov Ýndádpyet kpývN 
òà Tò ovupepnkòs vopačouévy ‘Hàiov rpývn' 
aùr è TO Vwp ëxet ovuuerafadàduevov aiel taîs 
huepiwaîs pais mapaðóćfws. p pépa yàp fino 
Tv myyiv yàapdáv, mpoïoúoņs è rs ńuépas ri 
mpoclécet TV wopðv dvádoyov katapóyerat, TOÛ 
peonuppiwot è kaúparos àruáģer tÅ puypórnr 
mdv è dvdàoyov aroye mpòs Tùv éonépav kal 
Tis vuktòs êmÀaßoðons davabeppaiverai péypi ué- 
cwv vuerÕv kal TÒ Àomròv amońyet, uéypi àv 

1 okonðv Fischer; rórwv codd. 

1 Curtius’s account (4. 7. 18-19) is more systematic : 
Ethiopians on the east and west, Trogodytes on the south, 
Nasamonians on the north. Strabo (17. 3. 20) calls the 
Nasamonians a Libyan people, and states (2. 5. 33) that they 
live on the coast near the Syrtes. 


BOOK XVII. 50. 2-5 

the Libyans, a nomadic people, and the so-called 8331/0 s.o. 

Nasamonians who reach on into the interior.! 

All the people of Ammon dwell in villages. In the 
midst of their country there is a fortress secured by 
triple walls. The innermost circuit encloses the pa- 
lace of the ancient rulers ; the next, the women’s 
court, the dwellings of the children, women, and rela- 
tives, and the guardrooms of the scouts, as well as the 
sanctuary of the god and the sacred spring, from the 
waters of which offerings addressed to the god take 
on holiness ; the outer circuit surrounds the barracks 
of the king’s guards and the guardrooms of those who 
protect the person of the ruler.? 

Outside of the fortress at no great distance there is 
another temple of Ammon shaded by many large 
trees, and near this is the spring which is called the 
Spring of the Sun from its behaviour.* Its waters 
change in temperature oddly in accordance with the 
times of day. At sunrise it sends forth a warm stream, 
but as the day advances it grows cooler proportionally 
with the passage of the hours, until under the noon- 
day heat it reaches its extreme degree of cold. Then 
again in the same proportion it grows warmer toward 
evening and as the night advances it continues to heat 
up until midnight when again the trend is reversed, 

2 Curtius, 4. 7. 20-21. For a description of Siwah and its 
antiquities see Ahmed Fakhry, Siwa Oasis, Its History and 
Antiquities (1944); The Oasis of Siwa, Its Customs, History 
and Monuments (1950). The fortress and the shrine of the 
oracle were on the hill called Aghurmi, never systematically 

3 Curtius’s description of the fortress (4. 7. 21) is clearer. 
The inner walls encìosed the palace ; the second, the dwel- 
lings of wives, concubines, and children, and the shrine of 
the oracle ; the third, the quarters of the guards. 

4 Curtius, 4. 7. 22; Arrian, 3. 4. 2. 




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y A m A A 
aùTopáTws TOV? noT àv Ayn TÒ TOÔ Oeob veðpa 

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kai yuvak®v mavas QÕóvrwv kara TÊCAV TÙV 
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Qévros eis ròv vewv kal tròv Îeòv karavoýoavros 
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mev Beßaiws aùr Sðóvaı ròv beòðv trùv airnow, ó 
3 9 ld KO a 
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pov, dmóġnvaí pot rÕv EnTovpévwv, el mdvras ġ%8n 

1 moàvredðv Aíbwv added by Fischer, perhaps unnecessarily. 

2 Dindorf corrected rov to rot. 

3? Wesseling corrected dôóvrwv and kaĝbvuvovvrwv to åĝovoðv 
and kaĝypvovoðv. R. Laqueur (Hermes, 86, 1958, 261) also 
would keep the manuscript readings. 

4 emé por supplied by Madvig; I am not sure that the 
words are necessary. 


BOOK XVII. 50. 5—51. 2 

and at daybreak once more the waters have returned 331/0 s.c. 

to their original temperature. 

The image of the god is encrusted with emeralds 
and other precious stones, and answers those who 
consult the oracle in a quite peculiar fashion. It is 
carried about upon a golden boat by eighty priests, 
and these, with the god on their shoulders, go without 
their own volition wherever the god directs their 
path. A multitude of giris and women follows them 
singing paeans as they go and praising the god in a 
traditional hymn.: 

51. When Alexander was conducted by the priests 
into the temple and had regarded the god for a while, 
the one who held the position of prophet, an elderly 
man, came to him and said, “ Rejoice, son 2; take 
this form of address ås from the god also.” He replied, 
“ I accept, father ; for the future I shall be called thy 
son. But tell me if thou givest me the rule of the 
whole earth.” The priest now entered the sacred 
enclosure and as the bearers now lifted the god and 
were moved according to certain prescribed sounds of 
the voice,’ the prophet cried that of a certainty the 
god had granted him his request, and Alexander 
spoke again : “ The last, O spirit, of my questions 
now answer ; have I punished all those who were the 

1 Curtius, 4. 7. 23-24. The god gave his responses by 
nods and signs, as Callisthenes reported (Strabo, 17. 1. 43), 
just as did later the Apollo of Hierapolis (Lucian, De Dea 
Syria, 36). The temple procedure is quite typical of the 
Egyptian temples, where the god’s image was carried about 
in a boat-shaped litter or tray. 

2 Curtius, 4. 7. 25; Justin, 11. 11. 2-12 ; Plutarch, Alex- 
ander, 27. 5. 

3 It is not clear whose voice this was which uttered “ sym- 
bols.” Perhaps the automatic movements of the bearers 
were symbols which could be interpreted in oral responses. 



z ` + A ~ 4 s 

pereàńàvÂða roùs yevopévovs þoveîs To maTpos N) 

2 Ed ld ki 

3 rives Sradcàńbaoiv. ó è npophrys aveßóņoev, Eù- 


pper: oùðéva yàp avôpörmwv úrápyxeiw Tov ðvvnoo- 

m~ ~ ki lé A ` 

uevov èmpovàeoat TÔ yevvýoavrı aùróv, Toùs Õe 

toô Piàirrov poveîs ådmavras rTerevyévat Tipw- 
~ ? ~ m~ Lá 

pías. Tekuńpia & čoeolar ris èk Tob heo yevéoews 
A ~ ! 

Tò uéyelos rÕv èv raîs mpdéceoi karopfwpdrwv: 


kal yàp TpÖTEpOV AÚTTNTOV aùròv yeyovévar kal 

hI m 9 DA ` kj > 4 e 3 

4 perà TaT’ čoeolat Sa mavròs dviknTov. ð ğ 

2 ld e 8 A $ ` Eai ò lA 3 

Aàééavðpos oleis émit Toîs keypnouwðnpévois kat 
Ps 3 

ròv Îeòv peyadorperéoiw dvabýpaci Tuýoas mav- 

HAbev eis tåv Aiyvurrov. ; 

52. Kpivas & èv raúrņn móùv ueydàņv Krisa 
npocérače ros ènmi Tùv èmiuéÀcav TaŬTv kaTa- 
Àceinopévois và péoov Ts Te Àluvns kai tis ba- 

2 ? ld A lA P ~ 4 
2 Àdoons oikioat Tùv mów. Õıauerphoas è TOV 

/ ~ e P. lA hi la kd 3 
tónov kal puuorouýoas hiàoréyvws Tv mów aġ 
avroð mpooņnyópevoev ’A\cédvðperav, eùkarpórarta 

A ~ 
pèv keruévnv nànoiov roô Dápov Àtuévos, eùorToyig 
$ ~ e 1 J m~ 
òè ris pvuorouias morýoas Siarveîohar Tv TóÀw 

Pa ? ld > $ 
To peyiorov meàdyovs, karaypuyóvrwv òè rTòv 

`“ 4 ? 2: F Pa m~ 
KATA TÙ)V TÓAùV épa ToÀÀŅv roîs kartoikoðow eù- 
3 kpagiav kal úyieav karteckevacev. Kal TÒV èv 
+ ~ ~ 
mepiBoàov aùris úneorýoaro TÔ Te peyéðlet ðia- 
ġépovra kai kara Tùv òyvpóryra Îavudciov’ avà 
ra ` kàs ra ra A 2 lA 
pécov yàp œv ueyáàņs Àiuvys kat Îaàdoons úo 

l Ed t ~ ~ 3 
uóvov ano rtis yis čyet mpooððovs orevàs kal 
mavreiðs ceùdvàdrrTovs. 


BOOK XVII. 51. 2—52. 3 

murderers of my father or have some escaped me ? ” 331/0 s.c. 

The prophet shouted : “ Silence ! There is no mortal 
who can plot against the one who begot him. All the 
murderers of Philip, however, have been punished. 
The proof of his divine birth will reside in the great- 
ness of his deeds ; as formerly he has been undefeated, 
so now he will be unconquerable for all time.” Alex- 
ander was delighted with these responses. He hon- 
oured the god with rich gifts and returned to Egypt.* 

52. He decided to found a great city in Egypt, and 
gave orders to the men left behind with this mission 
to build the city between the marsh and the sea.? 
He laid out the site and traced the streets skilfully 
and ordered that the city should be called after him 
Alexandria. It was conveniently situated near the 
harbour of Pharos, and by selecting the right angle 
of the streets, Alexander made the city breathe with 
the etesian winds ? so that as these blow across a great 
expanse of sea, they cool the air of the town, and so 
he provided its inhabitants with a moderate climate 
and good health. Alexander also laid out the walls 
so that they were at once exceedingly large and mar- 
vellously strong. Lying between a great marsh and 
the sea, it affords by land only two approaches, both 
narrow and very easily blocked. 

1 Curtius, 4. 7. 27-28; Justin, 11. 11. 9; Plutarch, Alex- 
ander, 27. 3-4. See Addenda. 

2 Curtius, 4. 8. 1-6; Justin, 11. 11. 13; Plutarch, Alex- 
ander, 26. 2-6 ; Arrian, 3. 1. 5-2. 2. Diodorus, Curtius, and 
Justin follow the tradition of Aristobulus (Arrian, 3. 4. 5) 
in placing the foundation of Alexandria after Alexander’s 
visit to Siwah ; Plutarch and Arrian follow Ptolemy in locat- 
ing it before the visit. The marsh is Lake Mareotis. 

3 The north-western winds of summer. This description of 
Alexandria is based on Diodorus’s own observation (Introd. 
p. 6), and is lacking in the other Alexander histories. 



Tòv è rúrov dmoreðv yàayýðı maparàýoiov 
exet nàareîav péonv oyeðòv Tův mów Téuvovoav 
kal T Te peyébei kai kdààcei Îavuaorýv: darò 
yàp múàņs mi múàņv Šýkovoa Teooapákovra pèv 
araðiwv éget TÒ uikos, mÀébpov è rò mÀdros, 
oikiÕv Õè kal iepðv moàvreàéot karaokevaîs nâca 

4 kekóounTar. npocéraćev © o ° Aùéćavðpos kal Ba- 
ci\csia katackeváoat Îavuacrà karà rò uéyelos 
kal Bápos rv čpywv. où uóvov & ó ’AÀéćavôpos, 
dÀÀà kal oi per aùròv Pacieúoavres Aiyúrrov 
LExpt To kaf’ huâs Biov oyeðòv dravres mov- 

5 reàéot karackevaîs núénoav rà Baciàeia. rkabóàov 
©’ N mós rocaúryv èriðoow édaßev èv roîs torepov 
XPóvois woTE Tapa ToAoîs aùrhv mpórTyv åpiðpeî- 
oĝar TÕv katrà Tùv oikovuévyv: kal yàp kdààci kal 
peyébe kal mpoodðwv mÀýÂe kal rÕv mpòs Tpupiv 

6 davykóvrwv moù ðadépei rÕv AAwv. rò è Tôv 
kaTorkovvTwv oikyTópwv aŭtův mÀñÂos úrmepßáňc 
Toùs év taîs dÀÀais móàeow oikýropas: kab’ ôv yàp 

hueîs mapepdàouev ypóvov eis Ařyvrrov, čġacav oí 
tàs avaypaġàs ëyovres rÕv karoikoúvrov elvat 
Toùs ev aùr crarpißovras édevhépovs màelovs rôv 
Tpidkovta uupidðwv, ék è rÕv mpooóðwv TÔv kar’ 
Aiyvnrov Àaupávew ròv Baoiàéa màciw rôv éta- 

7 ʻO ov Baoideùs ’Adfavõpos émorýoas tiwvàs 
TÕv hidwv èri trùv karaorevyv ris ’Adetavòpei- 
as kal ĝioikýoas mavra TÀ katrà tùv Alyvrrov 
enmavhàbe uera ris vváuews eis thv Xuplav. 

53. Aapeîos è mvhópevos aùroð Tův mapovoiav 

1 The contemporary description of Strabo (17. 1.7 -10) says 

BOOK XVII. 52. 3—53. 1 

In shape, it is similar to a chlamys, and it is approxi- 331/0 n.c. 

mately bisected by an avenue remarkable for its size 
and beauty. From gate to gate it runs a distance of 
forty furlongs t; it is a plethron ? in width, and is 
bordered throughout its length with rich façades of 
houses and temples. Alexander gave orders to build 
a palace notable for its size and massiveness. And 
not only Alexander, but those who after him ruled 
Egypt down to our own time, with few exceptions have 
enlarged this with lavish additions. The city in 
general has grown so much in later times that many 
reckon it to be the first city of the civilized world, and 
it is certainly far ahead of all the rest in elegance and 
extent and riches and luxury. The number of its in- 
habitants surpasses that of those in other cities. At 
the time when we were in Egypt, those who kept the 
census returns of the population said that its free 
residents were more than three hundred thousand,? 
and that the king received from the revenues of the 
country more than six thousand talents. 

However that may be, King Alexander charged 
certain of his Friends with the construction of Alex- 
andria, settled all the affairs of Egypt, and returned 
with his army to Syria.* 

53. By the time he heard of his arrival, Dareius 

thirty furlongs. The ancient circuit of the walls has not been 

2 One hundred feet. i 

3 A papyrus of later date has been interpreted as stating 
that the citizens of Alexandria numbered 180,000, but this is 
very uncertain (H. A. Musurillo, The Acts of the Pagan 
Martyrs, 1954, no. III, col. i. 15). i 

4 Further details are given by Curtius, 4. 8. 4-9 ; Arrian, 
3. 5. 2-7, Alexander reached Thapsacus in the Attic month 
Hecatombaeon (Arrian, 3. 7. 1; about July/August 331 ; 
see below, p. 278, note 2). 



cuvylpoike: èv tràs mavrayólev Õuváueis kat TávTa 
èv yap éin kai tà Évora moù pelbw rv mpo- 
yeyevnuévwv noioe Sià rò ĝokeîv ià Toýrwv 
moààdà rov Adééavõpov èv rh mepi Kiıikiav uáyy 
menÀcovekrnkévai kateokeúace Òe kai dpupara 
Speravnpópa ðıakóora mpòs rarádrànéw ral póßov 
2 rÕv moàceuiwv eùbérws émwevonpéva. ToúTwv yàp 
ékáorov map ékárepov trÕv oepopópav’ inmmwv 
eéékerro npooņnàwuéva TÔ Guy Éorpa mapauhrn 
tporilaua, Thv èmotpopiv Ts akufjs ëyovra mpòs 
TÅ kaTà mpóocwrov mihdverav, mpòs Šè raîs kara- 
kàcioseo? trÕv agóvwv èr eùbeias dÀña úo, Tùv 
êmipdverav Toîs mporépois, TÒ è uÎkos ueitw ral 
mÀarúrepa: ovvýpuooro è raîs roúrwv åpyaîs 

Ilâcav è rv úvajuv ëv re önàois èmońuos 
kai hyeuóvwv dperaîs koocuýoas dvéķevćev èk tîs 
Baßvàðvos éxwv megoùs èv mepi ðyõońrovra uvpi- 
dôas, inreis è oùk éÀárrovs TÕv elkooct uvpidðwv. 
kartà è Tùv óðorropiav efiðv uèv ëywv ròv Tiypw, 
apiorepòv è ròv Eùppáryv mpońet à yópas 
eùðaiuovos kal Öuvapévys rois rrýveot Sapı 
XopTáopata mapacyécðar, TÔ Sè mÀýhet rÔv orpa- 

l oepopópav F; oipoġópwv cett. 

2 karakàcioeoi Bosius and Reiske ; kararàioeot codd. 


BOOK XVII. 53. 1-3 

had already assembled his forces from all directions 331/0 s.c. 

and made everything ready for the battle. He had 
fashioned swords and lances much longer than his 
earlier types because it was thought that Alexander 
had had a great advantage in this respect in the 
battle in Cilicia. He had also constructed two hun- 
dred scythe-bearing chariots well designed to astonish 
and terrify the enemy.! From each of these there 
projected out beyond the trace horses scythes three 
spans long,? attached to the yoke, and presenting 
their cutting edges to the front. At the axle housings 
there were two more scythes pointing straight out 
with their cutting edges turned to the front like the 
others, but longer and broader. Curved blades were 
fitted to the ends of these.? 

All of the force the king adorned with shining ar- 
mour and with brilliant commanders. As he marched 
out of Babylon, he had with him eight hundred 
thousand infantry and no less than two hundred 
thousand cavalry. He kept the Tigris on the right 
of his route and the Euphrates on the left, and pro- 
ceeded through a rich country capable of furnishing 
ample fodder for the animals and food enough for so 

1 Curtius, 4. 9. 3-5 ; Arrian, 3. 8. 6. 

2 About twenty-seven inches. 

3 Curtius, 4. 9. 5 is a little clearer than Diodorus. He adds 
that a spear projected forward from the end of the chariot pole 
and that blades below the chariot reached towards the ground. 
He also mentions swords projecting from both ends of the yoke, 
as would be possible in a two-horse chariot. But Diodorus’s 
trace horses would seem to make these impossible. 

4 The Persian forces numbered 500,000 according to Jus- 
tin (11. 12. 5), 1,000,000 according to Plutarch (Alexander, 
31. 1), 1,000,000 foot and 40,000 horse according to Arrian 
(3. 8. 6). Curtius gives the totals later (4. 12. 13) and more 
reasonably : 45,000 horse and 200,000 infantry. 



4 TriwrÕv ikavàs tpopàas yopnyjoar. čomevõe yàp 
mepi Thv Nivov morjoaoĝðar Tùv mapáraćıv, eùĝe- 
TwTÁáTÆv ÖvTæv TÕv mepi aùðrýv meðiwv kal ToAÀNùv 
eùpvywpiav mapeyopévwv T® ueyébet rv ÙOpowo- 
pévæav ýr aùrtoô Suváuewv. karaorparoneĝðevoas 
Se mepi kóuny Tv ovopačouévyv ”Apßnàa ràs ŝv- 
vápeis évraðla kað’ ýuépav èérarre kal tî 
ouveye? ðiıardéet ral peàéry kareokeúacev eù- 
meiles: oóðpa yàp hywvia uýrore Toààðv kai 
dovupovwv èbvôv Oporspévwv raîs Siadérrois 
TAPaAXÝ TiS yévnTar kaTà TV Tapáračıv. 

54. Ilepi è Sadúoews ral mpórepov uèv té- 
mepe npeoßevràs mpòs °` Aàétavðpov, êkywpôv av- 
T® Tis évròs "Advos morapoô xópas, kal mpoo- 
ennyyéňdero ðoew åpyvpiov ráñavra Šıouúpia.! 
ws È’ où mpooceîyev aùr, mdv èéémeppev Aovs 
npéopeis, énawÂv èv aùròv émi TÔ kaìôs keypi- 
oĝar TÜ Te unTpl kal roîŭs &Àdois aiyuaiórois, 
dérðv ðè piov yevéoðar kal daßew rùv evròs 
Eùġpárov yæpav kal rádňavr” åpyvpíov tpiopúpia? 
kal Thv érépav TÕv éavroô Îvyarépwv yvvaîka, kab- 
óÀov Õè yevóuevov yaußpòv ral rdéw víoô Àaßóvra 
3 kaldrep kowwvòv yevéohari ris čàņs PBacıàcias, ó 
©’ ’AAéfavõpos eis rò ovvéðpiov mapañaßòv mdvras 

1 ĉopúpia Fischer; ôioyia R; mevrakioyia F. 
3 2 grma F (in first hand); rpeeyi\a RX and F (second 

Aee a ae e E 

1 In Curtius also (4. 9. 6), Dareius started his march from 
the left bank of the Euphrates at Babylon and crossed over 
to the left bank of the Tigris at some unspecified point up- 
stream. Arrian suggests (3. 8. 3-6) that Dareius’s army 


BOOK XVII. 53. 3—54. 3 

many soldiers.? He had in mind to deploy for battle 331/0 s.o. 

in the vicinity of Nineveh, since the plains there were 
well suited to his purpose and afforded ample ma- 
næuvre room for the huge forces at his disposal. Pitch- 
ing camp at a village named Arbela, he drilled his 
troops daily and made them well disciplined by con- 
tinued training and practice. He was most concerned 
lest some confusion should arise in the battle from the 
numerous peoples assembled who differed in speech. 

54. On the other hand, just as he had previously ? 
sent envoys to Alexander to treat for peace, offering 
to concede to him the land west of the Halys River, 
and also to give him twenty thousand talents of silver, 
but Alexander would not agree, so now again Dareius 
sent other envoys praising Alexander for his generous 
treatment of Dareius’s mother and the other captives 
and inviting him to become a friend. He offered him 
all the territory west of the Euphrates, thirty thou- 
sand talents of silver, and the hand of one of his 
daughters. Alexander would become Dareius’s son- 
in-law and occupy the place of a son, while sharing in 
the rule of the whole empire.4 Alexander brought 
together all his Friends into a council and laid before 

mustered east of the Tigris, perhaps not far from the actual 

2 The diplomatic exchanges between Dareius and Alex- 
ander are discussed above on chap. 39, p. 228, note 1. 

3 These figures are variously reported in the manuscripts ; 
see notes 1 and 2 on the opposite page. 

4 It was a common practice among the Persians as later 
among the Seleucids for the king to share the administration 
of his huge realm with the crown prince. According to this 
offer, Dareius would rule the east, Alexander the west, but 
the kingdom would remain a unit. The territory offered to 
Alexander was approximately that which later became a part 
of the Roman Empire. 



roùòs piàovs kal nepi rÔv mpotibepévwv aipécewv 
åvakowwodpevos ġŅéiov TÅv iðiav yvóøunv ékaoTtov 
4 perà mappnoias ånopývacðar. tÕv pèv ov dAAwv 
oùðeis èróàua ovpfovàcðoat ià rò péyehos ris 
ónokeruévys Čnrýoews, Iappeviwv è mpõrTos 
elrev, °Eyà uèv ðv `Adééavõpos čAaßov äv rà ĝt- 
5 õóueva kal rv oúvðeoiw èromodunv. ó &’ ’AÀé- 
éavõpos ónoàaßàv elmev, Kaya eè Happeviov Ñv 
éaßov àv. - 

Kaĝóàov è rat ddois pueyadopúyois Àðyors 
ypnoápevos kat roùs pèv àóyovs rôv Iepoðv 
ånoðokiudoas, nporiuýoas è Tv eùðoiav TÖV 
mporewopévwv wpeðv roîs uèv mpéoßeow dró- 
kpiow čwkev ðs oŬb’ ó kóopos Õveîv Àiwv övTwv 
rnpoar óva äv rův iav ĉakóounoiv re kat 
tráéw où ý oikovuévn úo Bacidéwv èyóvraw rùv 
Hycuoviav drapáxws kal doracidorws ĝiapévew àv 
6 ĝúvarro. Õıónep amayyéàcw aùŭroùs ékéàevoe TO 
Aapeiw, el pèv rÕv npwTelwv ópéyeTar, Õrapdyeohar 
mpos aùròv mepi rijs Tv ôÀwv povapyias'’ el Õè ó- 
éns karadþpovôv nmporpivet Tv Àvorréàciav kal TÙv 
êk ris pgorævns tpvpýv, aùròs èv 'Adcédvòpw 
mowirw TÀ mpoorartTópeva, Ààwv Sè dpywv pa- 
oiÀcevérw, ovyywpovuévns aùr® rs ovoías úrò 
Tis ° AÀeéávðpov ypnorórnrTos. 

Tò è cvvéðpiov ðiadúcas kat Tùv Õúvauıw dva- 
Aaßbàv npoñyev èm tv TÕv moàceuiwv otpaTore- 
Sciav. àa òè roúrois mparropévois Tis To Aapeiov 
yuvarkòs årohavoúons ó `Adéfavðpos ébapev av- 

1 Súvaraı RX. 

BOOK XVII. 54. 3-7 

them the alternatives. He urged each to speak his 331/0 s.o. 

own mind freely. None of the rest, however, dared 
to give an opinion in a matter of this importance, but 
Parmenion spoke up and said: “If I were Alex- 
ander, I should accept what was offered and make a 
treaty.” Alexander cut in and said : “ So should I, 
if I were Parmenion.” 

He continued with proud words and refuted the 
arguments of the Persians, preferring glory to the 
gifts which were extended to him. Then he told the 
envoys that the earth could not preserve its plan and 
order if there were two suns nor could the inhabited 
world remain calm and free from war so long as two 
kings shared the rule.! He bade them tell Dareius 
that, if he desired the supremacy, he should do battle 
with him to see which of them would have sole and 
universal rule. If, on the other hand, he despised 
glory and chose profit and luxury with a life of ease, 
then let him obey Alexander, but be king over all 
other rulers,? since this privilege was granted him by 
Alexander’s generosity. 

Alexander dismissed the council and ordering his 
forces to resume their march, he advanced on the 
camp of the enemy. At this juncture the wife of 
Dareius died and Alexander gave her a sumptuous 

1 The quip, ** So should I if I were Parmenion,” occurs in 
all the sources. The “ two suns ” metaphor is given other- 
wise only by Justin (11. 12. 15). 

2 This is a concept in keeping with the feudal organization 
of the Persian empire. The king was, quite literally, “ king 
of kings”; if he accepted Alexander’s overlordship, he 
might still be king of all the other kings of “ Iran and non- 

3 Plutarch, also (Alexander, 30), places this incident after 
Dareius’s embassy. Curtius (4. 10. 18-34) and Justin (11. 12. 



a y “~ > Ed ? s ` 
55. Aapeîos è rv dmokpioewv dkovoas kat 
A A D ~ 
tv &à rõv àóywv oúvðłeow dmoyvoùs Tv pev 
$ A ? 
Súvapıv kab’ ýpépav cvvérarre kal mpos TYV €V 
Pa 2 a 
roîs kivõúvois eùnņkotav éroiuņv kareokeðate, TÕV 
Sè piÀwv Mataîov èv perà orpariwrtõv ÈTIÀEKTWV 
2 “A 
etandoreie mapapvàdéovra rv Sidao ToÔ To- 
a ARE ? 
tauoô kal ròv Tópov nmpokataànpópevov, érépovs Š 
ť? © 
eténeppe thv xopav mvproàýoovras t? Ñs avay- 
kaîov v ğedleîv roùs moňepiovs’ vóue yàp T® 
a` ~ Z La ` 
èv peúuartı Toĝ morapoô npopàýparı xpoba mpos 
hs » A ld 2 2 € ` 
2rùv ëhoðov rôv Mareðóvwv. roúrwv © ò pèv 
Mačtaîos ópôv dðıdßarov ðvra ròv morauòðv Õıá TE 
hi l RE 4 l L N d A 
Tò Balos kai thv opoðpórnra Toð peúuaTos TÎS pev 
rovrov ġuvàakĝs uéànoe, roîs è rùv xyøöpav 
muprooboi ovvepyhoas kal modàùv yåv čapheipas 
e la EA pd m l ` ` 
únéìaßev dßarov čoeolar roîs modepioirs Sià TV 
ondvw tis Tpops. 
3 ‘O & 'Aàétavðpos mapayevõpevos mpòs Tùv Õıd- 
Baow roô Tiypews morao rat ròv nópov úrő 
? l ` 7 ` ? 3 
mwvwv èyywpiwv pabòv diefißace rv Šóvajuv où 
uóvov mıróvws, dA\à kal mavreàðs êmikwõúvws. 
m~ r ` A m~ 
4 ToÔ yàp mópov trò èv Bdbos v rèp rv paorôv, 
m~ 4 e 7z e + + ` ~ ’ 
Toî è peúuaros ý úrs moods r©v raßarwóv- 
Twv mapéovpev kal Tùv Baow tv okeàðv Tapy- 
m l4 ~ a a 
mapéhepe kal Toîs syárois kivðúvois mepiéßañàev. 
e & AÀ l ð ` ` ò 2 m~ e ? 
50 ééavðpos mps Tv aßoðpótrnra roô pev- 
3 ~ A 
LaTos àvriunxavópevos tmaphyyerňe nõos tàs yeîpas 

6-7) place it before the embassy. This was the summer of 
331. She had been taken prisoner in November, 333, but 
Plutarch, Alexander, 30. 1, states that she died in childbirth. 


BOOK XVII. 55. 1-5 

55. Dareius heard Alexander’s answer and gave up 331/0 s.c. 

any hope of a diplomatic settlement. He continued 
drilling his troops each day and brought their battle 
discipline to a satisfactory state. He sent off one of 
his Friends, Mazaeus, with a picked body of men to 
guard the crossing of the river and to seize and hold 
the ford. Other troops he sent out to scorch the 
earth over which the enemy must come. He thought 
of using the bed of the Tigris as a defence against the 
advance of the Macedonians.! Mazaeus, however, 
looked upon the river as uncrossable because of its 
depth and the swiftness of the current,’ and neglected 
to guard it. Instead he joined forces with those who 
were burning the countryside, and having wasted a 
great stretch of it, judged that it would be unusable 
by the enemy because of the lack of forage. 
Alexander, nevertheless, when he came to the 
crossing of the Tigris River, learned of the ford from 
some of the local natives, and transferred his army to 
the east bank. This was accomplished not only with 
difficulty but even at substantial risk. The depth of 
the water at the ford was above a man’s breast and 
the force of the current swept away many who were 
crossing and deprived them of their footing, and as 
the water struck their shields, it bore many off their 
course and brought them into extreme danger. But 
Alexander contrived a defence against the violence 
of the river. He ordered all to lock arms with each 

This may reflect a tradition that Alexander had not taken 
as good care of her as was generally believed. 

1 According to Arrian (3. 7. 1), Mazaeus was also supposed 
to defend the line of the Euphrates, and this plan is reported 
in a different form by Curtius, 4. 9. 7 and 12. 

2 The Tigris is said to owe its name to the “ arrow-swift ” 
character of its current (Curtius, 4. 9. 16). 



dAAÀois ovunmàékew kal mv ÔÀnv trÕv owpártwv 
6 muvkvóryra mowy Geúyuarıe maparànoiav. mapa- 
Bóàov è yevouévys rs ciaßdocews kat rôv Maxe- 
Òóvwv uóyis diaocwhévrwv rv èv huépav TraúTtyv 
npocavéàaße rův Šúvajuv, T © vorTepaiq ovvre- 
Traypévņv ëywv Tův oTtpatıàv nmpofjyev rmi TOÙS 
moàeuiovs kal oúveyyvs yevőuevos rv Ilepoôv 

56. `Avañoyiõuevos è rò nAñbos ts rõv Ilep- 
cv ðvvduews kal TÒ péyelos rv èmikeuévwv 
kivðúvwv, ëtt Õe Tv Tepl TÕv õÀwv kpiow êv yepolv 
osav Òiyypúnvnoe Tùv výkTa ovveyópevos Tí) mepi 
ToD pédovros hpovriði: úrò Sè rhv éwhwhv vda- 
Kv Tpareis eis Ünvov oŭrws êkoruýln Babéws wore 
Tis uépas ênmiyevopévns uù úvaoðar Šieyephivar. 
2 TÒ èv ov mpõrTov ot pidor TÒ ovufàv hòéws éwpwv, 
vouigovres TÒv Bacıiàéa mpòs Tov Úroreipevov Kiv- 
vvov eùtTovwrepov égechat rerevyóra moñs avé- 
oews’ Ós © ó uèv ypóvos mpoćßawev, ó © ůrmvos 
ovveîye ròv Paciàéa, Iapueviwv mpecßúraros &ðv 
rv hiiwv a$ éavroð mpõoraypa Šidwke roîs 
3 nÀýleow érorudteohar Tà mpòs tùv uáynv. oùk 
davieuévov © aùroð mpooeàbóvres ot piot uóyis 
Siýyeipav ròv ’Aàétavðpov. Bavuačóvrwv © èr. 
T ovupeßnkóre mdvrwv ral tùv airiav dkoôosat 
ovopévwv épnoev ó `Aàétavõpos Aapeiov cès éva 
rómov )Âporkőra tàs Šuvdpeis dmoàeàvkévar mdons 

1 Curtius, 4. 9. 15-21. Arrian (3. 7. 5) mer 
that Alexander crossed with dieu. AREE TER 
2 The tradition of the date of the battle is confused. Eleven 
days before it (Plutarch, Alexander, 31. 4) there occurred in 
the Attic month Boedromion an eclipse of the moon which 


BOOK XVII. 55. 5—56. 3 

other and to construct a sort of bridge out of the com 331/0 s.c. 

pact union of their persons.! Since the crossing had 
been hazardous and the Macedonians had had a narrow 
escape, Alexander rested the army that day, and on 
the following he deployed it and led it forward to- 
ward the enemy, then pitched camp not far from the 

56. Casting over in his mind the number of the 
Persian forces and the decisive nature of the impend- 
ing battle, since success or failure lay now entirely in 
the strength of their arms, Alexander lay awake 
throughout the night occupied with concern for the 
next day. About the morning watch he fell asleep, 
and slept so soundly that he could not-be wakened 
when the sun rose.? At first his Friends were de- 
lighted, thinking that the king would be all the 
keener for the battle for his thorough relaxation. 
As time passed, however, and sleep continued to pos- 
sess him, Parmenion, the senior among the Friends, 
issued on his own responsibility the order to the troops 
to make ready for the battle, and since his sleep 
continued, the Friends came to Alexander and at 
last succeeded in wakening him. As all expressed 
astonishment at the matter and pressed him to tell 
the reason for his unconcern, Alexander said that 
Dareius had freed him from all anxiety by assembling 
has been identified as that of 20/21 September 331 B.C. 
(Curtius, 4. 10. 2; Arrian, 3. 7. 6). If the Attic month fol- 
lowed the moon in practice as it did in theory, this should 
haye been on the 15th of Boedromion, and the battle fought 
on the 26th or 27th. Arrian, however, states that the battle 
took place in Pyanepsion (3. 15. 7), presumably the month of 

the eclipse also. Justin (11. 13. 1) simply says that the battle 
occurred “ postero die” after the dismissal of Dareius’s 

3 Curtius, 4. 13. 17-24; Plutarch, Alexander, 32. 1-2. 



3 lg 3o o 2 a A e l 2 y ~ 
4 aywvias aùróv' muĝ yap Ņuépąa kpihévra mepi TÕv 

wv maúocolat TÕv móvwv kal moàvypoviwv kivðú- 
+ $ > y + ` e l m 
vwv. où ùv dÀÀà mapakaàéoas troùs hyeuóvas Toîs 
oikeiois Àdyois kal mpòs Toùs êmihpepouévovs kivðú- 
vovs eùlapoeîs karaorýoas mpofye tùv Úvapuv 
ovvrerayuévnv rml roùs Pappápovs, ts rôv metôv 
pdàayyos tràs TÕv innméwv etas mpordéas. 
57. Emi pèv ov rò Õegiðv Képas račte Tův 
B À gi UA D T A e r KÀ "~ e 
aciùkův ciànv, Ñs eiye tùv hyepoviav Kàeîros ð 
péas ovopačóuevos, yopévovs è rTaúrņs Toùs 
Y D A 
aAdovs pidous, ©v hyeîro DPiàwras ó IHMappeviwvos, 
ééis è ràs ddas immapyias értà rerayuévas úrò 

hi k S d ld 
2 rov aùròv hyepóva. õmølev è Tovrwv Ýnerdyn 


TÒ TÕv dpyvpaoriðwv nev ráyua, Sradépov TÅ 
TE TÕV ÔTÀwV \aunpóTNTi kal Ti TÕv avðpôv åperi' 
kai rovtrwv ýyeîro Nixdvwp ò IHappeviwvos. èyo- 
pévyy è roúrwv čornoe tiv ° EùpuÂðrv kañovuévnv 
orparnyiav, s Kovos ýyeîro, ééĝs è rv rôv 
’Opeorôv kat Avyryorôv rdéw čornoe, Iepikkov 
TùV ortparqyiav čyovros. kal Tùv èv èyopévnyv 
arparnyiav Meàéaypos eye, rv è ovveyi raúrns 
Hodvrépxwv, rerayuévov ýr aùròv rÕv voua- 
Copévav Ervupaiwv. Pirros è ó Baàákpov rùv 
ovveyi TaúTns otparņnyiav enàńpov kal TÎS perà 
1 diñovs codd. ; éraipovs F. 

aorparņyíav Fischer ; orparıáv codd. 
3 Ioàvrépxaw RX; IMoàvorépywv F. 


1 This term is somewhat unexpectedly used instead of the 
usual term “ Companions ” (Arrian, 3. 11. 8). Cp. note 1, 
p. 14. The full accounts of the Battle of Gaugemela are 


BOOK XVII. 56. 4—57. 3 

all his forces into one place. Now in one day the 331/0 s.c. 

decision would be reached on all issues, and they 
would be saved toils and dangers extending over a 
long period of time. Nevertheless, Alexander sum- 
moned his officers and encouraged them for the battle 
which they faced with suitable words, and then led 
out his army deployed for battle against the Persians, 
ordering the cavalry squadrons to ride ahead of the 
infantry phalanx. 

57. On the right wing Alexander stationed the 
royal squadron under the command of Cleitus the 
Black (as he was called), and next to this the other 
Friends + under the command of Parmenion’s son 
Philotas, then in succession the other seven squadrons 
under the same commander. Behind these was sta- 
tioned the infantry battalion of the Silver Shields,? 
distinguished for the brilliance of their armour and 
the valour of the men ; they were led by Nicanor, the 
son of Parmenion. Next to them was the battalion 
from Elimiotis,’ as it was called, under the command 
of Coenus ; next he stationed the battalion of the 
Orestae and the Lyncestae, of which Perdiccas held 
the command. Meleager commanded the next bat- 
talion and Polyperchon the one after that, the people 
called Stymphaeans being under him. Philip the son 
of Balacrus held the next command and, after him, 
those of Curtius (4. 12-16) and Arrian (3. 11-15); cp. also 
Justin, 11. 13-14. 3 ; Plutarch, Alexander, 32-33. 

2 These were the infantry of the guard, the hypaspistae, 
called by the name which came into use only in the period of 

the Successors (Tarn, Alexander the Great, 2, p. 116; Cp. p. 
14, note 1). Curtius (8. 5. 4) writes of the introduction of 

silver and gold trappings in 327. 

3 The battalions of the Macedonian phalanx were orga- 
nized on a territorial basis and known by the names of their 
component elements. 



raúrņv Kparepòs ńyečro. rõv è mpoepnuévwv 
innéwv rv ovvey) tdw dmermÀńýpovv oi arò 
Ieàorovvýoov Krai 'Ayaías ovorpareúoavres ir- 

a ` ~ ` Ca » ` ` ` 
meîs kal Drai kat Mañeîs, ére è Aokpol kat 
4 Dwreîs, v yero ` Epiyvios? ð Mırvànvalos. ééns 
Ò eiorýjkeoav @errañol, Dirrov uèv éyovres 
ýyeuóva, dvðpeiq ðè kal t TrÕv ei\ðv inmaciq 
moù mpoéyovres Tv Awv. èyopévovs è rToú- 
Twv Toùs êk Kpýrys ročóras éraće kal roùs èk Ts 
’Ayařas polopopovs. 

E? ékarépov è roô képaros émıkdurniov èroinoe 

p p u % 

TV? rdéw, ônws u) Ôúvwvrai kukÀobv ot moàéwot 
TÔ màla rv orparrwrÕv tův oùyóTTa rv 
6 Maxeóvaw. mpos è ras rv Öperavņyópwv åp- 
pátwv èmpopàs uņnyavópevos ó Bacideùs maphy- 
yere Tois év T pdàayyı meķoîs, ôrav TÀANoLACN TÀ 
rébpinra, ovvaorioai kal raîs capicais TàS ori- 
Sas rúnrTew, mws ĝia rov põdov mTupóueva Tův eis 
roùtiocw morýonrat popdv, troîs è Biatouévois e- 
Sóvaı ğiaorýuara, Št ðv moroovrai Tv Šiééoðov 
akivõðvvov roîs Makeðóow. aùròs è roð Seéioð 
pépovs ńyoúpevos kal Àofùv Tův ráči moroúuevos 
è éavrot rv ÖÀņv kpiow toô kivðúvov noreîoha 

58. “O è Aapeîos karà tràs rôv èlvôv mepioyàs 
TÅv kta memompuévos kard Te Tòv ’AÀéÉavðpov 
TeTayuévos mpoñyev mi roùs modeulovs. s & 
erànolatov dAńdas ai ðvváueis, ot pèv caàmırral 

1 ’°Epiyvos RX. 
2 tův added by Dindorf. 

1 Diodorus’s account of Alexander’s dispositions agrees 
generally with those of Curtius (4. 13. 26-35) and Arrian 

BOOK XVII. 57. 3—58. 1 

Craterus. As for the cavalry, the line of the squad- 331/0 ».c. 

rons which I have mentioned was continued with the 
combined Peloponnesian and Achaean horse, then 
cavalry from Phthiotis and Malis, then Locrians and 
Phocians, all under the command of Erigyius of Mity- 
lenê. Next were posted the Thessalians who had 
Philip as commander ; they were far superior to the 
rest in their fighting qualities and in their horseman- 
ship. And next to these he stationed the Cretan 
archers and the mercenaries from Achaia. 

On both flanks he kept his wings back so that the 
enemy with their superior numbers could not envelop 
the shorter line of the Macedonians. Against the 
threat of the scythed chariots, he ordered the infantry 
of the phalanx to join shields as soon as these went 
into action against them and to beat the shields with 
their spears, creating such a din as to frighten the 
horses into bolting to the rear, or, if they persevered, 
to open gaps in the ranks such that they might ride 
through harmlessly. He himself took personal com- 
mand of the right wing and advancing obliquely 
planned to settle the issue of the battle by his own 

58. Dareius based his formation for battle on the 
characteristics of his national contingents,’ and post- 
ing himself opposite Alexander gave the command to 
advance on the Macedonians. As the lines approached 

(3. 11. 8-12. 5), with the exceptions that Arrian gives only 
six squadrons of the Companions in addition to that of Clei- 
tus, and names Simmias as battalion commander instead of 
Philip (who is named also by Curtius, 4. 13. 28; a Philip 
appears in 327 as a battalion commander with Alexander in 
operations north of the Kabul River, Arrian, 4. 24. 10). 

2 The Persian dispositions are given by Curtius (4. 12. 5-13) 
and Arrian (3. 11. 3-7) from captured records. 




Tap dpporépots ècńýuawov Tò moňepiróv, ot & 
ävôpes pETÀ Tods Boñs gAAÚAors ênepépovro. 
2 kal mpôTtov Tà Šperavņnpópa rv åppáTwv amò 
Kpárovs davvópeva TOAAÙV ékmàngw kal póßov 
Toîs Makeðóoıv ênéornoev' kal yàp Magaîos ó Ò TÖV 
innéwv hyoúpevos mvukvaîs raîs etais oùv Toîs 
A 2 A bi 4 
3 Tv èmipopàv rÕv peravnpópwv. ris è pdàayyos 
ovvaomıoúons kal karà tàs toô fPacıàéws map- 
f l 
4 åoniðas ovvéßawe póßov mov yiveosĝðar. Srórep 
TÀ Toà TÕv àppdTwv mTupopévov TÖV inTWV 
eorpéġero kat trùv púuņv dkarádoyerov moroðvra 
mpos Toùs iÕiovs Piaiws davéorpehe. TÕv Ò aAwv 
m~ m , 
npoorecóvrwv TÀ páňayyı kal rv Maxeðóvwv ror- 
, se 7 K Z ` 7 , 1 
oúvræwv ačıóňoya ðeaorýńpara ðià ToúTwv hepópeva 
Tà pev gvvyrovtioðny, Tà Òè Sregémeoev, evia è 
T Bia TS póuns depóueva kai raîs rv cðýpwv 
dkpaîs èvepyðs ypnodueva mods kal Towcidas 
õraléceis Oavdrwv drmeipydbero. ToaŬTry yàp 
v ý oéúrys kal Bia trv kreyaàkevuévwv mpòs 
? À e LA ~ ` l ~ 
amwàceav ónÀìwv wore Toðv uèv Bpayiovas oùv 
aùraîs raîs doriow darnokónrechar, oùk àlywv Õè 
Ttpayýàovs mapacúpecłðat kal tràs kepaàds min- 
Tew emi ryv yiv Pàeróvræv črte TÕv òðuudTwv kal 
TS ToÔ mpocwnou cialéosews diahvaTTouévns, 
éviwv è ras nÀevpàs mikapioris Topaîs dvaphr- 
` Z 3 a ? t 2 
rechar kai Îavárovs deis èmihépeobar. 

1 tà ġepópeva codd. ; corrected by Fischer. 
? dvapņtrróvrwv and èémiepóõvrwv codd.; corrected by 


BOOK XVII. 58. 1-5 

each other, the trumpeters on both sides sounded the 831/0 s.c. 

attack and the troops charged each other with a loud 
shout. First the scythed chariots swung into action 
at full gallop and created great alarm and terror 
among the Macedonians,! especially since Mazaeus ? 
in command of the cavalry made their attack more 
frightening by supporting it with his dense squadrons 
of horse. As the phalanx joined shields, however, all 
beat upon their shields with their spears as the king 
had commanded and a great din arose. As the horses 
shied off, most of the chariots were turned about and 
bore hard with irresistible impact against their own 
ranks. Others continued on against the Macedonian 
lines, but as the soldiers opened wide gaps in their 
ranks the chariots were channelled through these. In 
some instances the horses were killed by javelin casts 
and in others they rode through and escaped, but 
some of them, using the full force of their momentum 
and applying their steel blades actively, wrought 
death among the Macedonians in many and various 
forms. Such was the keenness and the force of the 
scythes ingeniously contrived to do harm that they 
severed the arms of many, shields and all, and in no 
small number of cases they cut through necks and 
sent heads tumbling to the ground with the eyes still 
open and the expression of the countenance un- 
changed, and in other cases they sliced through ribs 
with mortal gashes and inflicted a quick death.? 

1 Curtius, 4. 15. 3; Arrian, 3. 13. 5. 

2 Mazaeus appears below (chap. 59. 5) in command of the 

Persian right wing, not the left. 
3 Curtius, 4. 15. 14-17. Arrian is not interested in such 


Wesseling. The manuscript readings are explained and de- 
fended by R. Laqueur, Hermes, 86 (1958), 259 f. 



59. “Qs & yyioav AAAs ai ĝvvdpeis kat ia 
rÕv tóčwv kal oħevðovðv, ért è rÕv åkovTio- 
uévov cavviwv tà pirroúpeva Béàn mapavýwro, 

rôv inrnéwv ovornoapévwv ayôva kai rv Maxe- 
Sóvuv TÔ Šeér® képarıe Sıaywviğouévwv óð pèv 
Aapeîos roô Àarot képaTos HYoVuEvoS CUVAYWNOTAS 
eÎye roùs ovyyeveîs inmeîs, émÀéktTovs tTaîs aperats 
kai raîs eùvoiais, yiÀlovs èv pÊ mepierànuuévovs 

3 ciÀy. oroi è Oearhv ëyovres Ts iias avðpaya- 
Olas ròv Baoıiàéa rò nmàhlos rv èr aùròv pepo- 
uévæv Beàðv npohúpws eéeðéyovro. ovvůoav ðè 
Toúrois ol re unàopópoi, ðádhopori raîs dvðpaya- 
Oiais kal modol kara rò màñlos, mpòs ðè rovrois 
Mápõoi kal Koosator,? taîs Te rv cwpdrTwv úrep- 
oyaîs kal raîs Àaunpórņoi tv pvyðv Îavuačó- 

4 uevoi. guvnywviovro è TovTois ol TE mepi TA 
Baciàcia ĝiarpißovres kal rõv `Ivõððv oi kpáriorot 
kar davðpeiav. orot èv ov erà moààñs Bofs 
emıppdčavres toîs moàeuiors èkhbúuws hywvigovro 
kal TÔ mÀýÂe karenóvovv roùs Mareðóvas. 

5 Maģaos ðè rò Seéiðv ëywv Kképas kal perà tTÕvV 
apiorwv innéwv iaywvičóuevos eùbùs karà TÙV 
npórnv ëpoðov r©v àvleorórwv aveîev oùk Àl- 
yovs, ĉıoyiàiovs è Kaðovoiovs kal yiàlovs rÔv 
ÈEkvlôv inneîs èmAérrovs eéénmempe, mpoordéas 
mepunreðoat TÒ képas TÒ TV TmoÀepiwv kal mpos- 
cÀdoavras tÑ mapepo ris dmookevis rvp- 

1 ŝıahopot supplied by Hertlein. 2 Kiooaîor RX. 

1 Curtius, 4. 15. 24-25. This was the royal chiliarchy, 
commanded by the chiliarch or grand vizier. The members 


BOOK XVII. 59. 1—5 

59. As the main bodies now neared each other and, 331/0 s.c. 

employing bows and slings and throwing javelins, 
expended their missiles, they turned to hand to hand 
fighting. The cavalry first joined battle, and as the 
Macedonians were on the right wing, Dareius, who 
commanded his own left, led his kinsman cavalry 
against them. These were men chosen for courage 
and for loyalty, the whole thousand included in one 
squadron. Knowing that the king was, watching 
their behaviour, they cheerfully faced all of the 
missiles which were cast in his direction. With them 
were engaged the Apple Bearers,? brave and numer- 
ous, and in addition to these Mardi and Cossaei, who 
were admired for their strength and daring, as well 
as all the household troops belonging to the palace 
and the best fighters among the Indians. They all 
raised a loud battle cry and, attacking, engaged the 
enemy valiantly and pressed hard upon the Macedo- 
nians because of their superior numbers. 

Mazaeus was in command of the Persian right wing 
with the best of the cavalry under him and killed not 
a few of his opponents at the first onslaught, but sent 
off two thousand Cadusii and a thousand picked 
Scythian horsemen with orders to ride around the 
enemy’s flank and to continue on to their camp and 

had the court rank of Royal Relatives. Like Diodorus, 
Curtius (4. 12) writes only of left and right wings in the 
Persian army, with the king in the former position (4. 14. 8). 
Arrian (3. 11. 5) places the king correctly in the centre. 

2 So called from the fact that the butts of their spears were 
carved in the likeness of apples. They constituted the royal 
foot guards. Arrian (3. 11. 3-4) gives from an ofħcial list 
captured after the battle Kinsmen, Melophoroi, Indians, 
Carians, and Mardi. The Cossaei are named by Curtius also 
(4. 12. 10), certainly in error, since they were not subjects of 
the king (chap. 111. 4). 




A 4 ` `y 
6 oa. Êv ééws momodvrwv TÒ npoorayhèv kat 
ld m~ 
mapeoneoóvrwv cis thv orparoreðeiav trv Ma- 
m~ e 2 e 
keðóvwv rv aiyuaàórTwv Tiwvès dprdoavres ÖmÀa 
m `y ld ` 3 
guvńpyovv roîs Xrúloss kai rýpračov Tàs ano- 
A ` S e 4 ` ò ` s sò 
orevds' Boj & v kal rapax) Sà TÒ mapdõoéov 
kab’ àv trùv mapeußoàńv. ai èv ov dàu TÕV 
2 > rA e 
aiypaàwriðwv mpos roùs Pappdpovs aneywpovv, Ù 
Sè uńrnp roô Aapeiov Lioúyyaußpis maparañov- 
cv aùrv TÔv aiypaàwriðwv où mpocéoxev, dÀ\ 
3249 e [a p À 2 ka Ca ò 2 
èp hovyias čueiwe piňoppóvws, oŭte TÔ mapaðóýw 
ris róyņns moreúsaca oùte Tův mpos `Adéfavðpov 
3 la $ f $ e lA 
8 eùyapıoriav Àvpawouévy. TéÀos è oi Dkóba 
moiy ris amoorevis čiaprdoavres ainmevoav 
npòs roùs mepi Maķaîov ral rùv eònuepiav amýy- 
yeav. óuoiws Sè kal rÕv mepi Aapeîov Teray- 
uévov innéwv tiwvès karanovýoavres T® mÀýle 
Toùs dvÂeorôras Makreðóvas peyew ùvdykacav. 
60. Acvurépov ðè mporepýuaros roîs lépoais ye- 
l4 e 4 ? [4 2 kd e m 
vouévov © pèv `Aàétavðpos omeóðwv Ôt éavroô 
Tùy rrav Sophlwoachar trÕv Öiwv perà ris Ba- 
oiikis clàns kat rv dAwv rÕv èmpaveoráTwv 
e l4 Pi ? ` ” ` a e k ~ 
innéwv èr aùròv hAavve ròv Aapeîov. ò ðè rv 
La A lA ~ ? A A 
Ilepoðv Bacıiàcùs efduevos rův êmpopav tv 
1 4 3 49 7 
noàeuiwv aùròs uèv èp åpparos dywvıióuevos 
3 td 3 A 3 A Fa 
Nkövričev eis Troùs émipepouévovs, mov © avr 
1 N A 2 3 ? 3 ld : 
ovvaywviopévwv kal rTÔv Paoidéwv èm aAàńàovs 
e 3 
iceuévwuv ó pèv `AàéÉavðpos dkovriosas èmi ròv 
A 2 ` e A m~ 
Aapeîov Torov pèv ńuaprev, ToÔ ðè mapeorÕTos 
1 Curtius, 4. 15. 5-11. The “ baggage ” included persons 
as well as objects, and it may be that this attack was a cal- 

BOOK XVII. 59. 5—60. 2 

capture the baggage. This they did promptly, and 331/0 s.c. 

as they burst into the camp of the Macedonians, some 
of the captives seized weapons and aided the Scy- 
thians in seizing the baggage. There was shouting 
and confusion throughout the whole camp area at 
this unexpected event. Most of the female captives 
rushed off to welcome the Persians, but the mother of 
Dareius, Sisyngambris, did not heed when the women 
called upon her, but remained placidly where she was, 
since she neither trusted the uncertain turns of For- 
tune nor would sully her gratitude toward Alexander. 
Finally, after the Scythians had rounded up much of 
the baggage, they rode off to Mazaeus to report their 
success.! During this time, also, part of the cavalry 
of Dareius in superior numbers continued their pres- 
sure on the opposing Macedonians and forced them 
to give ground. 

60. This was a second success for the Persians, and 
Alexander saw that it was time for him to offset the 
discomfiture of his forces by his own intervention ? 
with the royal squadron and the rest of the elite horse 
guards, and rode hard against Dareius.®? The Persian 
king received their attack and fighting from a chariot 
hurled javelins against his opponents, and many sup- 
ported him. As the kings approached each other, 
Alexander flung a javelin at Dareius and missed him, 
culated attempt to recover the Persian women captured at 
Issus. Arrian (3. 14. 5-6) views it as a purely military 
manœuvre. Arrian reports that it was a break through the 
Macedonian line carried out by Indians and Persian cavalry, 
while Curtius and Plutarch (Alexander, 32. 3), who do not 
identify the troops, agree with Diodorus that the operation 

was a sweep around the Macedonian left wing. 
2 This same motivation is ascribed to Alexander, Curtius, 

4. 15. 19. 
3 Curtius, 4. 15. 24-33; Arrian, 3. 14. 1-3. 

VOL. VIII L 289 


3 ývióyov To Paciéws kararvyæv karéßadev. tÕv 
òè mepi ròv Aapeîov åvaßoņnodvrwv oi ToppòrTepov 
adeorykóres únréàaßov aùrov ròv Paciéa mentw- 
kévar: kat roúrwv tTÌs pvyfjs åpéauévwv ot ovveyeîs 
guveimovro kal TÒ ovveoròs T Aapeiw oúvrayua 
kart’ OÀiyov aiel mapepphyvuvro. ið kal ris érépas 
nàcupâs mapayvuvwheions rv ovvaywviouévwv 

4 kal aùTos karanràayeis mpos puyùv æpunoev. Tov- 
Twv è ovrws Hevyóvræwv kal TOÔ koviopro? TÕV 
innméwv mpòs Üfos aipouévov kat TÕvV mepi TÒv 
’AÀéfavðpov èk moðòs éropévwv ða TÒ mAÑOos 
kal Tv mukvórTra Toĵ kovioproð ovviðeîv uèv oùk 
Ñv ròv Aapeîov ómrot moreîrat Thv pvyv, oTevaypòs 
Sè rÕv mrróvrwv avðpðv kal krúmos TÕv inméwv, 
éri Õe rÕv pacriywv ovvexùs pópos èyivero. 

5 “Apa è Toúrois mparrouévoirs Maģčaîos ð roð 
ðeéroð képaros ńyoúpevos, mÀeclorovs ëywv kal 
kpariorovs inneîs, Papùs énékerro Toîs kar’ aùròv 
terayuévois: Ilappeviwv è perà rv Oerrañðv 
inréwv kal TvV AAwv TÕv uer aùroô rkivåvvevóv- 

6 rwv óréöTy rToùs modeuiovs. TÒ uèv oĝv mpôrTov 
Àaurpõs dywvičópevos ià tràs aperàs TÔv Qerra- 
ðv mpoeréper: rÕv è mepl rov Mataîov TÔ re 
nÀýle kal Bápet roô ovorýuaTtos èykeiuévwv kart- 

7 enoveîro TÒ Tv Mareðóvæwv inmmóv. modot è 
ġövov ywouévov Kal TiS TÕv Bapßápwrv ßías vo- 
VTOOTÁTOU ywopévns ó ò Happeviwv eSénephé TWAS 
TÖV Tepi aùròv innméwv Tmpòs TÒV 'AAéSavõpov, 
\éywv KATA TXOS Bontoa.. oğéws Òe ToÚTwV 
Tò mapayyeàbèv TpaTTÓVTWV kal TÒvV AAéEavõpov 
nvlouévwv modd ris rdčews areonrdoðart karà ròv 

BOOK XVII. 60. 2-7 

but struck the driver standing beside him and knocked 331/0 s.c. 

him to the ground. A shout went up at this from 
the Persians around Dareius, and those at a greater 
distance thought that the king had fallen. They 
were the first to take to flight, and they were followed 
by those next to them, and steadily, little by little, 
the solid ranks of Dareius’s guard disintegrated. As 
both flanks became exposed, the king himself was 
alarmed and retreated. The flight thus became 
general. Dust raised by the Persian cavalry rose to 
a height, and as Alexander’s squadrons followed on 
their heels, because of their numbers and the thick- 
ness of the dust, it was impossible to tell in what 
direction Dareius was fleeing. The air was filled 
with the groans of the fallen, the din of the cavalry, 
and the constant sound of lashing of whips.! 

At this time Mazaeus, the commander of the Per- 
sian right wing, with the most and the best of the 
cavalry, was pressing hard on those opposing him, 
but Parmenion with the Thessalian cavalry and the 
rest of his forces put up a stout resistance. For a 
time, fighting brilliantly, he even seemed to have the 
upper hand thanks to the fighting qualities of the 
Thessalians, but the weight and numbers of Ma- 
zaeus’s command brought the Macedonian cavalry 
into difficulties. A great slaughter took place, and 
despairing of withstanding the Persian power, Par- 
menion sent off some of his horsemen to Alexander, 
begging him to come to their support quickly. They 
carried out their orders with dispatch, but finding 
that Alexander was already in full pursuit at a great 

1 Curtius, 4. 15. 33. 

1 Rhodoman corrected to inrwv. 



~ Kag ` 3 A y e b 
8 ŝ&wypov orot pèv êrmavijàĵov drmpakrtot, ó ðè 
IHappeviwv raîs rôv Oerrañðv etais ypõpevos 
3 l ` ` ` t ? 1 
eurepõrara kal moààovs karaßaàwv pois èrpé- 
paro roùs Pappápovs, dorta karanràayévras th 
katà ròv Aapeîov hvuyĝ. 
e ` a ~ 
61. “O è Aapeîos T orparnyig ðieapépwv ral 
` pA ` A m“ a 
ouvepyòv xwv TÒ nÀANÂos To kovioproô Tv armo- 
LA g a a 
xópnow oùx ópoiav Toîs Àdors Bapßpdápors êroreîro, 
eis Toùvavtiov è pépos ópuńcas kat kpurTouévnv 
y A ` 
éxwv ià Tov Éarpõuevov kovioptTòv Tùv iðiav ano- 
z > 
xøpnow arwðúvws aùrós re répuyev rovs te ueb’ 
e a A m~ 
éavroĵ mdvras eis TAS katómıv Kepévas TÕV 
M ô l r ð r L ` lA m~ 
2 Makeððvwv kóuas ðéoswoe. réàos ðè nmdvrwv TÕv 
l ` ~ e Pa 
Bapßápwv mpos ġuyùňv óppnodvræwv ral rôv Ma- 
ld ` m 
keðóvwv TOoÙS oydrovs del kTewóvrwv TayÒ râs ð 
3 mÀnoiov ToÔ meðlov róros vekpõðv ènànpobn. Siò 
` M~ 2 bJ 2 m 
kal TÕv Pappápwv èv raúrņ Ti dyn katekómnoav 
e e la m~ 
ot mávres imnes re kal nmečol nmÀelovs rÕv èvvéa 
LA m“ 
pvpidðwv: rõv è Maxeðóvwv avņpébnoav èv eis 
TEVTAKOCLOVS, Tpavpariat Ò eyévovro maprànbeis,! 

1 mavurànbeis X. 

1 This incident is variously reported. According to Dio- 
dorus, Alexander did not receive Parmenion’s plea for help, 
and Parmenion extricated himself without it. According to 
Curtius (4. 15. 6-8; 16. 1-4) and Plutarch (Alegander, 32. 
3-4; 33. 7), Alexander received the message but did not turn 
back, and Parmenion extricated himself without help. Ac- 
cording to Arrian (3. 15. 1), Alexander received the message, 
returned, and helped Parmenion. 

2 Diodorus is confused as to Dareius’s movements after the 
battle, perhaps from a confusion of the Greater and the 
Lesser Zab. He placed the battle at Arbela (chap. 53. 4), 

BOOK XVII. 60. 7—61. 3 

distance from the battlefield they returned without 331/0 s.c. 

accomplishing their mission. Nevertheless Parme- 
nion handled the Thessalian squadrons with the ut- 
most skill and finally, killing many of the enemy, 
routed the Persians who were by now much dishear- 
tened by the withdrawal of Dareius.* 

61. Dareius was a clever strategist. He took ad- 
vantage of the great cloud of dust and did not with- 
draw to the rear like the other barbarians, but swing- 
ing in the opposite direction and covering his move 
ment by the dust, got away safely himself and brought 
all his troops into villages which lay behind the 
Macedonian position.” Finally all the Persians had 
fled, and as the Macedonians kept slaughtering the 
stragglers, before long the whole region in which the 
battle had taken place was covered with dead. On 
the Persian side in the battle fell, cavalry and infantry 
together, more than ninety thousand.? About five 
hundred of the Macedonians were killed and there 
were very many wounded.t Of the most prominent 

which lies between the two rivers. If Dareius made his escape 
up the valley of the Greater Zab, to the north, he would have 
moved into the Macedonian rear. Actually, of course, the 
battle took place at Gaugamela, in the plain north of the 
Greater Zab, and Dareius fled to the south to Arbela, escap- 
ing up the valley of the Lesser Zab (Curtius, 4. 16.8 ; Arrian, 
3. 15. 4-5). Diodorus’s repeated reference to the dust cloud 
may be an attempt to cover what he felt to be an inherent 
improbability. It is true that, accidentally or intentionally, 
dust played a part in many ancient battles (ep. E. Echols, 
Classical Journal, 4'1 (1952), 285-288). 

3 This figure is given variously as 40,000 (Curtius, 4, 16. 
26) and 300,000 (Arrian, 3. 15. 6). The writer of P. Owy- 
rhynchus 1798 gives a total of 53,000. 

4 The Macedonian casualties are given variously as 100 
(Arrian, 3. 15. 6), 300 (Curtius, 4. 16. 26), and 1000 foot and 
200 horse (P. Oxyrhynchus 1198). 



? e ` A 3 z e z e 

ev ois kal trÔv êmipaveordrwv hyeuóvwv ‘Hea 
oriwv uèv eis Tov Ppayiova vorð PAnbeis èrpwbn, 
TÕv cwpaTopvàdkwv hyoúuevos, rÕv Õè orparnyðv 
Ilepõikkas kait Koîvos, ére è Mevlðas rai rwes 
érepor TÕv êmihpavðv ýyeuóvwv. 

H pèv ov mepi ”Appnàa yevouévy mapáraćıs 

62. Er äpyovros & ’`Abývnow '’Apıoropâvros 
ev ‘Poun ieðééàvro rùv vrativ apxyiv Tdios Ao- 
pérTTios kal Añàos Kopvýňios. emi òè roúrwv eis 
rv ‘Eddõa rìs mepi "Appnàa uáyxns raðobeions 
moal rÕv móàcwv údopõuevar Tv aŭéņnow TÔv 
Makeðóvwv čyvwoav, éws ére rà Ilepoðv mpáy- 

2 para iauévei, Tis edcvhepias avréyeobar Bonôh- 
cew yàp aùroîs Aapeîov kal xpnudrwv te mÀñÂos 
xopnyýoew mpòs rò Súvacðaı Éevikàs peyáàas 

vvápeis ovviorachat kat ròv °’Aàéfavèpov uù õv- 

3 výoeoðat Šrarpeîv ràs Švvápers. el Sè mepióovrar 
roùs Ilépoas karanroàeunhévras, uovwbúoecoba 
rovs “Edyvas kai unkéri Svvýoeoðar gpovrioar Ths 
éavrõv éňevlepías. 

4 lpoekaàésaro 8è mpòs rùv àróoraciw roùòs “EÀ- 
Ànvas kal ó mepi tiv Qpákyv vewrepiouòs karà 

5 roùs Úrokeruévovs kaipoùs yevóuevos: Méuvwv yàp 
ó kaĥeorapévos orparnyòs tis Opárns, čëywv ú- 

1 Kóřivros RX ; Kévvoşs F. 

1 Curtius, 4. 16. 32; Arrian, 3. 15. 2. The meaning of 
this designation of Hephaestion is obscure. He did not com- 
mand the footguards, the úraomorai, for Nicanor, Parmenion’s 
son, was still their commander in 330 (Arrian, 3. 21. 8) and 
only died later in that year (Arrian, 3. 25. 4). The small 
group of bodyguards proper had no commander, and it is 

BOOK XVII. 61. 3—62. 5 

group of commanders, Hephaestion was wounded with 
a spear thrust in the arm ; he had commanded the 
bodyguards.! Perdiccas and Coenus, of the general’s 
group, were also wounded, so also Menidas and others 
of the higher commanders.? 

That was the outcome of the battle near Arbela. 

62. When Aristophon was archon at Athens, the 
consular office at Rome was assumed by Gaius Domi- 
tius and Aulus Cornelius.? In this year word was 
brought to Greece about the battle near Arbela, and 
many of the cities became alarmed at the growth of 
Macedonian power and decided that they should 
strike for their freedom while the Persian cause was 
still alive. They expected that Dareius would help 
them and send them much money so that they could 
gather great armies of mercenaries, while Alexander 
would not be able to divide his forces. If, on the other 
hand, they watched idly while the Persians were ut- 
terly defeated, the Greeks would be isolated and never 
again be able to think of recovering their freedom. 

There was also an upheaval in Thrace at just this 
time which seemed to offer the Greeks an opportunity 
for freeing themselves. Memnon, who had been de- 
signated governor-general there, had a military force 

quite uncertain when Hephaestion became a member. He 
is first so called in 325 (Arrian, 6. 28. 4) and is conspicuously 
not so called in 328 (Arrian, 4. 12. 6; but Arrian’s usage is 
not consistent, cp. 4. 24. 10). He was presumably not a 
bodyguard in 330 when he and Cleitus divided Philotas’s 
command of the Companion Cavalry. This seems to exclude 
the translation : “‘ fighting first among the bodyguards.” 

2 Curtius, 4. 16. 32. Menidas had commanded a cavalry 
unit on the extreme right (Arrian, 3. 12. 3). 

3 Aristophon was archon at Athens from July 330 to June 
329 s.c. The consuls of 332 s.c. were Cn. Domitius Calvinus 
and A. Cornelius Cossus Arvina (Broughton, 1. 141). 


331/0 B.C. 

330/29 B.C. 


s A 
2 > lA ðe l AÀ lA Ò 

Bapßápovs, &moorárns Š yevópevos eédvòpov 
kal trayù peydàns vvduews kvupieúoas havepðs 

> À 2 A A sÀ ò Lg >A ld 
6 dmekaàúńaro mpos Tov móňepov. Õıórep `Avri- 
marpos nâcav &vadaßwv tv Šúvapuv mpoñAle Šid 
Maxeðovias eis Opdryv kal ðremoéuet mpòs Tv 
Mepvove ` ` 2 y e ! 

Toúrov ðè mepi rar övros ot Aakeðaruóviot 
kapòv éyew únoaßóvres roô mapackeváoachat Tà 
mpòs Tòv móÀepov mapekdàovv tToùs “EdàÀnvas ovu- 

~ h3 m“ À 8 l 3 a 4 Ko 
7 povoar mepi tis eàevhepias. °AÎnvaîori èv oĝv, 
mapa ndvras Toùs dÀdovs “Edànvas úr °’ Adefdvõpov 
npor evor, TY haovyiav yov: Ieorovvyoiwv 
Ò’ oi nmàciovs kal rÕv dA\wv Tiwès ovudpovýoavres 
dreypdavro mpòs Tòv TõÀcpov kal karà Sývayv 
TÕv nócwv karaypápovres rv véwv Tos àpi- 
orovs katéàcéav ortparuoras meķoùs uèv oùk È- 
Àdrrovs trv Šıopvpiwv, inreîs Sè mepi cioyiiovs. 
8 rv © hyepoviav ëyovres Aakeðaruóvior mavnuet 
mpos ròv rèp TÕv wv kivõðvvov ðpuyoav, Ayı- 
os roô Pacıiàéws tùv mávræwv čyovros hyepoviav. 
> 1 m~ 
63. °` Avrimarpos è mvhópevos thv rTÔv “Edńvæv 
` h] ` 5: Da ld lå e 

ovvôpopv TOV pev év Th „Opárn móňcpov ws ToT 
iv ðuvaròv karéàvoev, eis òè ryv Iledoróvvnoov 
K ` 2 m 
hke perà nmdons ris Švváuews. mpoocňaßóuevos 

4 hj a 
òè kal mapà TrÕv ovupayovvrwv ‘Edàńývæv orpa- 
TuoTas HOporoe roùs dmavras oùk àdrtTovs TÔVv 


2 reTpakiopupiwv. yevopévns è mapardéews pe- 

1 He had been appointed by Alexander before the start of 
the Asian campaign (Berve, Alexanderreich, 2, no. 499). 
Antipater was Alexander’s viceroy in Macedonia. The cam- 


BOOK XVII. 62. 5—63. 2 

and was a man of spirit. He stirred up the tribes- 330/29 s.c. 

men, revolted against Alexander, quickly possessed a 
large army, and was openly bent on war. Antipater 
was forced to mobilize his entire army and to advance 
through Macedonia into Thrace to settle with him.? 

While Antipater was occupied with this,? the Lace- 
daemonians thought that the time had come to under- 
take a war and issued an appeal to the Greeks to unite 
in defence of their freedom. The Athenians had been 
favoured beyond all the other Greeks by Alexander 
and did not move. Most of the Peloponnesians, 
however, and some of the northern Greeks reached 
an agreement and signed an undertaking to go to war. 
According to the capacity of the individual cities they 
enlisted the best of their youth and enrolled as 
soldiers not less than twenty thousand infantry and 
about two thousand cavalry. The Lacedaemonians 
had the command and led out their entire levy for the 
decisive battle, their king Agis having the position of 
commander in chief. 

63. When Antipater learned of this Greek mobiliza- 
tion, he ended the Thracian campaign on what terms 
he could and marched down into the Peloponnesus 
with his entire army. He added soldiers from those of 
the Greeks who were still loyal and built up his force 
until it numbered not less than forty thousand.* When 
it came to a general engagement, Agis was struck 

paign ended with an agreement leaving Memnon in his 
governorship. Some years later he conducted reinforcements 
to Alexander and took part in his later operations in the East 
(Curtius, 9. 3. 21). His revolt is not otherwise mentioned. 

2 The narrative is continued from chap. 48. 1 and con- 
cluded, chap. 73. 5-6. Cp. Curtius, 6. 1 ; Justin, 12. 1. 8-11. 

3 Alexander sent him 3000 talents for the campaign (Arrian, 
3. 16. 10). 



ydàņs ó èv ”Ayıs payópevos ëmeoev, ot è Aare- 
Saruóvior moàùv uèv èkbúpws xpóvov &ywvıőpevor 
Seekaprépovv, rÕv è ovupdywv Biaobévrwv kat 
aùrol rhv dvayópnow eis rhv Erdpryv èrorýoavrTo. 
m~ m~ ` 

3 åvnpéðnoav © év TÌ LEXN Tõv pev Aareðaruo- 
yiíwv kal tpakociwv, rv è per ’Avrimárpov 
TpoyiNot Kal TmevTaKÓOLOL. a , 

IStov é ri ovvéßn kai nepi tùv Tob ”Ayiðos 
reàcurhv yevéobav aywviodpuevos yàp Àaurtpôs kal 
moààoîs rpaúuacw évavriois nmepimeowv ÚnÒ TÕV 
oTparrwTÕv eis Thv Lrdpryv dmekopiero™ mepi- 
karaàņrros è yevóuevos kat Tà kab’ éavròv 
dmoyvoùs Tos èv AÀdots oTpaTLOTaLS Tmpocéračev 
amiévat T)V TaxioTyv kal raowb ew aÛÚTOÙS EiS TYV 
ts marpiðos ypelav, aùròs è kahorňMobeis kat 
eis yóvu Õıavaoràs Ñuúvaro Toùs moàcuiovs kal 
twas karaĥfaàwv kai ovvakovrioleis karéorpepe 
ròv Biovf dpéas ëy êvvéa.” 

‘Hues dè SeAnàvhóres rà mpayhévra rkarà Tv 
Eùpõunv êv pépet Trà karà rv °`Aoclav ovvrede- 
obévra ðiééiuev. - 

64. Aapetos èv yàp ýrryðeis v rý mepi Ap- 
Bnàa maparádéei rhv pvyùv ènmi ras àvw oarpareias 
erorýoarto, oneóðwv T ÕLaoTÁATL TÖV TÖTWV 
Àaßeîv dvaorpopiv kai ypóvov ikavòv eis mapa- 
ckevùv ðvváuews. Tò uèv ov mpôrov eis Ex- 
Bárava rs Mnðecias ciavýoas vraa Siérpıßev 
kal roùs èv èx tis vys davacw%ouévovs åveðé- 

1 dnekopiġero only in a late hand in R; drekopioðy codd. 


BOOK XVII. 63. 2—64. 1 

down fighting, but the Lacedaemonians fought furi- 830/29 s.o. 

ously and maintained their position for a long time ; 
when their Greek allies were forced out of position 
they themselves fell back on Sparta. More than five 
thousand three hundred of the Lacedaemonians and 
their allies were killed in the battle, and three thou- 
sand five hundred of Antipater’s troops. 

An interesting event occurred in connection with 
Agis’s death. He had fought gloriously and fell with 
many frontal wounds. As he was being carried by his 
soldiers back to Sparta, he found himself surrounded 
by the enemy. Despairing of his own life, he ordered 
the rest to make their escape with all speed and to 
save themselves for the service of their country, but 
he himself armed and rising to his knees defended 
himself, killed some of the enemy and was himself 
slain by a javelin cast ; he had reigned nine years.! 
(This is the end of the first half of the seventeenth 
book.) ? 

Now that we have run through the events in Europe, 
we may in turn pass on to what occurred in Asia. 

64. After his defeat in the battle near Arbela, 
Dareius directed his course to the upper satrapies, 
seeking by putting distance between himself and 
Alexander to gain a respite and time enough to 
organize an army. He made his way first to Ecbatana 
in Media and paused there, picking up the stragglers 

1 The battle took place near Megalopolis, probably rather 
before than after Gaugamela (Curtius, 6. 1. 21). 

2 See the division of the book into two parts in the Table 
of Contents (p. 106) and note 2 below. 

2 At this point the following notations appear in the manu- 
scripts : réàos roô a’ BißBàlov rs g RX; rûs éntrakaðekárys 
rÂv Aroĝópov BiBàwv eis úo Sinpnuévns rò réàos tĝs a’ F. 



2 yero, Toùs è avõmrdovs kaĵwnrÀbev. peETETÉLTETO 
è kal orparuwras èk TÔv nmÀàņnoroywpwv bvôv kal 
mpòs roùs êv Bákrpois kai taîs dvw oatpareiats 
catpánras kal orparņyoùs ÕeréutTerTo, napakañ®ðv 
cradvàdrreiw Tùv mpòs aùròv eùvorav. 

3 Aàétavôðpos ðè perà tTùv viknv Odypas Toùs Tere- 
Àcurykóras èréßade roîs ° Apphàois kat moààùv pèv 
ebpev åploviav tis Tpopis, oùk oAiyov è kóopov 

` > ’ L 
kal ydav Bapßpapırýv, ápyvpíov è trdàavra tpo- 
! lA y ` LA s 
xia. ovàdoyioduevos è rùv pédovoav éceolhar 
phopav roô mepiéyovros dépos ða rò nÀAÑÂos rv 
vekpôv eùlùs dvétevée kal KATÚVTNOE META TMAONS 
~ 2 ? M ~ > 3 + 

4 ris Õuvduews ceis Baßvàðva. rôv ð’ èyxywpiwv rpo- 
Oúuws úroðefauévwv aùTòv kal KATA TAS mLOTA- 
uias \aurtpôs éorwvrwv troùs Mareðóvas avédaße 
Ttv Õúvapuv èk tis mpoyeyevnuévns raàaımwpias. 
nÀciovs è rÕv rtpiákovra huepõv èvõrérpuje t 
móet Öd re rùův Õapidcrav rv èmirnåciwv kat 
Tv hiàočeviav rv èyywpiwv. 

5 M ` Òe m b 4 y lA C 

erà ðè rara Trùův pev dkpav mapéðwke TNpeîv 
 Aydblwvi rÊ Ilvðvaiw, ovorhoas aùr Mareðóvas 

LA e , 3 $ 4 hi 

oTtpatuótTas émrtrakociovs’ `Amodàóðwpov ðè Tòv 
 Audiroàiryv kal Mévyra ròv Iledaîov dréðeée 
orparnyoùs tris re Bafvàðvos kat rv ocarpanreiðv 
péxpe Kiùirias, oùs Sè aùroîs apyvpiov rádňavra 
xia mpoocérače Éevodoyeîv orparwras œs mÀel- 

6 orovs. Môpin è TÔ mapaðóvrı rův êv Zdápõeow 

1 Arrian, 3. 16. 1. Dareius reached Ecbatana from the 
north. That city is at the Persian end of the best route from 


BOOK XVII. 64. 1-6 

from the battle and rearming those who had lost their 339/29 s.c. 

weapons.: He sent around to the neighbouring tribes 

demanding soldiers, and he posted couriers to the 

satraps and generals in Bactria and the upper satra- 

P calling upon them to preserve their loyalty to 

After the battle, Alexander buried his dead and 
entered Arbela, finding there abundant stores of 
food, no little barbaric dress and treasure, and three 
thousand talents of silver.? Judging that the air of 
the region would be polluted by the multitude of un- 
buried corpses,* he continued his advance immedi- 
ately and arrived with his whole army at Babylon. 
Here the people received him gladly, and furnishing 
them billets feasted the Macedonians lavishly.5 Al- 
exander refreshed his army from its previous labours 
and remained more than thirty days in the city be- 
cause food was plentiful and the population friendly. 

At this time he designated Agathon of Pydna è to 
guard the citadel, assigning to him seven hundred 
Macedonian soldiers. He appointed Apollodorus of 
Amphipolis and Menes of Pella as military governors of 
Babylon and the other satrapies as far as Cilicia, giving 
them one thousand talents of silver with instructions 
to enlist as many soldiers as possible.” He assigned 

Mesopotamia up to the Iranian plateau, however, and so was 
on the straggler line taken by many of the survivors of the 

2 Curtius, 5. 1. 10; Arrian, 3. 15. 5. 

3 Curtius, 5. 1. 10, reports 4000 talents. 

4 Curtius, 5. 1. 11. 

5 Curtius (5. 1. 36-39) gives a lurid description of this 
entertainment, which he regarded as debauching the army. 

6 Curtius, 5. 1. 43. 

7? Arrian, 3. 16. 4. Some of these administrative arrange- 
ments may have been made at Susa (Arrian, 3. 16. 6-11). 



äkpav `Apueviav éðwrev. èk è rv àqphévrwv 
xpnudtræwv trÂÕv èv inrnéwv ékdorw EÈ pvâs eðwph- 
oaro, trv è ovuudywv névre, rv È èk TÎS 
ġáňayyos Makxeðóvwv úo, roùs ðè Éévovs Õıuývov 
pobodopaîs èriuņoe mávras. 

65. Tof è Bacıàéws dvatevćavros ék trs Baßv- 
Avos kat karà TYV mopelav õvros kov Tpòs aùÙTov 
mapà pèv `Avrirárpov nmeuphévres imnes pev 
Makreðóves mevrakóoioti, mebol Sè ééakıoyiňot, €K 
è Opárys irmnmeîs uèv ééaróoior, Tpañàeîs) Õè 
tpioyi\ot kal mevrakóctot, ek è [leàorovvýoov 
meot èv Terpakıoyiot, inneîs è Ppayù Acinovrtes 
TÕV YıÀiwVv, Èk ðe TÕS Makxeðovias rv piwv roô 
Baciàéws viol mevrýkovra mpòs tův cwparopv- 
2 Àakiav nò TrÕv matépwv dnmeoraàpévoi. ó è Pa- 
ciÀcùs Toúrovs mapadaßov nmpoñye kal karývroev 
ékrtaîos eis T)v lurrakiviv? ênapyiav. 

Tis ôè ea Taúrys mov aġloviav èyovons 
TtÕv êmrqõciwv návrwv èv raúrņ màciovs Ñuépas 
éuewev, dua pèv oreóðwv ék Tis katà Tùv óĝor- 
mopiav TaÀuirtwpias àvañaßeîv rhv Súvav, dua &è 
Ts ortpariwtikijs rdčews Čıavooðpevos èmiueàn- 

1 Tpadeeîs RX ; Tpadeeîs F. 

_ ? Xirakrwiy RXF, but cp. Book 18. 6. 3. The usual spelling 
is Berraryviv. 

1? Curtius, 5. 1. 44; Arrian, 3. 16. 5. Armenia had not 
been and was not to be conquered at this time, and Mithrines 
did not enter upon his governorship (Berve, Alexanderreich, 
2, no. 524). 

2 Curtius, 5, 1. 45. A mina contained one hundred drach- 

BOOK XVII. 64. 6—65. 2 

Armenia as a province to Mithrines, who had surren- 330/29 s.c. 

dered to him the citadel of Sardes. From the money 
which was captured he distributed to each of the 
cavalrymen six minas, to each of the allied cavalry- 
men five, and to the Macedonians of the phalanx two, 
and he gave to all the mercenaries two months’ pay.? 

65. After the king had marched out of Babylon and 
while he was still on the road, there came to him, sent 
by Antipater, five hundred Macedonian cavalry and 
six thousand infantry, six hundred Thracian cavalry 
and three thousand five hundred Trallians, and from 
the Peloponnese four thousand infantry and little 
less than a thousand cavalry.? From Macedonia also 
came fifty * sons of the king’s Friends sent by their 
fathers to serve as bodyguards. The king welcomed 
all of these, continued his march, and on the sixth day 
crossed over into the province of Sittacenê.? 

This was a rich country abounding in provisions of 
all sorts, and he lingered here for a number of days, 
at once anxious to rest his army from the fatigue of 
their long marches and concerned to review the or- 
ganization of his army. He wanted to advance some 

mae, and was one-sixtieth of a talent. The pay of Alex- 
ander’s army is unknown, but that of a cavalryman must 
have been at least two drachmae a day. IG, ìi?. 329 shows 
that an Athenian hypaspist serving in the League troops 
with Alexander received a drachma a day from the city. Cp. 
W. Rüstow, H. Köchly, Geschichte der griechischen Kriegs- 
kunst (1852), 262 f. ; Berve, Alexanderreich, 1. 193-196. 

3 Curtius (5. 1. 39-42) gives the same figures, with the 
exception of specifying 380 cavalry. These troops must have 
been sent by Antipater before trouble was anticipated in 
Greece. They had been recruited by Amyntas (chap. 49. 
1: Curtius, 5. 1. 40). The Trallians were a Thracian people. 

4 The same figure is given by Curtius, 5. 1. 42. 

5 Curtius, 5. 2. 1. This district lay parallel to Babylonia 
on the left bank of the Tigris, 



Ovar kat Tàs yepovias avaßıßdoar ral Tùv Õúva- 
uw ioyvpororjoat T® Te nÀANÂe kal taîs dperaîs 

3 TÔv ýyeuóvwv. ovvreàćoas òè tà ðeðoyuéva kal 
pETà moñs émiueàcias mepi TÕv dpioreiwv kpiow 
momodpevos kal moààoùs anò Tts peyádàns ye- 
povias èmi ueydàas étovoias dvaßıßdoas mdvras 
roùs hyeuðvas ecis diwa ueîov kal oropyùv io- 

4 xupàv mpòs avrov mpońyayev. emeei ðè kat 
ts iwrkis trv orparıwrÕv iardéews kal 
ToAÀA mpos rÅv eùypnoriav èmwonodpevos èrm Tò 
kpeîrrov Ñewphwocato. karackeváoas è mâoav TV 
oTpatiàv eùvoiq Te mpos TÒv yoúpevov ıadépov- 
cav kal mpòs Tà nmapayyedàóueva neibapyoôoav, 
ér. è raîs davôpayalbiaıs Úneppdàňovoav, mt roùs 
Únoàermopévovs dyðvas wpunoev. 

5 Eis è rr Zovoraviv karavrýoas dkivðúvws map- 
éàaße rà mepipónrta év Xoúcois Pacidcia, ékovoiws 
 ABovàeúrov? roô garpárov mapaðóvros aùr 
TV mOÀAw, œs èv čvor yeypápacı, npooráfavros 
Aapeiov roîs memiortevpévois ÚT avro. Torto Õè 
npâar tòv Bacıiàéa rv Ilepoôv, nws ó pèv 
’ Aàéavõpos eis mepronacpoùs déroàóyovs kal mapa- 
Àńpes êmipaveordrar? móàcwv kal Oyoavpôv eyd- 
Àwv éunmeocav èv dcyoàiais ómápxn, ó è Aapeîos 
TÅ puyi Aaußdvy xpóvov eis TůV ToÔ moàéuov 

66. “O Sè `Adéfavðpos mapañaßav rv mów Kal 
roùs év rtoîŭs Pacıdeioris Onoavpoùs eôpev åońuov 
xpvooð kai dpyúpov màciw tÕv TeTpakıopvpiwv 

1 åpioreiwv F ; àpiorwav RX. 2 *ABovàýrov F. 

3 empaveorárwv Reiske; èmgaveordras codd., which may 
well be right. 


BOOK XVII. 65. 2—66. ı 

officers and to strengthen the forces by the number 330/29 s.c. 

and the ability of the commanders. This he effected. 
He scrutinized closely the reports of good conduct 
and promoted many from a high military command to 
an even higher responsibility, so that by giving all 
the commanders greater prestige he bound them to 
himself by strong ties of affection. He also examined 
the situation of the individual soldiers and introduced 
many improvements by considering what was useful. 
He brought the whole force up to an outstanding 
devotion to its commander and obedience to his com- 
mands, and to a high degree of effectiveness, looking 
toward the battles to come.! 

From there he entered Susianê without opposition 
and took over the fabulous palace of the kings. The 
satrap Abuleutes ? surrendered the city to him volun- 
tarily, and some have written that he did this in com- 
pliance with orders given by Dareius to his trusted 
officials. The king of Persia hoped by this policy, it 
is suggested, that Alexander would be kept busy with 
dazzling distractions and the acquisition of brilliant 
cities and huge treasures, while he, Dareius, won time 
by his flight to prepare for a renewed warfare.? 

66. Alexander entered the city and found the trea- 
sure in the palace to include more than forty thou- 
sand talents of gold and silver bullion, which the 

1 Curtius (5. 2. 2-7) describes these measures in more detail, 
but without satisfying our desire for specifie military informa- 
tion. It may be that Alexander was re-organizing his dis- 
positions in view of the impending mountain and steppe war- 
fare, requiring increased fire-power and mobility (Rüstow- 
Köchly, op. cit. 252). 

2 Curtius (5. 2. 8) and Arrian (3. 16. 9) give his name as 
Abulites, and say that Alexander left him in Susa as governor. 

3 This rumour is not mentioned by the other Alexander 
historians, and its source is unknown. 



2 raìdvræwv. rara È èk Toðv xpõvwv ot Baodeîs 
Okra Šerýpnoav, mpòs Tà mapáňoya THS TÝXNS 
ånoùróvres aŭroîs karaġvyds. xwpis è TovTwv 
ónñpxev èvvakıoyiMa ráavra xpvooĵð yapakthpa 
Saperkòv éyovra. , ; j o 
3  "Ibiov é ri ovvéßn yevéoðar T® Paoi? kara Thv 
nmapáňņjw tv xpnpárwv. kaĵicavros yap aùTo 
enl ròv Baoiùkòv Opóvov kai Toúrov pei%ovos õvTos 
Ñ karà Tv ovuperpiav TOÔ CWpaATOS, TÕV TaD 
ris àv roùs nóðas drodeinmovras ToÀÙ TOÔ KkaTA 
ròv Opóvov úroßáðpov Řaoráoas Trův Aapeíov Tpá- 
4 nečav ýnéðnke roîs nociv atwpovpévois. Appooris 
Sè yevouévns ó èv Baoieùs dmeðégaro Tùv ToÔ 
mpáćavros eùoroyiav, TÕV Š TAPEOTØTWV TIS TË 
Opóvæw eùvoðyos kwnheis rv puxi T perapoàf 
5 rs rúyņns ðdkpvoev. ôv iðòv ð ’AAéEavõpos 
pero, Ti rakòv iov yeyovòs rkàaiets; ko Òé 
cùvoôyos ëpnoe, Nôv uèv cós eip Sodos, mpóTepov 
Sè Aapelov, kal púoet hiňoðéomoros æv Ayka 
òv rò map èkeivw páMoTa Tipp evov vVÕV ATOV 
yeyovòs oKeĵos. 

‘O Sè Paoideùs Sià rs dmorpioews Aapòv év- 

1 Justin (11. 14. 9) and Plutarch (Alexander, 36. 1: coined 
money) give the same figure as Diodorus ; Curtius (5. 2. 11) 
and Arrian (3. 16. 7) give 50,000 talents. The daric was the 
standard Persian gold coin with an image of the king on one 
side depicted as an archer. The name was popularly derived 
from that of Dareius I, who first minted them (cp. E. S. G. 
Robinson, Numismatic Chronicle, 18, 1958, 187-193.) 

2 The story is told also by Curtius, 5. 2. 13-15, but without 
the moral tone that is striking here. It is well known that 
the throne was a symbol of divinity in the Orient, and that 
a king’s clothing, bed, and throne were affected with royal 
and divine mana. Cp. S. Eitrem, Symbolae Osloenses, 10 


BOOK XVII. 66. 1-6 

kings had accumulated unused over a long period of 330/29 r.c. 

time as a protection against the vicissitudes of For- 
tune. In addition there were nine thousand talents 
of minted gold in the form of darics.! 

A curious thing happened to the king when he was 
shown the precious objects. He seated himself upon 
the royal throne, which was larger than the propor- 
tions of his body.? When one of the pages saw that 
his feet were a long way from reaching the footstool 
which belonged to the throne, he picked up Dareius’s 
table and placed it under the dangling legs. This 
fitted, and the king was pleased by the aptness of the 
boy, but a eunuch standing by was troubled in his 
heart at this reminder of the changes of Fortune and 
wept. Alexander noticed him and asked, “ What 
wrong have you seen that you are crying?” The 
eunuch replied, “ Now I am your slave as formerly I 
was the slave of Dareius. I am by nature devoted to 
my masters and I was grieved at seeing what was 
most held in honour by your predecessor now become 
an ignoble piece of furniture.” 

This answer reminded the king how great a change 

(1932), 35; R. Labat, Le Caractère religieux de la royauté 
assyro-babylonienne (1939) ; P. Schramm, Herrschaftszeichen 
und Staatssymbolik, 1 (1954), 316-369; G. Germain, Revue 
des Études Grecques, 69 (1956), 303-313; S. Weinstock, 
Journal of Roman Studies, 4'17 (1957), 146-154. This may 
explain why it was hybris for Alexander to put his feet on 
the royal table, but not why the throne was so high. A. 
Alföldi (La Nouvelle Clio, 1950, 537), however, points out 
that Persian thrones were normally elevated seven steps up, 
and this one may have lacked its steps. Probably Diodorus’s 
source did not rationalize the anecdote. Curtius (8. 4. 15-17) 
reports that Alexander mentioned this sanctity of the throne, 
saying that he did not believe in it. Cp. also the second 
throne incident, chap. 116. 2-4. See Addenda. 



vorav Tijs Ġàns kara thv Iepoiciv Paoideiav pera- 
Boàñs ónéňaßev éavrov únepýýavóv Ti menromkévar 
kal Ts mpòs tàs aiypaàwriðas émweikelas QAÀo- 
7 rpubrartov. Šiórep npookaàeocápevos TÒV Îévra TÙV 
tpánečav èréračev ĉpar náv. ėvraĵĝa mapeor®s 
Divras, 'AAX oùy ÙBpis orv, erev, trò ph) 
úno oo mpoorayhév, dAd aipovós Tiwos ayalo 
+ 4 ld e ` ~ ? 2 
mpovoig kal Povàýoei. ó ðè Baoıideùs otrwvioduevos 
Tò pnÂèv mpocéraćev év kemévyv nò T Opóvæ 
Tv Tpáreģav. 

67. Merà ĝe rara Tův èv Aapeiov uyrépa kat 
tàs Îvyarépas kai ròv viov anréùrev èv Loúoois 
kal napakaréornoe Toùs iðdéovras TÅv ‘Eàànvieiv 
Sidàekrov, aùròs è perà ris vváuews dvačevćas 
2 rerapraîos èri ròv Tiypwv morapòv dpikero. ôs 
péwv àanrò ris Oùiwv òpewñs Tò pèv mpõôTov 
héperar Õià xópas Tpayeias kal yapdðpais peyádais 
Srerànuuévys émi oraðiovs yiÀlovs, émeirra Ôrappe? 
xyøpav meðLdða, mpaüvópevos alel pâàdov, kal ğı- 
eàÀlwv oraðiovs ééakooiovs étiņow eis tv karà 
3 Ilépoas Odàaccav. ciafas Sè rov Tiypw mpoñyev 

emi rv” Oùćiwv yæpav, osav mauhopov rat 
ðafıàéow Úðacı Sıappeouévyv kal moàdoùs kal 
navroðaroùs ékhépovoav kaprovs': tÒ kat TÎS 
©pipov Énpawouévns ómræpas mavroðarà mÀdoparta 
xpýoima nmpòs dnóñavow ot ròv Tiypiv màéovres 
éuTopot kardyovow eis Thv Bafßvàwviav. 

Karañaß&v ðè ràs mapóðovs pvarrouévas úrò 
Maôérov, ovyyevoðs uèv övros Aapeiov, Õúóvapıv 
è éyovros déiðdoyov, kareokébaro Tv Ô%VpóTNTa 

1 Maĝérov Cospi ; Maðéov roô F ; Mérov RX. The manu- 
scripts of Curtius (5. 3. 4) give Medates and Madates. 


BOOK XVII. 66. 6—67. 4 

had come over the Persian kingdom. He saw that he 330/29 s.c. 

had committed an act of arrogance quite the reverse 
of his gentleness to the captives, and calling the page 
who had placed the table ordered him to remove it. 
Then Philotas, who was present, said, “ But this was 
not insolence, for the action was not commanded by 
you ; it occurred through the providence and design 
of a good spirit.” So the king took this remark for an 
omen, and ordered the table to be left standing at the 
foot of the throne. 

67. After this Alexander left Dareius’s mother, his 
daughters, and his son in Susa,! providing them with 
persons to teach them the Greek language, and 
marching on with his army on the fourth day reached 
the Tigris River.? This flows down from the moun- 
tains of the Uxii and passes at first for a thousand fur- 
longs through rough country broken by great gorges, 
but then traverses a level plain and becomes ever 
quieter, and after six hundred furlongs empties into 
the Persian sea. This he crossed, and entered the 
country of the Uxii, which was rich, watered by 
numerous streams, and productive of many fruits of 
all kinds. At the season when the ripe fruit is dried, 
the merchants who sail on the Tigris are able to bring 
down to Babylonia all sorts of confections good for 
the pleasures of the table.? 

Alexander found the passages guarded by Madetes, 
a cousin of Dareius, with a substantial force, and he 
saw at once the difficulty of the place. The sheer 

1 Curtius, 5. 2. 17. 

2 That is, the Pasitigris (Curtius, 5. 3. 1 : “ fourth day ” ; 
Arrian, 3. 17. 1). 

3 For the character of the country cp. Strabo, 15. 3. 6. 729. 
No one else so emphasizes its fertility. 



Tô TóTWV. dnapoðeýTwv Ò vrav kpnuvõv TÔv 
Eyxwpiwv TiS åvýp, Oùŭéios èv rò yévos, čuTepos 
ë TÕV TÓTWV, eEmyyyeidaTo TÕ Pacıde? id Tiwos 
otevijs åtpamoô kaè mapaßódov ğéew roùs oTpatiw- 
5 Tas, WOTE úmepõečíovs yevéoðar TÕv moàeuiwv. ó 
ô i Aàé£avðpos mpooðeğdáuevos TOÙS ÀĞYOVS TOVTW 
ðe Tv Òioðov karaokevdoas è$ v’ ĝv evõeyóuevov 
êr ôraðoxs mpocépaàe roîs èm trv mapóðwv 
epeornkóow. evepyðs è ToÔ kivðývov ovveoTÕTOS 
kai TÕV Pappápàv Teporwpévwv nepi Tov ayôva 
Tapaĝóws oi meuphévres èpdvnoav úrepåéćior Toîs 
TÙ mápoðov puàdrrovoi. karanàayévrwv 8è rÔv 
Bapßápwv kat mpòs dvyùv òpunodvraw èykparùs 
eyévero Tis Òeédõov rai Tayéws macÂv TÕV karŭTà 
Tv Oùéravv módcwv. 

68. 'Evreðlev ©’ avagevćas mpoñjyev èml rùv Ilep- 
oiða Kal meunTtaîos kev émi tràs Xovoidðas ka- 
Àovuévas TÉTpAS. raúras ðè mpokarerànoas v ð 
AproPaptdvns PETA otpariwrÕv metÂv uèv Šio- 
pupiwv kal mevrakioyiàiwv, inméw è Tpiakociwv. 
2 ó è Paoideds óéas rü Biq kparoew rûs móns 

npoĝĵye ià tónwv orevðv kral tpayéwv oùðevòs 
mapevoyàoðvrTos. oi Õè Pápßapot uéypi év twos 
elwv abròv Siaropeveolar TàS nmapóðovs, rel ĝè 
eis péoas tàs ðvoywpias kov, døvw rùv èribeow 
emoroÎvro kai moddoùs uèv apačialovs Àlĝovs ère- 
rúov, ot mpoorinrtovres àdvw roîs Maresóow 
dbpóors* moods ciéphepov, obr gàiyor © àro 
TÕv kpnuvõðv arovtritovres eis memvkvwuévovs ovk 

1 èp A codd. 3 dp &v Wesseling ; e$’ oov Fischer. 
Si aĝpóors Fischer ; dðpóot F ; omitted by RX. 

BOOK XVII. 67. 4—68. 2 

cliffs offered no passage, but an Uxian native who 330/29 s.o. 

knew the country offered to lead soldiers by a narrow 
and hazardous path to a position above the enemy. 
Alexander accepted the proposal and sent off with 
him a body of troops, while he himself expedited the 
move as far as possible and attacked the defenders in 
waves. The assault was pressed vigorously and the 
Persians were preoccupied with the struggle when to 
their astonishment above their heads appeared the 
flying column of Macedonians. The Persians were 
frightened and took to their heels. Thus Alexander 
won the pass and soon after took all the cities in 
Uxianê.! , 

68. Thereafter Alexander marched on in the direc- 
tion of Persis and on the fifth day ? came to the so- 
called Susian Rocks.? Here the passage was held by 
Ariobarzanes with a force of twenty-five thousand 
infantry and three hundred cavalry. The king first 
thought to force his way through and advanced to the 
pass through narrow defiles in rough country, but 
without opposition. The Persians allowed him to pro- 
ceed along the pass for some distance, but when he 
was about half-way through the hard part, they 
suddenly attacked him and rolled down from above 
huge boulders, which falling suddenly upon the massed 
ranks of the Macedonians killed many of them. 
Many of the enemy threw javelins down from the 
cliffs into the crowd, and did not miss their mark. 

1 Curtius, 5. 3. 4-15; Arrian, 3. 17. 

2 Curtius, 5. 3. 17. 
3 Arrian’s account (3. 18) explains that Alexander had 

sent on his main body of troops toward Persis along the royal 
road, and only undertook this pass with a flying column. 
a Curtius, $. 3. 17 (25,000 infantry); Arrian, 3. 18. 2 
(40,000 infantry and 700 cavalry). 


anerýyyavov TÕV okonrðv'’ AA\ot Ò’ èk yeipòs Toîs 

Aibois Pdàdovres Toùòs fiatouévovs rôv Makreðóvwv 

avéoreàdov. modda © aùroîs ris ĝvoywpias cvvep- 

yoúons êrmàcovékrovv kal ovyvoùs èv dnékTevvov, 
oùk OÀiyovs è kaTeTiTpwWoKOV. 

3 “O & 'Adéfavðpos ri Sewórnre roô máðovs 
aðvvarðv ponher kai Bewpôv unåéva rôv mode- 
piwv pýre treðvnkóra uýre ws TeTpwuévov, TÕV 
ðe liwv daroàwàóras pèv ToàdoŬs, KATATETpW- 
pévovs òè oyeðov dravras roùs mpooßdàovras 

4 páxs. dvaywpýoas è årò rv mapóðwv oraĝlovs 

Tpiakociovs* kateorparoréðevoe kat mapà TÔv èy- 

xwpiwv ênvvlávero uý tis érépa ori ŝierßodń. 

návrwv & ånopawouévæv Šioðov pèv unõculav 
dÀànv Úndpyew, mepioðov è elvai moÂv ýuepôv 
aioxpòv eivat vouicas àtápovs åmoùretv ToÙS Te- 

TeÀcurykóras kal rùv airņnow rÔv vekpôv oĝoav 

ópðv åoxýpova kal mepiéyovoav ÝTTNS óuoóyqow 

mpocéračev avayayeîv dmavras ToùS aiyuaNórTovs. 
5év è Tovro kev Ýrayópevos? àvůp Šlyàwrros, 
eidos rhv Iepoichv idàerrov. 

Oúros òè éavròv dmepaivero Aúkiov uèv eîvar Tò 
yévos, aixudÀwrTov è yevópevov TOLUALVEW KATO 
THV Ùmokeévyy öpewùv éTN màciw' e Ñv alriav 
Eunepov yevéobar ris yópas kal Šúvacðaı Tùv 
Ôúvapuv dyayeîv ĝıà ris karaðévðpov kal karómwv 

1 qpiakxociovs RX ; rerpaxoclovs F. 

2? dnayópevos RX; úmrayóuevos F (with åm added by a 
second hand); dvayóuevos Dindorf. 

c n OO 
1 Curtius, 5. 3. 17-23, more reasonably, says thirty fur- 


BOOK XVII. 68. 2-5 

Still others coming to close quarters flung stones at 830/29 s.c. 

the Macedonians who pressed on. The Persians had 
a tremendous advantage because of the difficulty of 
the country, killed many and injured not a few. 

Alexander was quite helpless to avert the suffer- 
ings of his men and seeing that no one of the enemy 
was killed or even wounded, while of his own force 
many were slain and practically all the attacking 
force were disabled, he recalled the soldiers from the 
battle with a trumpet signal. Withdrawing from the 
pass for a distance of three hundred furlongs, he 
pitched camp and from the natives sought to learn 
whether there was any other route through the hills. 
All insisted that there was no other way through, 
although it was possible to go around them at the 
cost of several days’ travel. It seemed to Alexander, 
however, discreditable to abandon his dead and un- 
seemly to ask for them, since this carried with it the 
acknowledgement of defeat, so he ordered all his 
captives to be brought up. Among these came hope- 
fully a man who was bilingual,? and knew the Persian 

He said that he was a Lycian, had been brought 
there as a captive, and had pastured goats in these 
mountains for a number of years. He had come to 
know the country well and could lead a force of men 
over a path concealed by bushes ? and bring them to 

2 Strictly speaking, that is, he knew Persian and Lycian 
(Plutarch, Alexander, 37. 1), but Curtius (5. 4. 4) adds more 
relevantly that he also knew Greek. 

3 This is a somewhat unexpected term which editors have 
viewed with suspicion, but a path which follows folds in the 
mountains is often marked by vegetation. Curtius (5. 4. 24) 
locates these bushes in a great ravine. 



6 moroa rÕv Typoúvrwv tràs mapõðovs. ó è ßa- 
oi\eds peyáàais Õwpeaîs tıuýoew èrayyeidduevos 
Tov ävõpa torov kabnyovuévov ŠiñAbev èmiróvws 
Tv òpewùv vukròs mov èv rarhoas yıóva, 
nÊcav è kpyuvróðņn yøópav mepádcas, xapáðpars 

7 Baleiais xai modais ddpayéı Srerànupévyv. èm- 
þaveis õè raîs mpopvàaraîs rõv moàepiwv roòs uèv 
mpõrtovs karékońe, troùs È èri ris Scvrépas 

vàakis rerayuévovs èķóypnoe, roùs Sè rpirovs 
Tpepdpevos êkpárnoe rÕv mapóðwv ral roðs mÀel- 
oTovs Tv mepi TÒv °’ Apioßaptdvyv àmékrewe. ` 

69. Merà è raðra émi rýv Iepoéroàw npodywv 
KaTà TYV óðov TOTOÀNV kouisaro mapa TOÔ kv- 
preúovros tis móews Tipðdrov. èv traúry & ñv 
yeypauuévov öt àv mapayevóuevos ldon roòùs 
émpadouévovs iarnpioar Aapeiw TV Iepoé- 
TOÀWV, KÚpLos ËoTaL TAÚTNS ÓT’ aùrob mapaðoleions. 

2 tómep ó ’Aàéavðpos karà orovõùv fye Tv úva- 
pw kal Tòv ’Apáfnv morauòv eúćas Šreßißace roùs 

Hpoáyóvros ðe roô Paciàéws Oéaua mapáðoćov 
Ka sevov wpIN, proorovnpiav uèv repiéyov rarà 
rôv Tpačávrov, éÀcov Ôe kal ovurdberav emipépov 

3 mpos Toùs avkeota menovhlóras. änývryoav yàp 
aùr peb’ ikernpiâv “EM yves rò rôv TpÖTEpOV 

Paciàéwv dvdorarot yeyovóres, rraróoot uèv 

oyeððv ròv àpıiðuòv čövres, raîs §’ ýàkiats o 

t örı supplied by Fischer. 

i 7 7 
aa 5. 7. 12, states that he did actually receive thirty 


BOOK XVII. 68. 5—69. 3 

the rear of the Persians guarding the pass. The king 330/29 s.c. 

promised that he would load him with gifts, and 
under his direction Alexander did make his way over 
the mountain at night struggling through deep snow.? 
The route crossed a very broken country, seamed by 
deep ravines and many gorges. Coming into sight 
of the enemy outposts, he cut down their first line 
and captured those who were stationed in the second 
position, then routed the third line and won the pass, 
and killed most of the troops of Ariobarzanes.? 

69. Now he set out on the road to Persepolis, and 
while he was on the road received a letter from the 
governor of the city, whose name was Tiridates.* It 

stated that if he arrived ahead of those who planned 

to defend the city for Dareius, he would become 
master of it, for Tiridates would betray it to him. 
Accordingly Alexander led his army on by forced 
marches; he bridged the Araxes River and so 
brought his men to the other bank.’ 

At this point in his advance the king was confronted 
by a strange and dreadful sight, one to provoke in- 
dignation against the perpetrators and sympathetic 
pity for the unfortunate victims.? He was met by 
Greeks bearing branches of supplication. They had 
been carried away from their homes by previous 
kings of Persia and were about eight hundred in 

2 Curtius, 5. 4. 18. Arrian (3. 18. 5) states that this force 
included five squadrons of heavy cavalry and 4500 Mace- 
donian hoplites. 

3 For the whole story, Curtius, 5. 4; Plutarch, Alewander, 
37; Arrian, 3. 18. 1-9. 

4 “ Custos pecuniae regiae,” Curtius, 5. 5. 2. 

5 Curtius, 5. 5. 4. 

€ This story is told at somewhat greater length by Curtius 
(5. 5. 5-24), as well as by Justin (11. 14. 11-12). Itis not given 
by Plutarch or Arrian. 



mÀcîoTot uev yeynpakóres, Ņkpwrnpiacuévoi è 
návrtes, ot pèv yeîpas, ot è móðas, ol ðè Ta kat 

4 pvas: rÕv © émorýuas ) réyvas eiðórwv kal èv 
nmaÑðelg mpokekopórwv Tà èv dÀààa TÕv åkpw- 
TNpiwv dmekékornTo," aÙTà Õe uóva Tà ovvepyoðvra 
mpòs tàs moras ameÀéÀàeirro? oTe mávTAS 
ópðvras Tà TS ÀAÙkias dÉrwuara kal TàS mepi- 
exoúoas Tà owuara ovupopàs édeeîv ràs rúyas? 
TÕv åkàņpoúvrwv, udora òè aùròv rov ° AÀéÉav- 
pov ovurabi yevéoðar rois ùrvynkóoi kal uù 
õúvaohaı karaoyeîv rà drpva. 

5 "Avafoņnodvrov è dpa arávrwv ral ròv AÀ- 

avõpov déroðvrwv duðvar raîs ius ovuhopaîs ó 

èv Paoideùs mpookaàeodpevos Toùs mpoeorykóras 
kal Ts aùroĝ peyañopvylas dčiws teuńoas èrmny- 
yeidaTo Toààùv mpóvorav morýoaoðat ris èm oîkov 
6 avakopuðĝs.? oi è ovveàlóvres ral Bovàevoduevor 
mpoékpiwav Tùv aùtóbı ovv ris eis ofîkov varo- 
pòs. dvaowhévras uèv yàp aŭroùðs Šıaormapńoe- 
obat kar oàiyovs ral mepióvras èv raîs módcow 
enovelðorov čéew Tiv èk Ths TÓXNs èmýpeav: per 
AAANAwv è Froðvras, Tùv óuoiav ovuġopàv ëyovras, 
mapauóbiov ééew rs ias àrànpias rhv rôv Aw 
7 Ts akàņpias óuoiðtnrTa. ið kal máÀw evrvyóvres 
TÔ Pace? kai riv iav kpiow Snàóoavres eSéovro 
mpòs traúryv tTův únróoraow oikelav mapéyeoðar 
8 Rońlerav. ó è ’Adéfavðpos ovykarabéuevos roîs 
Seõoyuévois tpioyıàlas pèv ékáoTw Ôpayuàs wph- 
1 dnerékonro Dindorf; åmékorrov RX ; danékonrev F 
2 duyàs RX. l 
Ar The order of words is that of Dindorf. The manuscripts 

BOOK XVII. 69. 3-8 

number, most of them elderly. Al had been muti- 330/29 s.v. 

lated, some lacking hands, some feet, and some ears 
and noses. They were persons who had acquired 
skills or crafts and had made good progress in their 
instruction ; then their other extremities had been 
amputated and they were left only those which were 
vital to their profession. All the soldiers, seeing their 
venerable years and the losses which their bodies 
had suffered, pitied the lot of the wretches. Alex- 
ander most of all was affected by them and unable to 
restrain his tears. 

They all cried with one voice and besought Alex- 
ander to help them in their misfortunes. The king 
called their leaders to come forward and, greeting 
them with a respect in keeping with his own great- 
ness of spirit, promised to make it a matter of utmost 
concern that they should be restored to their homes. 
They gathered to debate the matter, and decided 
that it would be better for them to remain where 
they were rather than to return home. If they were 
brought back safely, they would be scattered in small 
groups, and would find their abuse at the hands of 
Fortune an object of reproach as they lived on in their 
cities. If, however, they continued living together, as 
companions in misfortune, they would find a solace 
for their mutilation in the similar mutilation of the 
others. So they again appeared before the king, told 
him of their decision, and asked him to give them 
help appropriate to this proposal. Alexander ap- 
plauded their decision and gave each of them three 

read mpookaàecápevos Toùs npoeorykóras èmnyyeiaro ToMAÑ 
npóvorav morýoaohai (morýoeoðai F) kat tis aùToÔ peyadokvyias 
åtíws riuoas ġpovriða moroachar (norjoew RX) ris ér’ otkov 



gaTo kal oToùàs dvõpeias mévre kal yvvaikelas 
ioaS, Geúyn è Boïkà úo kal mpõßara TEVTÝKOVTA 
kat mvpõv ueðiuvovs mevrýkovra' roiņnoev è ral 
áredeîs aùroùs mavròs BaoiMkoð fópov kal rois 

EmoTÁTAS Tpocéraće ppovriġeiw mws unë’ úg 

évòs dðıkÕvTaL. 

9 'Aàééavôpos pèv oĝv droàovbðws T kar aùròv 
êmeikeig ToraŬrTais eùepyeolais TÀS TÔV ÜTVXNKŐ- 
Twv ovuhopàs čwphócaro. 

70. Tv ðè Iepoéroàw, untrpóroàw oĝcav TÕS 
Hepoðv Bacideias, aréðerge roîs Mareðéot mode- 
pwrádryv trÕv karà rùv °Aolav nóàcwv kai toîs 
oTpatuðTais Ewkev eis Õaprayiv ywpis Tv Ba- 

2 oieiwv. mÀovorwrárys &’ ovans TÕv Tò Tòv ÑArov 
kal rv bwrikÂv olrwv merìnpwuévov èk Toàâv 
xpóvov mavtoias eùðarpovias ot Makeĝóves ênpecav 
Toùs uev dvòpas mdvras hoveðovres, ràs §è KTÝOELS 
Ôraprdbovres, Todds uèv rToîs mÀàýlcow úrapyov- 
cas, katackevis Õè kat kóopov mavrolov yepoŭvoas. 

3 vba ù mods èv äpyupos rehopeîro, oùK oÀiyos 

ôè xpvoòs Sınprátero, moal è kal moduredeîs 

eoUhTes, at uev Oadacoiais moppúpais, ai è 

xpvooîs evvódouaoı meroiiÀuévat, Toîs kpatoĝov 

emalda kaðioravro. rà è peydàa kal karå nmêcav 

Tùv olkovpévnv mepipónra Baciàeia mpòs ÙBpw ral 

mavreàñ phopàv åmeðéðerro. 

Oi òè Maxeðóves evņuepeúoavres rais åprayaîs 
Thv ăràņorov roô mÀelovos èmbvuuiav odr eSúvavro 
5 TÀNpÂcaL. TocavTy yàp v ris mÀeovećlas úrep- 

Podi KAT TàS ToÝTwv prays Qore kal mpos 
dAAńAovs ciaudyeoðar kal moods avapev rTôv 
- Toà ris åprayñs eébiororovuévwv" rivès Sè 



BOOK XVII. 69. 8—70. 5 

thousand drachmae, five men’s robes and the same 330/2 s.c. 

number for women,! two yoke of oxen, fifty sheep, 
and fifty bushels of wheat. He made them also 
exempt from all royal taxes and charged his adminis- 
trative officials to see that they were harmed by no 

Thus Alexander mitigated the lot of these unfor- 
tunate persons by such benefactions in keeping with 
his natural kindness. 

70. Persepolis was the capital of the Persian king- 
dom. Alexander described it to the Macedonians 
as the most hateful of the cities of Asia, and gave it 
over to his soldiers to plunder, all but the palaces. 
It was the richest city under the sun and the private 
houses had been furnished with every sort of wealth 
over the years. The Macedonians raced into it 
slaughtering all the men whom they met and plun- 
dering the residences ; many of the houses belonged 
to the common people and were abundantly supplied 
with furniture and wearing apparel of every kind. 
Here much silver was carried off and no little gold, 
and many rich dresses gay with sea purple or with 
gold embroidery became the prize of the victors. The 
enormous palaces, famed throughout the whole civi- 
lized world, fell victim to insult and utter destruction. 

The Macedonians gave themselves up to this orgy 
of plunder for a whole day and still could not satisfy 
their boundless greed for more. Such was their ex- 
ceeding lust for loot withal that they fought with each 

other and killed many of their fellows who had ap- 
propriated a greater portion of it. The richest of the 

1 The same figures are given by Curtius, 5. 5. 24. 
2 Curtius, 5. 6. 1 (not in Arrian). 



m ’ m 7 

Tà moàvreàéorara’ tTÕv eúpiokouévwv Ttoîs Éihect 
Ld 4 pA 

Seakórnrovres tràs iðias dmekópi%ov pepiðas, éviot 

` ` a , ? An b , 2 
Sè ras rv émpadàóvrwv roîs dupiofnrovpévois 

a l4 m a 
yeîpas anékonrtov, ovvekhepópevot Toîs Ovuoîs' 

a a Ca ld ` P. 
6 ràs è yuvaîkas ov aùroîs roîs kóopois mpòs iav 
arñyov, Tv aiyuaàwoiav ovàaywyotvres.* 

‘H uèv ov Ilepoéroùs dow rv dwy mócewv 
únepeîyev eùðaruovig, roocoTov ÚnepepdàerTo TAS dÀ- 

a > 2 
àas roîs atTuyýpaow. 

71. “O Sè 'Adéfavðpos mapeàbðwv eis rùv drpav 
mapéaße roùs év aùr Onoavpoús. oroi é, dmo 
Kúpov roô mpærov Ilepoôv Pacideúsavros péypi* 
TÕv Únokeruévwv kup®v ŅNIporouévwv Tv Tpooó- 

l ` 
wv, éyepov àpyvpiov? te kal ypvoíov: eúpéðnņocav 
yap èv aùroîs weka uvpidðes Taàdvrwv, eis dp- 
* l4 ~ 
2 yupíov Àðyov ayopévov to ypvoíov. Bovàðuevos 
` "~ lA a h. kd ~ 
òè TÕV ypnudrwv å èv ueb’ éavroô kopibeiw mpòs 
TAS eis TOV TÓÀcuov ypeias, & ` eis Boûoa kara- 
, ` , > 1 6 a , , 
Oéohaı kat pvàdrrew èv raúrn? ri móe perenéu- 
(z t 
3 B ÀA® hi M + y ò 3 
paro èk Baßvàðvos katı Mecororapias, ért © êk 
lA “m Pa ~ 
Zovowv ýuóvwv nlos, rv èv aylodópwv, rv 

` ~ ` A 
Òe evyirÂðv, mpòs Õè rovrois kauhàovs áayboßópovs 

1 movreàéorepa RX. 

2 áupioßnroôor RX. 

? The text is that of RX; rùv alyuáàwrov rýóxņv Šova- 
ywyoûvres F. 

4 péyps F. 

5 àpyúpov codd. ; corrected by Fischer. 
€ aùrî codd. ; corrected by Dindorf. 

1 Curtius, 5. 6. 1-8. In any captured town, it was custo- 
mary to kill the men and enslave the women. Here, because 
of the prevailing level of luxury, the rich stuffs were the object 


BOOK XVII. 70. 5—71. 2 

finds some cut through with their swords so that each 330/29 s.c. 

might have his own part. Some cut off the hands 
of those who were grasping at disputed property, 
being driven mad by their passions. They dragged 
off women, clothes and all, converting their captivity 
into slavery.! 

As Persepolis had exceeded all other cities in pros- 
perity, so in the same measure it now exceeded all 
others in misery.? 

71. Alexander ascended to the citadel terrace and 
took possession of the treasure there. This had 
been accumulated from the state revenues, beginning 
with Cyrus, the first king of the Persians, down to 
that time, and the vaults were packed full of silver 
and gold. The total was found to be one hundred and 
twenty thousand talents, when the gold was esti- 
mated in terms of silver.? Alexander wanted to take 
some money with him to meet the costs of the war, 
and to deposit the rest in Susa and keep it under 
guard in that city. Accordingly he sent for a vast 
number of mules from Babylon and Mesopotamia, as 
well as from Susa itself, both pack and harness ani- 
mals as well as three thousand pack camels. By these 

of first attention, and women were abducted because of the 
clothing which they wore. 

2 Diodorus does not say whether Alexander accepted the 
offer of Tiridates to surrender Persepolis to him (chap. 69. 1). 
The city was treated as if it had been taken by storm. Curtius 
(5. 6. 11) reports that Tiridates was rewarded for turning over 
the royal treasures. 

3 Curtius (5. 6. 9) gives the same figures. The total is 
expressed as weight of silver and value of gold, the latter 
being equated to silver according to a proportion which is not 
stated. The usual ratio of gold to silver in antiquity was 
12 or 15 to 1. Strabo (15. 3. 9. 731) reports that the treasure 
was ultimately assembled at Ecbatana. 

VOL. VIII M 321 


> 2 bd 
A 2 £ 
3 roùs npokpilévras tTórovs’ oßóðpa yàp dňotrpiws 
lá a 
éxywv mpos tToùs yywpilovs Ņrioret Te aùroÎs Kal 
Ttv Ilepoéroùw ecis réàos éonevõe karadheîpa. 
Oùk dvoirerov È evar voulopev mepi TÔv èv 
lA m~ l ld y A 1 m 
raúrņ T móde Bacideiwv ðA tÅv modurécerav TÂs 
4 katrackevis þPpayéa Alev. oùŭons yàp äkpas 
déroàðyov mepieiànpev aùrùv Tpinàoðv reîyos, oô 
TÒ èv mpôTtov dvaàńuuatı moàvðarmávw KATE- 
oKkeģacro kal TÒ vpos eye myyðv ékkaiðeka endà- 
1 1 ` ` A ` ` y 
5 eot kekoounpévov, TÒ è Öeúrepov TÅV pèv AÀÀnv 
katagkeviv óuolav yet TÖ mpoepnuévw, trò & 
er P’ e bY [g + t A ld 
üpos ðırÀdorov. ó ðè rpiros mepipoàos TÔ oxh- 
lA $ m 
patı pév oTt TeTpármÀecupos, TÒ Õè Toúrov reîyos 
e s m~ tE , m 4 ` 
úpos exet mnyðv ééýkovra, ÀAíbðw okànpå kal mpòs 
Ôrauoviv aiwviav eÔ mepvukóri Kkareokevacuévov. 
A ~ ~ Ea 
6 ékdorn è rÕv mÀevpõv éyet múňas yaàkâs kai 
3 ` ~ m 
map’ aùràs oravpoùs yaàkoðs eikoormýyeis, ovs 
` ` ` ? A 
pev mpos Thv éx tis Îéas kardnàņéw, ås Sè mpòs 
dopdáàcirav Nppocpévas. 
E De A ` 3 Àd 2 “~ EA ld 
7 v ÒE T@ Tmpòs dvaroààs pépet TS äkpas rér- 
’ x 7 
Tapa nÀéĝpa Õeornkòs öpos sriv rò kadoúuevov 
Ess ? K la ~ 
Paciùıkóv, êv ® rôv Baoidéwv ómipyov oi ráo. 
f ` ka E 
nérpa yap v karečauuévy kal katTà uésov otkovs 
y + ? 4 m 
éxovoa mÀeiovas, év oÎs oņkol TÔv Tereàeurnkórwv 
e m P: 4 
únñpxov, mpõoßaow uèv oùðepiav ëyovres yepo- 

1 elyev éékalðeka mópywv Taîs endeo keroounuévwv F (with 
mnxðv added in the margin by a second hand). 

1 By the term “ natives ” here Diodorus means the people 
of Persepolis and the vicinity. Alexander was more and more 
to employ other Persians in his service. 


BOOK XVII. 71. 2-7 

means Alexander transported everything to the 330/29 s.c. 

desired places. He felt bitter enmity to the inhabi- 
tants.! He did not trust them, and he meant to destroy 
Persepolis utterly. 

I think that it is not inappropriate to speak briefly 
about the palace area of the city because of the rich- 
ness of its buildings.? The citadel is a noteworthy 
one, and is surrounded by a triple wall. The first 
part of this is built over an elaborate foundation. It 
is sixteen cubits in height and is topped by battle- 
ments. The second wall is in all other respects like 
the first but of twice the height. The third circuit is 
rectangular in plan, and is sixty cubits in height, 
built of a stone hard and naturally durable. Each 
of the sides contains a gate with bronze doors, beside 
each of which stand bronze poles twenty cubits high + ; 
these were intended to catch the eye of the beholder, 
but the gates were for security. 

At the eastern side of the terrace at a distance of 
four plethra * is the so-called royal hill in which were 
the graves of the kings. This was a smooth rock 
hollowed out into many chambers in which were the 
sepulchres of the dead kings. These have no other 

2 This description of Persepolis is not given elsewhere. It 
is to be compared with the remains of the city as excavated 
by the University of Chicago. 

3 Ninety feet. The highest foundations of walls preserved 
at Persepolis are eighteen metres or about sixty feet. No 
stone walls remain in the city. 

4 The purpose of these is unknown, but they suggest the 
flagstaffs which stood by the pylons of the Egyptian temples. 

5 Fischer asked relevantly, ‘“‘ Distance from where? ” 
This space of four hundred feet is rather less than the west-east 
width of the terrace from the appadana to the steep mountain 
side. This last is full of caves suitable for burials, many of 
them very old. 



noinrtov,! rò ópyávæv Šé rwv yeipororýTwv éga- 
8 pouévwv trÔv vekpôv Õeyópevot TAS TaS. kaTà 
Sè ryv drpav raórņyv oav karañúocis Paoiùikai 
kal orparņyıkal mÀciovs modvreàeîs raîs kara- 
okevaîs kat Îyoavpol npòs Thv Ttv ypnuáTwv 
mapapvàakhv eùhérws kareokevacpévot. 

72. ‘O & ’Aàétavspos êmwikia rÔv karophĝwpd- 
Twv êmreiðv lvoias re peyadonrpereîs toîs Îeoîs 
ovveréàecev kal rÕv hiàwv Àaunpàs éotidocs é- 
nooaTto. kat Ò more TÖV ÉTAÍpWV EÙWXOVLÉVWV 
kal toô pèv nórov mpoßaivovros, rs ðè péðNs 
npoïoúons karéoxe Àŭúooa émi moù tràs puyàs TÕv 
2 oivwpévæwv. re Ò) kal pia TrÕv mapovoðv yv- 
vukôv, voua èv Qais, Arrık) è rò yévos, 
eînev kdàdorov ° Aàeédvõpw TrÕv rara tTùv °` Aciav 
nenpaypévæwv éceolai, av kwudoas per aùr®v 
èunphoņ trà Bacidcia kai rà Iepoðv mepipónrTa yv- 
vakÂv yeîpes èv Bpaye? karp morjowow dpavra. 
3 roúrwv òè pnÂévræv eis dvõpas véovs kal tà TÙV 
uéðnv dàðyws perewpiouévovs, WS EKÓS, AYEW TLS 
dveßónoe kai fdas drrew kai rùv eis rà rôv “Eà- 
Ańvwv iepà mapavouiav apúvacĵar mapekedeúero. 
4 guvenevonuoúvrwv è kat dÀÀwv kal ÀeyóvTrwv uó- 
vw tův mpâčiv traúrņv npoońkew °`A\cédvõpw ral 
roô Bacıiàéws ovvećaplévros roîs Àóyois mávres 
dyew Aiovóow maphyyerdav. 

Tayù dè ràýhovs Aaurdðwv dbpoirohévros kal yv- 

1 Post would delete as tautological, and I have omitted it 
in the translation. 

1 Or, literally, generals. 

BOOK XVII. 71. 8—72. 5 

access but receive the sarcophagi of the dead which 8330/29 e.c. 

are lifted by certain mechanical hoists. Scattered 
about the royal terrace were residences of the kings 
and members of the royal family as well as quarters 
for the great nobles,! all luxuriously furnished, and 
buildings suitably made for guarding the royal 

72. Alexander held games in honour of his victories. 
He performed costly sacrifices to the gods and enter- 
tained his friends bountifully. While they were 
feasting and the drinking was far advanced, as they 
began to be drunken a madness took possession of 
the minds of the intoxicated guests.? At this point 
one of the women present, Thaïs by name and Attic 
by origin, said that for Alexander it would be the 
finest of all his feats in Asia if he joined them in a 
triumphal procession, set fire to the palaces, and per- 
mitted women’s hands in a minute to extinguish the 
famed accomplishments of the Persians. This was 
said to men who were still young and giddy with 
wine, and so, as would be expected, someone shouted 
out to form the comus and to light torches, and urged 
all to take vengeance for the destruction of the Greek 
temples. Others took up the cry and said that this 
was a deed worthy of Alexander alone. When the 
king had caught fire at their words, all leaped up 
from their couches and passed the word along to form 
a victory procession in honour of Dionysus. 

Promptly many torches were gathered. Female 

2 Arrian (3. 18. 11) barely mentions the burning of Perse- 
polis, but the story of Thaïs was a popular one. Itis told in 
substantially this form by Curtius (5. T) and Plutarch (Alex- 
ander, 38). See Addenda. 

3 That is, in the invasions of Greece by Dareius and Xerxes. 
Cp. Book 16. 89. 2. 



uer Sis kal aùàðv kal ovpiyywv mpoñyev ô Raci- 
Àcùs èri ròv kôpov, kaĝbyyovuévns tis mpáčews 

6 Qalos rís éraípas. arn è perà ròv Pacıdéa 
mporn rův ĝa karouévyv Ņkóvrioev els Tà Paci- 
àcia: kal rÕv Aàwv raùrà rpačdvrwv rayù mâs 
ó mepi trà Baciàeia róros karepàéxôn ðià Tò pé- 
yelĝos rs pàoyðs kal rò mávrwv mapaðogórarTov, 
Tò Héptov roô Ilepoðv Paoiéws yevópevov doé- 
Bua nepi rv àrpóroùv trv `Abnvaiwv pia yuv) 
moàîris Êv ååikyÂévrwv èv mað ToàoTs Vorepov 
ereot uerhÀbe roîs aùroîs mdheow. 

73. `AÀééavðpos è arð roúrwv yevópevos TàS 
karà tùv Iepoiða móàceis ênrhAlev kat ras pèv 
Big xepwodpuevos, tàs Sè dià rv iDiav émeikerav 

2 npocayópevos dvéķevćev ri ròv Aapeîov. oĝros ®© 
ereßdàero pèv dlpoibeiw tàs êk trs Barrtpiavĝs kai 
Sè kal uefa rpiopvpiwv Ilepoðv re kal pmobodópwv 
‘EdMývæwv rv dvyùv eis Bákrpa moroúpevos úrò 
Býooov roô Bakrpwv carpárov karà tTùv dvayw- 

3 ppnow aovààngleis dododovýðn. dpri © avroð re- 
Teàeurykóros ` AÀéćavðpos merà rv innéwv èm- 
dwkwv kal rv Aapeîov rereÀceurnkóra karañaßwv 

4 rs Baci\kis rapis )éiwoev. ws © évo yeypd- 
pac, éurvovv črt karañaßav Tois pèv àarvyýuaow 
aùrToð ovvýàynoe, mapakànleis è úrò roô Aapeiov 
uereàbeiv rov hõvov rat kabouooyýoas éðiwée Tov 
Biocov. èkeivov è moù mpoeiànpóros kal cvp- 


BOOK XVII. 72. 5—73. 4 

musicians were present at the banquet, so the king 8330/29 s.c. 

led them all out for the comus to the sound of voices 
and flutes and pipes, Thaïs the courtesan leading the 
whole performance. She was the first, after the king, 
to hurl her blazing torch into the palace. As the others 
all did the same, immediately the entire palace area 
was consumed, so great was the conflagration. It 
was most remarkable that the impious act of Xerxes, 
king of the Persians, against the acropolis at Athens 
should have been repaid in kind after many years by 
one woman, a citizen of the land which had suffered 
it, and in sport. 

73. When all this was over, Alexander visited the 
cities of Persis, capturing some by storm and winning 
over others by his own fair dealing. Then he set out 
after Dareius. The Persian king had planned to 
bring together the armed forces of Bactria and the 
other satrapies, but Alexander was too quick for 
him. Dareius directed his flight toward the city of 
Bactra with thirty thousand Persians? and Greek mer- 
cenaries, but in the course of this retirement he was 
seized and murdered by Bessus, the satrap of Bactria. 
Just after his death, Alexander rode up in hot pur- 
suit with his cavalry, and, finding him dead, gave him 
a royal funeral. Some, however, have written that 
Alexander found him still breathing and commiser- 
ated with him on his disasters. Dareius urged him 
to avenge his death, and Alexander, agreeing, set 
out after Bessus, but the satrap had a long start and 

1 Curtius, 5. 6. 11-19, reports what must have been a sub- 
stantial campaign. Itis ignored by Arrian. 
2 The same figure in Curtius, 5. 8, 3. 

OOOO O l amama 
1 Awr codd. ; vw Dindorf. Bactria itself was one of the 

Upper Satrapies. 




ld bd A k 3 m~ > 4 
pvuyðvros cis Tův Baktpiaviv nraviàðev dtroyvoùs 
TÒV TÔv Toàeuiwv Õwypóv. 

Kai rà èv kara rùv `Aciav èv roúrois ĝv. 

~ N N k4 LA A ` 3 

Kara è ryv Evpórnv Aakeðaruóvior èv ènTtatr- 
kótes peydàņ mapardéei ià Tův ovuhopàv ùvay- 
kádoðņoav ðianrpecoßeveoðat mpos ’Avrimarpov' 
3 lA ¥ k4 4 b ` ~ e 2? P 
ekeivov ĝe emi Tò rowòv rÕv ‘Edývæv ovvéðpiov 
Tv árnókpiow dřroorTeiÀavrtos ol èv oúveðpot ovv- 
2 a} 3 K ld 8 4 AÀ ~ e 8 fa À l 
ýxnoav eis Kópivðov kai modðv pyhévræv àðywv 
mpos ékárepov uépos čðoćev aùroîs dkréparov Tùv 

[g E S ` ? z 2 T e ` fo a 
kpioiv érni ròv ` Aàétavõpov dvaméppar. ò èv oĝv 
'Avrimarpos óuýpovs čňaße roùs èmipaveorárovs 
trÕv LrapriarÕv nevrýkovra, ot è Aakeðaruóviot 

lA JEt 3 ` > ld > ~ 3 
mpéoßeis éčénreupav ecis rv °Aoiav, àéroðvres aù- 
Toîs ovar ovyyvøunv èni roîs ġyvonuévors. 

74. To © érovs rovrov reànàvlóros ’Abńvyoi 
èv Ñpxe Kyioogôv, ev ‘Põun è kareordðyoav 
únarot [dios OùadÀépios! kat Mápros Kàdñıos. 
êri è roúrwv Bocos èv perà tùv Aapelov reàev- 

` N , 2 ` / ` ï 
Thv pera Naßdápvov? kai Bapédevros ral moàĝôv 
dààwv advyav tràs `Adeédvõpov yeîpas Sývvoe 

` kd 
pèv eis Thv Bartpiavýv, åmoðeðeryuévos è raúrys 

l m 
coatparys nò Aapeiov kal roîs mÀàýbeoi yeyovæs 
yvópipos à Tùv àpxùv mapekáder Trà mÀýðn ris 

i Dinos F; 
2 Rhodoman corrected to Naßaplgáyvov. 

1 Diodorus does scant justice to the dramatic story of 
Dareius’s flight, overtaking, and death; cp. Curtius, 5. 8-13; 
Justin, 11. 15; Plutarch, A lexander, 42. 3-43. 3; Arrian, 
3. 19-22. The standard version in all is that Dareius was still 
living when discovered, but died before Alexander saw him. 
Plutarch, De Fortuna aut Virtute Alexandri, on the other 


BOOK XVII. 73. 4—74. 1 

got away into Bactria, so Alexander suspended the 330/29 s.c. 

chase and returned.: 

That was the situation in Asia. 

In Europe the Lacedaemonians were forced by 
their defeat in a decisive battle to make overtures to 
Antipater.? He referred his reply to the council of 
the Hellenic League.? When the delegates came to- 
gether in Corinth, there was a long discussion on both 
sides, and they decided to pass the issue on without 
a decision to Alexander. Antipater took as hostages 
fifty of the most notable of the Spartiates, and the 
Lacedaemonians sent envoys * to Asia asking forgive- 
ness for their mistakes. 

74. After this year was over, Cephisophon became 
archon at Athens, and Gaius Valerius and Marcus 
Clodius consuls in Rome.’ In this year, now that 
Dareius was dead, Bessus with Nabarnes and Barxaës® 
and many others of the Iranian nobles got to Bactria, 
eluding the hands of Alexander. Bessus had been 
appointed satrap of this region by Dareius and being 
known to everyone because of his administration, 
now called upon the population to defend their free- 

hand, has Alexander covering Dareius with his own cloak 
(1. 11. 332 F). 

2 Continued from chaps. 48. 1 and 62. 6-63. 4. 

3 Curtius (6. 1. 19) suggests that this was due to Antipater’s 
fear of Alexander. 

4 Curtius, 6. 1. 20. This delegation is to be distinguished 
from the Spartan envoys to Dareius whom Alexander ar- 
rested (Curtius, 6. 5. 7; Arrian, 3. 24. 4). 

5 Cephisophon was archon at Athens from July of 329 to 
June of 328 s.c. The Roman consuls of 331 s.c. were C. 
Valerius Potitus and M. Claudius Marcellus (Broughton, 1. 

sThese names appear as Nabarzanes and Barsaëntes in 
Curtius and Arrian. 


329/8 B.C. 





eàcevlepias avréyecĝlar: dmeðeirvve Sè Tùv yópav 
aùroîs moààà ovvepyýoew osav ðvocioßodov’ kal 
nÀÑlos ikavòv ëyovoav dvðpôðv eis karárryow Ts 
aùrovouias. êrmayyedóuevos è kahnyýoaolhai” toî 
moàéuov kal rò mAflos meisas dvéðeikev éavrov 
Bacıiàéa. oôros èv oĝv orpatıbras Te karéypage? 
kal nàjlos ömàwv kareokevaģe kal TAa pidori- 
uws mpos Tv katereiyovoav ypelav Tmapeokevá- 

’AÀétavðpos ðe ópðv roùs Mareðóvas réàos rts 
orpateias Tv Aapeiov teàceuriv TáTTOovTas kal 
ueTewpovs vras mpos TÙvV eis Tv marpiða erdvo- 
ðov ToúrTovs uèv alpoicas ecis èkkàņoilav kat Àdyois 
oikeiois mapopuýoas eùrerbeis mpòs Tùv moderno- 
uévyv otparteiav mapeokeúacev, Toùs È dnò tTÔv 
‘EdMyrðwv róàcwv ovuuayxyhoavras ovvayayaàv kal 
nepi TÕV nmenpaypévæwv emawéoas dnéàvoe uèv TÎS 
orpareias, eÕwphoaro è tÕv èv inréwv ékádorTw 
rdàavrov, TÕv ĝè metõv uvâs ĝéka, ywpis è Tov- 
Twv ToÚs Te òQerdouévovs poboùs anréàvoe kal rovs 
karà Tùv dvakopmðv uéypi Tis eis tràs marpiðas 
kaĝóðov mpooéðyrev: rÕv © éopévæv pévew èv ti 
oTparıĝ Ti perà rob Pacidéws EDwrev ékdorw Trpia 
trádňavra. peyáàais Õè Õwpeaîs ériunoe roùs arpa- 

1 ĝvoéußoàov F. 

2 kaðyyjocoba: F. 
3 karéypae codd. ; corrected by Dindorf. 

1 Curtius, 6. 6. 13; Arrian, 3. 25. 3. 

2? Curtius, 6. 2. 15-3. 18; Justin, 12. 3. 2-3; Plutarch, 
Alexander, 47. 

3 These were the troops furnished according to their de- 

BOOK XVII. 74. 1—4 

dom. He pointed out that the nature of their 329/8 s c. 

country would assist them very much, since the region 
was hard for an enemy to penetrate and furnished 
enough men for them to establish their independence. 
He proclaimed that he would take personal command 
of the war and designated himself king, with the 
approval of the people. Then he set to work enrolling 
soldiers, manufacturing an adequate stock of wea- 
pons, and busily making everything ready for the 
approaching time of need.* 
Alexander, for his part, was aware that the Mace- 
donians regarded Dareius’s death as the end of the 
campaign and were impatient to go home. He called 
them all to a meeting and, addressing them with 
effective arguments, made them willing to follow him 
in the part of the war which remained,? but he as- 
sembled the allied troops from the Greek cities è and 
praising them for their services released them from 
their military duty. He gave to each of the cavalry 
a talent and to each of the infantry ten minas.* Be- 
sides this he paid them their wages up to date and 
added more to cover the period of their march back 
until they should return to their homes. To those 
who would remain with him in the royal army, he 
gave a bonus of three talents each. He treated the 
soldiers with such lavishness in part because of his 

cision by the members of the Hellenic League (Books 16, 89. 
3; 17.4.9) Curtius (6. 2. 17), also, reports their dismissal 
at this time ; their mission was complete with the destruction 
of Persepolis and the death of Dareius. Arrian (3. 19. 5) 
places their dismissal earlier, at Ecbatana. 

4 Curtius (6. 2. 17) gives the same figures. These sums are 
much larger than those distributed at Babylon (chap. 64. 6). 
One may wonder whether Alexander could have been so 
generous to Greeks without taking care of the Macedonians 
equally well. 



TuóTtas dua èv púoei peyaàdvyos v, dpa è TÌ 
Sbéet roô Aapeiov mov ypnuádrwv kekvpiev- 
5 kós’ map èv yàp TÕv yatopvàakovvrwv mapéňaßev 
òrrtakıoyiàlwv Taàdvrwv apiðuóv, ywpis è roúrwv 
Tà veuņnlévra rois orparwrTais oùv T kóouw kal 
roîs êknøpaow únipye pópa kal TpioyiNa Táàav- 
Ta, Tà Sè ciakàarévra kot dprayhévra màceiw rõv 
c 5 

eipnuévwv úrevoeîro. 

75. ‘O Sè ’Aàéfavôpos avatčevćas mi rův “Ypra- 
viav tpiraîos kateorparoréðevoe mÀnolov TóÀcwS 
ts ovopagouévns “Ekarovrarúàov. eùðaipovos 
© aùrjs oŭons kal nmávrwv trÕv mpòs dróavow 
avnkóvræwv nmoàñs aßphovias úrapyoúonņs évraðha 
2rův úvauv dvéňaßev èri twas huépas. ŠreAbwv 
néðevoe nAnoiov mérpas peydàns' úno ðè Tùv pigav 
aùrĝs dvrpov únpye Beormperés, É oô uéyas mo- 
Tapos éééminrev Ò kadoúevos XLrißoirns. oôros 
ðe Adpow TÖ pepati hepópevos mi tpeîs ora- 
Dious oyierar ÒrrÀoÛsS mepi TWA TETpAV LAOTOELÒÑ, 
éxovoav' $ arv ydoua ys maupéyeles: eis ĝè 
pevos appõðns tà Ts mpòs Thv nérpav nànyhs pé- 
avoiyet tas ékfpoàds. 

3 z9 è 'AAéEavðpos erà ts vvdauews eupaàiòv 
eis Thv TÔv Ypravðv yæpav másas ràs èv aùrĝ 
móňeis èyepóocaro uéypi ts Kaorias raħovuévns 
adrrns, ñv ‘Ypraviav rwès ovoudtovow. èv 
raúrņ é haot modàoùs uèv rat peydàovs deis 
1 qvi nérpo paoroeiĝe? eyovon F. 


BOOK XVII. 74. 4—75. 3 

native generosity and in part because he had come 329/8 v.o. 

into possession of very much money in the course of 
his pursuit of Dareius. He had received from the 
royal treasurers the sum of eight thousand talents. 
Apart from this, what was distributed to the soldiers, 
including clothing and goblets, came to thirteen 
thousand talents, while what was stolen or taken as 
plunder was thought to be even more still. 

75. Alexander started out for Hyrcania and on the 
third day encamped near a city ċalled Hecatontapylus.? 
This was a wealthy city with a profusion of everything 
contributing to pleasure, so he rested his army there 
for some days. Then, advancing one hundred and 
fifty furlongs, he encamped near a huge rock ° ; under 
its base there was a marvellous cave from which 
flowed a great river known as the Stiboeites.t This 
tumbles out with a rapid current for a distance of 
three furlongs, and then divides into two courses on 
either side of a breast-shaped “‘ rock,” beneath which 
there is a vast cavern. Into this the river plunges with 
a great roar, foaming from its clash against the rock. 
After flowing underground a distance of three hun- 
dred furlongs, it again breaks its way to the surface.’ 

Alexander entered Hyrcania with his army and 
took possession of all the cities there as far as the so- 
called Caspian Sea, which some name the Hyrcanian. 
In this they say are spawned many large serpents and 

Curtius (6. 2. 10) gives 12,000 talents. 

Usually called Hecatompylus ; Curtius, 6. 2. 15. 

Cp. on chap. 28, above, p. 195, note 5. 

Curtius, 6. 4. 3-7. The spring is identified as the modern 
Chesmeh-i-Ali about fifteen miles north-west of Hecatompy- 
lus; cp. P. Pédech, Revue des Études Anciennes, 60 (1958), 

5 Curtius (6. 4. 4-5) gives the same figures. 

eom e 



m~ 3 ~ ` ~ a 
yevvâoĝat, ixbs òè mavroðaroðs Tod T Xpo 
m~ m" 2 $ 
4 rv map huv ĝadàdrrovras. Suérwv Sè Tv 
e l l h 
Ypkaviíav karývryoe mpòs tràs kadovuévas Eùôðat- 
` ` 2 d 3 
povas kal mpòs dÀýÂerav oŭoas køpas’ Toàù yàp 
Toîs kaproîs ù) yopa tTroúrwv únmepdyei TÕV Tapa 
m 3 ~ ` ` > 
5 Toîs dors. , TÔv pèv yàp aunréàwv pacity ékdorTny 
» A~ 
peETpTŮV pépew oivov, trÕv Sè ovkivwav Sévõpwv 
a bd Z ~ la A 
éva kapropopeîy ioydðwv Enpôv peôiuvovs ðéka. 
TÒV Ò êv T@ Qepiou® mapañeiphévra oirov mi Tùv 
a #. 
yiv mecóvra Pàaordvew domopov övra kal mpos 
kg ~ 
6 rò réàos dyew ða kapróv. čori è kal Sévõpov 
AJ a 3 lá 
mapa roîs éyywpiois maparàýorov put karà TÙV 
> A ` m a 
empáverav, aro òè rõv póňwv arodcîpov uér 
m~m 2 $ A v 
kat ToôTó Twes ovváyovres Sap Tv amóavow 
Cal A 
7 abro moroĝvrar. čari õe kal Cov karà Tùv 
a ` 
xöpav émTepwpévov, ô kaàeîrat uèv avôpnèwv, 
` l 
ÀeTópevov Sè peyéber peàirrys ueyiornv ëyet tùv 
1, ? : 
wpéderav Emweuopevov yàp TYV òpewhv vôn mav- 
a A m 
Toîa Òpérerai kal raîs koràdot mérpais kai Toîs 
rå “~ 2 ? a 
Kkepavvoßódors TÕV Sévõpwv evðiarpipov knporàa- 
ore? kat karaokevdet úpa Šıáßhopov T yÀàvrúý- 
~ 3? © a L4 ‘ 
TNTL, TOÔ map’ uiv uéÀTos où ToÀÙ Àeiróuevov. 
76 AÀ É ò ô ` b “Y f ` ` 
76. éčavðpos ðè Tv ‘“Ypraviav kal tà ouv- 
m~ ~ 2 ~ LA 
opiĝovra TÕv élvõv Taùt TÑ xópa mpoonydyero’ 
Kal Todo rÕv ouunepevyórwv hyeuóvov T® Aa- 
Li e ld D > ~ s 
peiw mapéðwkav aðroús’ ols èmekÂs nmpooevey- 

1 òhéiceiav Dindorf; èmpáverav codd. 

t Curtius, 6. 4. 18. 

2 Strabo, 11. 7. 2 (cp. 2. 1. 14), who says sixt dimni 
A metretes was about four and one-half zallons a 
about one and one-half bushels. S 1E medbanuk 
3 This item comes from Onesicritus, and concerns a fig tree 


BOOK XVII. 75. 3—76. 1 

fish of all sorts quite different in colour from ours. 29/8 s.c. 

He passed through Hyrcania and came to the For- 
tunate Villages, as they are called, and truly such 
they are, for their land produces crops far more gener- 
ously than elsewhere. They say that each vine pro- 
duces a metretes of wine, while there are some fig 
trees which produce ten medimni of dried figs. The 
grain which is overlooked at the harvest and falls to 
the ground germinates without being sown and brings 
to maturity an abundant harvest. There is a tree 
known to the natives like an oak in appearance, from 
the leaves of which honey drips ; this some collect 
and take their pleasure from it abundantly.? There 
is a winged animal in this country which they call 
anthredon, smaller than the bee but very useful. It 
roams the mountains gathering nectar from every 
kind of flower. Dwelling in hollow rocks and light- 
ning-blasted trees it forms combs of wax and fashions 
a liquor of surpassing sweetness, not far inferior to 
our honey.* 

76. Thus Alexander acquired Hyrcania and the 
tribes which were its neighbours, and many of the 
Iranian commanders who had fled with Dareius came 
to him and gave themselves up. He received them 

called “ occhus.” Cp. Curtius, 6. 4. 22; Theophrastus, Histo- 
ria Plantarum, 4. 4. 12; Pliny, Naturalis Historia, 12. 18. 33. 
4 With some exaggeration, Cleitarchus said of this insect 
(Jacoby, Fragmente der griechischen Historiker, no. 137, F 
i4): “It lays waste the hill-country and dashes into the 
hollow oaks.” Tarn (Alexander the Great, 2. 90) may be 
right in preferring the manuscript reading which would make 
it“ smaller than the bee but with a vast appearance,” although 
I do not see precisely what this would mean. Cp. Strabo, 2. 
1. 14. 
5 Individuals are named in Curtius, 6. 4. 8-14 ; 4. 23-5. 5; 
5. 22-23; Arrian, 3. 23. 7-9. 


2 Âeis peydàņnv Sófav meixelas åarnnvéykaro’ eùbòù 
yàp ot Aapeiw ovveorparevuévoi TÖV ‘EMývæov 
Övres mepi yıÀlovs kal mevrakociouvs dvôpeiq Te 
Sradépovres, mapéðocav éavroùs `Adeédvðpw Kal 
ovyyvóuns dčrwlévres kareráyðņoav eis tràs td- 
es emi traîs aùraîs pmobopopaîs. 

3 “O © ’Adééavõpos èreàbàav riv nmapabaàdociov 
Tis “Ypravias êvéßadev eis ùv xópav rv ovouaģo- 
pévwv Mápõwv. `oĝror yàp dàxf Sradépovres úrep- 
eppóvņnoav rův aŭņow roô Baciàéws kal oùðepâs 

4 êvreúéews ) tuis Ņélwoav aùróv, mpokarañaßó- 
evor è ras eiopoààs orpatrwórais òkTakıoyıÀlois 
telappnkórws tůīv rv Marxeðóvwv éġoðov vré- 
uevov. ò Òè Pacıideùs émmeowv aùroîs kal ovv- 
dijas páynv Toùs mÀclovs èv karérope, roùs 8è 

oros eis TAS voywplas kareðiwée. 

5 Iuproàoðvros È aùroô Tùv yópav kal tôv Tods 
Pacidixoùs inmovs dyóvraw maiðwv PBpayòù roô Ba- 
oéws ywpiobévrwv èmpaňóvres twès tõv Bap- 

6 Bápwv dġýpracav ròv porov tv inmwv. oĝros 
®© eòóbn SSpov èv rò Anpapárov roô Kopivbiov, 
avvqyávioro è TÔ Paoide? mdávras toùs karà Tùv 
’Aciav ayôvas. yvpvòs È æv ër tròv mwÀoĵa- 
paotùv póvov npooeðéyero, Tuy&v Šè ris Baoidñs 
okevis oùðė roôrov črt mpoolero, póvw è ’AÀe- 

emineoaw Dindorf; èmpévaow RX; ónropdivo F ; enbépe- 
vos Fischer. 

Da E a e a a a 
1 The same figure is given in Curtius, 6. 5. 6-10, and Arrian, 
3. 23. 8-9 ; 24. 5. 
2 Curtius, 6. 5. 11-17 ; Arrian, 3. 24. 1-3. 
? The famous Bucephalus. 


BOOK XVII. 76. 1-6 

kindly and gained wide repute for fair dealing ; for 329/8 s.c. 

instance, the Greeks who had served with Dareius, 
one thousand five hundred in number, and accom- 
plished soldiers, also promptly turned themselves over 
to Alexander, and receiving a full pardon for their 
previous hostility were assigned to units of his army 
on the same pay scale as the rest.! 

Alexander followed the coastline to the west and 
entered the country of the people known as Mar- 
dians.? They prided themselves on their fighting 
ability and thinking little of Alexander’s growth in 
power sent him no petition or mark of honour, but 
held the passes with eight thousand soldiers and con- 
fidently awaited the Macedonian approach. The 
king attacked them and joining battle killed most of 
them and drove the rest into the fastnesses of the 

As he was wasting the countryside with fire and 
the pages who led the royal horses were at a little 
distance from the king, some of the natives made a 
sudden rush and carried off the best one of them.? 
This animal had come to Alexander as a gift from 
Demaratus of Corinth ¢ and had carried the king in all 
of his battles in Asia. So long as he was not capari- 
soned, he would permit only the groom to mount 
him, but when he had received the royal trappings, he 
would no longer allow even him, but for Alexander 

4 Not otherwise mentioned by Diodorus, Demaratus was 
of some fame. He had served in Sicily with Timoleon, and 
although no longer young, accompanied Alexander to Asia, 
fought at the Granicus, and died shortly before Alexander’s 
Indian campaign (Berve, Alexanderreich, 2, no. 253). Plut- 
arch, Alexander, 9. 6, mentions Demaratus as one of Philip’s 
advisers, but says (6. 1) that Bucephalus was given to Alex- 
ander by Philoneicus the Thessalian. 



` a `y A 
Edvõpw mapioraro kal ovykalĝiei rò oôpa mpòs Tiv 
7 dváßaoıv. ó ðè Bacıàcùs td TÅv dper)v roô Cov 
Svopopýoas Tùv uèv yøwpav ðevõporopeiv mpocérače, 
m a ? 
Ôd e rÕv uopóvwv roîs èyywpiois kNpýTTEV sS 
àv p) Tov inrov drooc, Týv Te yæpav eis TÉÀos 
õpovrar karephappévnyv Toús T? évorkoûvras mrav- 
4 la m~ ? k m ? L 
8 nuet kareopayuévovs. rv & amedðv oééws 
emireàovpévwv karariayévres ol Bdáppapor rTòv 
innov dnmokatréornoav kal uer avro mourTeàd- 
orara pa mpocekóuioav, mpos è Toúrois kal 
mevTýkovT dvðpas dnéorterav, Õeóuevot Tuyeîv ovy- 
lA Ç 3 9 + AJ ` ? [A 

yvøuns. ó © `Adéfavðpos Toùs uev agrodoywrd- 
tovs rÔv àvðpôv čaßev ðuńpovs. 

77.  Emaveàbóvros & avroð máùw eis rùv ‘Yp- 

+ D hi ? ` e + ~ 3 £ 
kaviav kev mpòs aùròv ý Paci\oca trôv ’Apató- 
p3 ` , 2 z ` a 

vwv, òvopa pèv Odàànorpis, Paciedovoa Sè ris 
peraù roô Dáoiðos kai Qepuwðovros xópas. Åv 

` m z ` la la A 
Ôe T@ TE kdàdet kal ti ToÔ oóuaros poun ŝa- 

+ ` A a 
pépovoa kal mapà Toîs ópochvéoi Bavpatopévn 
kar’ avõpeiav, ral Tò pèv mÀfbos tis otparıâs èri 
rv ôpwv tis ‘Ypravias drodeàormvîa, perà õè 

1 euù... ånroðdoce F. 2 Odàyorpis F. 

1 Curtius, 6. 5. 18-21 ; Plutarch, Alexander, 44; Arrian, 
5. 19. 4-6 (told as an anecdote at the time of the animal's 

2 Plutarch, Alewander, 46. 1, has been generally taken to 
mean that the queen of the Amazons visited Alexander north 
of the Jaxartes, in spite of the considerations that this was an 
odd place for Alexander to linger, and a very long way from 
the traditional home of the Amazons. This is certainly 
wrong. Insect. 44, Alexander was in Hyrcania, and lost and 
recovered his horse. In sect. 45, Alexander advanced into 


BOOK XVII. 76. 6—77. 1 

alone stood quietly and even lowered his body to 329/8 s.o. 

assist in the mounting. Because of the superior 
qualities of this animal the king was infuriated at his 
loss and ordered that every tree in the land be felled, 
while he proclaimed to the natives through interpre- 
ters that if the horse were not returned, they should 
see the country laid waste to its furthest limit and its 
inhabitants slaughtered to a man. As he began im- 
mediately to carry out these threats, the natives 
were terrified and returned the horse and sent with it 
their costliest gifts. They sent also fifty men to beg 
forgiveness. Alexander took the most important of 
these as hostages. 

77. When Alexander returned to Hyrcania,? there 
came to him the queen of the Amazons named Thal- 
lestris, who ruled all the country between the rivers 
Phasis and Thermodon. She was remarkable for 
beauty and for bodily strength, and was admired by 
her countrywomen for bravery. She had left the bulk 
of her army on the frontier of Hyrcania è and had 

Parthia, and experimented with Median dress. In sect. 46, 
the Amazons came. Sect. 47 deals again with his Medizing, 
and sect. 48 with the conspiracy exposed at Prophthasia in 
Drangianê. That is to say, Plutarch’s narrative follows the 
actual route of Alexander, and the word “ here ” with which 
sect. 46 begins must mean Parthia. The reference to Alex- 
ander’s flying expedition across the Jaxartes at the end of 
sect. 45, which has misled scholars, is a parenthesis, illustrat- 
ing Alexander’s indifference to physical discomfort. 

3 If we are to accept that Thallestris and her Amazons 
existed and had heard of Alexander, there is no insuperable 
diffculty in supposing that they proceeded from Thermodon 
on the Black Sea through the valleys of the Phasis and Cyrus 
Rivers and along the coast of the Caspian Sea. They would 
have passed through the recently subdued country of the 
Mardi and overtaken Alexander in Hyrcania (or Parthia, as 
Plutarch). Cp. Strabo, 11. 5. 4. 



tpiakociwv ° Apatoviðwv kekoounuévwv moiepikoîs 
2 órÀois mapayevopévn.! roô Sè Paciéws Îavud- 
Čovros Tó Te mapdðočov ts mapovoíaşs Kral TÒ 
déiwua TÕv yvvaikÂv kal Tv OdAANoTpw épopévov 
riva ypeiav ëyovoa mápeotiw, ànmehaivero maÑo- 
3 orias évekev Ņkew. èkeîvov èv yàp TÕV ATAVTWV 
dvôpõv ıd TAS Tpdéeis ApPLoTov ÝÚTÁPXEW, QÙTŇV ĎE 
TÕv yuvarkÂv dÀKf Te kal avõpeiq Õradépeiw' cikos 
oĝv TÒ yevvnllèv èk veîv yovéwv mpwTevóvTwv ÙTEp- 
ééew aperi rv dwyr avôpărwv. ral mépas 
oleis ó Bacideùs kal mpooðeéduevos Tv évrevéw 
aùris kai ovurepieveylcis huépas Tperorkalðeka 
Tiuoas Te dÉroàóyois wpois éčaréoTerev eis TÙV 

3 + 

Merà òè rara ðóéas jòn kekparnkévari rs êm- 
Boàñs kai rův Bacıdciav aðńpirov éyew Ñpéaro 
Enàobv riv Iepoichv tpupiv kai tùv moduréàceiav 
tv `Acavôv Baciàéwv. ral npôTov èv nepi TÀv 
aùàùv elyce; papõðoúyovs `Aciayeveîs, émerra Toùs 
emihaveorarovs TÕv davèpôv opvopeîv čraćev, èv 
oîs v kal ó Aapeiov aðeàdòs 'Oédhpns. eira ró 
re Ilepoikòv idðnua mepiélero kal ròv idÀevkov 
êveðúoaro yıirðva rai trv Ilepoichv Cævnv raè 
TAa mÀ rv dvačvpíðwv kal roô rávvos. 

1 nmapayeyevņnpén F. 

1 This Amazon visit was a part of the Alexander tradition 
which Diodorus followed; cp. Curtius, 6. 5. 24-32, and 
Justin, 12. 3. 5-7, both of whom give also the length of the 
queen’s stay as thirteen days. (Justin explains, “ ut est visa 
uterum implesse.”) Arrian mentions Amazons only in other 
contexts (4. 15. 4; 7. 13. 2-6) and expresses the doubt that 
any still existed—especially since they were not mentioned 


BOOK XVII. 77. 1—5 

arrived with an escort of three hundred Amazons in 329/8 s.c. 

full armour. The king marvelled at the unexpected 
arrival and the dignity of the women. When he asked 
Thallestris why she had come, she replied that it was 
for the purpose of getting a child. He had shown 
himself the greatest of all men in his achievements, 
and she was superior to all women in strength and 
courage, so that presumably the offspring of such 
outstanding parents would surpass all other mortals 
in excellence. At this the king was delighted and 
granted her request and consorted with her for thir- 
teen days, after which he honoured her with fine 
gifts and sent her home.! 

Ít seemed to Alexander that he had accomplished 
his objective and now held his kingdom without con- 
test, and he began to imitate the Persian luxury and 
the extravagant display of the kings of Asia.? First 
he installed ushers of Asiatic race in his court, and 
then he ordered the most distinguished persons to act 
as his guards ; among these was Dareius’s brother 
Oxathres.? Then he put on the Persian diadem + and 
dressed himself in the white robe and the Persian 
sash and everything else except the trousers and the 

by Aristobulus or Ptolemy. Plutarch, Alexander, 46. 1, 
gives a full list of authorities in favour of or opposed to the 
visit, but doubts the story (46. 2) because it is poorly attested, 
not because Amazons did not exist. Disbelief in Amazons as 
such is a modern phenomenon. 

2 Curtius, 6. 6. 1-11 ; Justin, 12. 3. 8-12 ; Plutarch, Alex- 
ander, 45. 4T. 

3 He had distinguished himself at Issus (chap. 34. 2) and 
gone over to Alexander after Dareius’s death (Curtius, 6. 2. 
Il: Berve, Alexanderreich, 2, no. 586). 

4 The Great Kings wore an upright tiara with a fillet about 
it; Alexander and the Hellenistic kings wore typically the 
fillet alone. 



l4 pi ` a e s ld ` 
Sréðwre è kal rois éraipois mepiroppúpovs oToñds 
6 kal roîs irrois [lepoikàs okevas mepiébnre. mpos 
òè roúrois tàs maňaklðas öpoiws TÔ Aapeiw 
meprýyero, Tv èv dpiðpòv oùoas oùk éàdTTOoVS 

À 0 ~ ` ki ? K e m l4 À ô ` 

nÀAńIe Tv katà rov êviavròv uep®ðv, kdňňct ðè 
Sarpeneîs ws àv éé dracðv rÕv karà Tùv ° Aciav 
7 yvvaikÂv êmiAcàeyuévas. arat è ÉkKdOTNS vukTÒS 
meprýecav TÅv kÀivyy To Bacidéws, iva ùv èkàoy)v 
aùròs moronrar tis pedoúons aùr® ovveîvar.? 

2 ` D a 3 m > LA ld 
ToúrTots èv oĝv Toîs hiopoîs ` AAééavõpos oraviws 
êxpirto, toîs è mpoümápyovot karà TÒ mÀeîorov 
3 + + 4 ld m 
evõiérpipe, poßoúuevos rò mpookórrew toîs Make- 

78. "Ows è moðv aðrô peppiuorpoúvrwv 
Toúrovs pèv raîs wpeaîs ébepármevev, aùròs Õè 
8 ? ` A , ? 3 5 , 
nmvlöpevos rov 'Apeias oarpány? Larıßaptávnyv 
dvņpnkévar pèv Toùs katadeàceiupévovs* rT aùroô 
orpatróTas, ovpopoveîv ĝè Býoow kal kekpikévat 
LET aŭro ĝiarodeueîv Makeðóow orpárevoev èr 
aùróv. ó'ðè Zarıpaptdávys” rův pèv Súvapıv 

1 neprñye codd. ; corrected by Hertlein. 

2 ouviéva codd. ; corrected by Schaefer. 

3 The text of Reiske; ròv pèv Aapelov oarpámyv RX ; ròv &wv 
Aapeias catpanyy F. 

t karadeàeyuévovs RX ; raredeyuévovs F; corrected by 

5 Zarpapodvys F. 
a e a a l 

1 Curtius, 6. 6. 4; Justin, 12. 3. 8; Plutarch, Alexander, 
45. 1-2. Plutarch (De Fortuna aut Virtute Alexandri, 1. 8. 
329 r—330 a) praises Alexander for conciliating his subjects 
in this way. 

2 Curtius, 3. 3.24; 6.6.8; Justin, 12. 3. 10. This retinue 

BOOK XVII. 77. 5—78. 1 

long-sleeved upper garment.? He distributed to his 329/8 s.c. 

companions cloaks with purple borders and dressed 
the horses in Persian harness. In addition to all this, 
he added concubines to his retinue in the manner of 
Dareius, in number not less than the days of the year 
and outstanding in beauty as selected from all the 
women of Asia. Each night these paraded about the 
couch of the king so that he might select the one with 
whom he would lie that night.? Alexander, as a 
matter of fact, employed these customs rather spar- 
ingly and kept for the most part to his accustomed 
routine, not wishing to offend the Macedonians. 

78. Many, it is true, did reproach him for these 
things, but he silenced them with gifts. At this 
juncture he learned that the satrap of Areia, Sati- 
barzanes, had put to death the soldiers who were 
left with him, had made common cause with Bes- 
sus and with him had decided to attack the Macedo- 
nians, so Alexander set out against the man. This 
Satibarzanes had brought his forces into Chortacana,* 

of concubines was part of the traditional ceremonial of the 
Persian court. Solomon had a similar establishment (1 Kings 
4), including a harem (1 Kings 11. 3). There were three 
hundred and sixty of them, according to Ctesias (Plutarch, 
Artaverves, 2T), but three hundred od sixty-five in the Alex- 
ander tradition (Curtius, l.c.). M«dern scholars are not in- 
clined to accept this statement as true, but Alexander’s army 
notoriously did not travel light, and if he had placed his court 
under a Persian chamberlain, that official would doubtless 
have attempted to equip it in the proper fashion. Cp. the 
many anecdotes of Alexander’s luxury in Athenaeus, 12. 
537-540 (and of Dareius, idem, 13. 557 b). 

3 Satibarzanes had been one of the murderers of Dareius, 
but, after defeating him, Alexander had confirmed him in his 
satrapy, leaving a small force of Macedonians with him to 
ensure his good behaviour (Berve, Alexanderreich, 2, no. 697). 

4 The city is usually called Artacoana. 



3 3 lA SÀ 3 r A 
HOpoicev eis Xoprdrava, mów émipaveordryv Tv 
èv rovrois roîs TómTois kat uoi) Õradépovoav 
kd ’ "~ A l 3 s lA 
2 ÒXUPŐTNTL, TOÔ è Baciéws yyicavtos KaTETÀdYN 
TÒ Te uéyelos Tis Svvdauews kal ras dieaßeßonuévas 
m~ ld 3 1 ld ? ` bJ 
rv Mareðóvæav dvõpayalĝias. Sıðrep aùròs pèv 
` 1 e LA IE’ ` la 
erà ioxiÀiwv innéwv ééinmevoe mpòs Bhoocov, 
tá A 4 s a bd z 
napakañéocwv ponbev kara rdyos, roîs & dAdors 
napýyyere karaġvyety eis pos kañovuevov” ..., 
y N , ` a2 307 
čxov moas voywpias kait karaġvyàs? eùbérTovs 
3 roîs uù) ToàuÔci katà orópa ğiakıvðuvevew. Öv 
lA ` ` e 4 “~ Z 
nmpačdvrwv trò mapayyeàlėv ð Bacideùs ti ovvýðe 
diàotiuia ypnoduevos kal Troùs karaduyóvras ets 
Twa nérpav òyupàv kal peydànv moMopkýoas èv- 
4 epyðs váykacev éavroùs mapaðoðvar.? perà ĝè 
Acis Èv Trpidkovb’ uépais karartnoduevos mpoñyev 
3 ~ e [g ` lA kd ` là m~ 
ek Tis ‘“Ypravias kai õiavóoas eis rà Baociàcia ris 
Apayyıvis vraha Siérpipe ral rhv Õúvapv àveàdu- 
79. Karà ðè roúrovs roùs kapoùs mepiéneoe 
mpdéet poxônp ral ris iias ypnorórnros dà- 
1 There is clearly a lacuna here, but Fischer’s restoration 
Bayõov, from Ptolemy, vi. 17, does not fit the geographical 

situation (cp. note 6 on the opposite page), and is otherwise 
entirely conjectural. 

2 karaġvyàs Cobet; ġvyàs codd., which is possible but 
unlikely. 3 npoĝoôvar RX. 

1 Curtius, 6. 6. 22. 

BOOK XVII. 78. 1—79. 1 

a notable city of that region and one of great natu- 329/8 ».c. 

ral strength, but as the king approached, he became 
alarmed at the size of the latter’s forces and at the 
fighting reputation of the Macedonians. He himself 
with two thousand horsemen + rode off to the protec- 
tion of Bessus, asking him to send help with all speed, 
but told his other followers to take refuge in a moun- 
tain called . . .,2 which afforded difficult terrain and 
a secure refuge for those who did not dare to meet 
their enemies face to face. After they had done so, 
and had secured themselves upon a steep and high 
“ rock,” 3 the king with his accustomed spirit in- 
vested the place, attacked them vigorously, and com- 
pelled them to surrender. In the course of thirty 
days thereafter, he brought into submission all the 
cities of the satrapy.t Then he left Hyrcania and 
marched to the capital of Drangin,’ where he paused 
and rested his army.' 

79. At this same time, Alexander stumbled into a 
base action which was quite foreign to his goodness 

2 It is futile to guess what name is missing in the manu- 

3 The same term occurs in Curtius, 6. 6. 23-26. Cp. on 
chap. 28, p. 195, note 5. 

4 Curtius, 6. 6. 13-36 ; Arrian, 3. 25. 1-7. 

5 Arrian (3. 25. 8) calls these people “ Zarangaioi.” The 
usual term is Drangianê. 

€ Diodorus has compressed the movements involved in this 
operation. Alexander had left Hyrcania and passed through 
Parthia and Aria, where he left Satibarzanes as satrap. He 
advanced east toward Bactria. At the revolt of Satibar- 
zanes, he returned to Aria ; the satrap in his flight must have 
passed Alexander going in the opposite direction. He can 
have encountered Satibarzanes’s foot troops in the mountains 
east of Artacoana and not have proceeded to that city. 
Finally, after thirty days, he turned south into Drangianê, 
abandoning his original route. 



Àorpig. rv yàp piàwv tis To0 Paciàéws voua 
Aíuvos, peppiuorphoas T® Basie? mepi Ttwwv Kal 
TÔ hvu nporecwv, êmPovàhv ovveorýoarto kart 
2 aùroð. éywv © èpõpevov Nixóuayov roôrov ëmece 
kowwoar ts èmfpovàfjs. oros ðè véos æv mav- 
TeÀÔs dvekowwocaro tTův mpâéiw TÔ dòcà$ Ke- 
Badivw. ò ðè poßnybeis p) pldon tis rÕv ovverðó- 
Twv kal ônàwon rhv empovàiv TÔ Bacideî, aùròs 
ékpiwve uyvôoat. 

IHapeàhðàov ov emi tv aùàùv kal ovvrvyòv 
Divra kai Sradeyheis maperedeúero TV TAXLOTNV 
anrayyeîar TÔ Paoide? rv mpâéw. ó è Pivras 
eire kal ðA TO kowwveîv tris êmpBovàijs eire kal 
òrd palvuiav ròv pnÂévra Àódyov dpyôs éðéfaro kal 
mapeàbwav mpòs rov `Adééavðpov kal moñs kal 
nmavroĝanis kowoàoyias peraocyæv oùðèv TÕv Úno 
4 Keßadivov pnÂłévrwv amýyyeiev. ééeàbav Sè mpòs 
ròv Keßadfvov elnev ört karpòv èmirýðciov oùk éoye 
Sacadhoar, ênnyyéàdero Sè rÅ úorepaig ovvreŭv- 
écoĝat uóvw T® Paoiàe? kal ndvra nÀwoew rà 
pnévra. rò è aùrò mpáćavros roð Ďiðrov kal 
Ti úorepaig ó Keßadîvos, eùdaßnheis u) òt? érépov 
pnvýoews yevopévņns aùròs kivõvveúon, Tòv pèv 
Piórav napéreupe, TÔv Te BaoidikÂv Tvi malðwv 
mpoceÀbùv kal Tà katà uépos amayyeiñas ŅElwoe 
Tv Tayioryv drayyeîàar TÔ Bacideî. 


BOOK XVII. 79. 1-4 

of nature.? One of the king’s Friends named Dimnus ? 829/8 s.o. 

found fault with him for some reason, and in a rash fit 
of anger formed a plot against him. He had a beloved 
named Nicomachus and persuaded him to take part 
in it. Being very young, the boy disclosed the plan 
to his brother Cebalinus,: who, however, was terrified 
lest one of the conspirators should get ahead of the 
rest in revealing the plot to the king, and decided 
himself to be the informer. 

He went to the court, met Philotas and talked 
with him, and urged him to tell the whole story to 
the king as “quickly as he could. It may be that 
Philotas was actually a party to the plott; he may 
merely have been slow to act. At all events, he heard 
Cebalinus with indifference, and although he visited 
Alexander and took part in a long conversation on a 
variety of subjects, said no word about what had just 
been told him. When he returned to Cebalinus, he 
said that he had not found a suitable occasion to men- 
tionit, but would surely see the king alone the next day 
and tell him everything. Philotas did the same thing 
on the next day also, and Cebalinus, to insure himself 
against someone else betraying the plot and putting 
him in danger, dropped Philotas and accosted one of 
the royal pages, telling him all that had happened 
and begging him to report it to the king immediately. 

1 For the story of the conspiracy and its consequences cp. 
Curtius, 6. 7—7. 2. 34; Justin, 12. 5. 1-3; Plutarch, Alex- 
ander, 48—49. T; Arrian, 3. 26. 

2 The name is given by Curtius as Dymnus, by Plutarch 
as Limnus. 

3 In Curtius and Plutarch, Nicomachus did not approve 
of the plot and assisted in exposing it. Here also, both 
Cebalinus and Nicomachus seem not to have been punished. 

4 Plutarch also ; cp. also De Fortuna aut Virtute Alex- 
andri, 2. 7. 339 E-r. 



‘O ĝè ròv èv Keßadîvov eis ùv òmàolýrny eic- 

` > 2 kJ ` De A À a ` 

ayayov dmékpvjev, aùròs è T Paocıiec? merači 

Àovopévw npooeàbaov danýyyeie rà pnÂévra kal 

Sóti ròv Keßadvov map éavr® duàdrret. ó ðè 

Bacıiàeùs karandayeis eùbùs Tróv Tre Aiuvov ovvéñaße 

b ` K [4 a A 
kal paĵav dravra uerenémharo tóv re Keßavov 

` ` 2 * + >’ e 7 4 
6 kai ròv DiAwrav. dvakpiwopévwv © anrdvrwv kat 
m lA ? À e ` ld e ` 
ts mpáčews éćeračopévņs ó mèėv Aivos éavròv 
l a ` F. e ld ` e "~ 
karéohaće, roô ðè Diwrov palvuiav èv éavroĝ 
£ ií ”. 3 A kd 
nmpocopooyýoavros, Tiv ò empovàñjv drapvov- 
uévov tův kpiow úrèp Torov roîs Makeðóow 

80. Iov è pyhévrwv Àóywv oi Mareððves 
karéyvwcav toô Diàwrov kat rÕv katrarriabévrwv 
Odvarov: èv oîs únrñpye Ilapueviwv ó mpôros evar 
õokðv rÕv ’Adeédvõðpov hidwv, róre è où mapæv, 
dAd Sógas cra ro idiov vio Piàwrov merorjobar 
2 rv êmpovàýv. ó pèv ov ióras, Basaviobeis 

2 H A e 2 bi 3? 2 ~ 4 
mpórepov kai ópooyýoas Tův èmßBovàńv, karà Tò 
rv Makeðóvwv élos perà rv ovyrkarayvwolév- 
Twv ehavarwðn. 

‘Opoiws è roúrw kat ò Avyriorhs `Aàééavòpos, 

r r} 3 3 lA A A ~ 
airiav éywv èmpeßovievkévar TÔ Baoi, rpreri 

` ld ? A lA ld $ 
Lèv ypóvov v vak Tnpoúnevos Õieréňeoe, Šid 

X m~ 
TV Tpòs ` Avriyovov olkerðtyrTa Terevyws avaßoàñs, 
róre © eis riv tv Makreðóvæv krpiow mapayheis 

BOOK XVII. 79. 5—80. 2 

The page brought Cebalinus into the armoury and 329/8 s.c. 

hid him there,! went on in to the king as he was 
bathing and told him the story, adding that he had 
Cebalinus concealed in the vicinity. The king’s re- 
action was sharp. He arrested Dimnus at once and 
learned everything from him; then he sent for 
Cebalinus and Philotas. The whole story was investi- 
gated and the fact established. Dimnus stabbed 
himself on the spot,? but Philotas, while acknowledg- 
ing his carelessness, nevertheless denied that he had 
had any part in the plot and agreed to leave judgement 
concerning him to the Macedonians. 

80. After many arguments had been heard, the 
Macedonians condemned Philotas and the other ac- 
cused persons to death. Among these was Parme- 
nion, he who seemed to be the first of Alexander’s 
Friends; he was not with the army, but it was 
thought that he had contrived the conspiracy by 
means of his son Philotas. Philotas, then, was first 
tortured and confessed to the plot, and then was 
killed in the Macedonian manner with the other con- 
demned persons.’ 

This was the occasion for bringing up the case of 
Alexander the Lyncestian. He was charged with the 
crime of plotting against the king and had been kept 
for three years under guard. He had been delayed 
a hearing because of his relationship to Antigonus, 
but now he was brought before the court of the 

1 The page, whose name is given by Curtius as Metron, 
happened to be in charge of Alexander’s weapons, 

2 Others report that Dimnus killed himself (Curtius, 6. 7. 
29-30) or was killed resisting capture (Plutarch, Alewander, 
49. 4). 

R Vither by being stoned (Curtius, 6. 11. 10, 38) or by being 
pierced with javelins (Arrian, 3. 26. 3). 



kal katrà Tùv droàoyiav åmopnbeis Àóywv bava- 

‘O ©’ ’Aééavõpos èknéupas twas èri ŝpoudõwv 
kauýàwv kai pháoas tův oúunv tůs mepi rtòv 
Dórav Tıuwpias ròv marépa roô Diàúrov Tap- 
peviwva ¿oopóvyoe, rerayuévov èv rijs Mnõeias 
àPXovTa, memioTevuévov è Tods Bacidxoùs Onoav- 
poùs év `Ekrßarávois, ëyovras traàdvræwv krwral- 
4 eka uupidðas. ó &’ °`Adétavðpos émıÀeéáuevos èk 
rõôv Mareðóvwv roùs ddorpias kar’ aùroô mpoïe- 
pévovs pwvàs kal Troùs Ņyavarrnkóras èni TÔ ToÔ 
Iappeviwvos Bavárw, mpòs è Toúrois tovs èv raîs 
dnootadeioais eis Makxeõovlav èmiorodats &ÀÀórtpióv 
TL yeypapõras Toîs oikelois mepi Tv TÔ Bacıde? 
ovppepóvrwv eis êv karédeće oúorņua kal Tpoon- 
yópevoev drákrwv tráyua, čnws uù tà ràs Toúrwv 
daxaipovs pwvàs kal mappnolas tò Àorròv TÀAÑOos 
rv Mareðóvwv ovvõiradheipnrar. 

81. Aró Ôè roúrwv yevóuevos kal Tà karà TV 
Apayyw)y kataotýoas dvéčevýe perà Tis ĝvvá- 
EWS ETL TOUS mpöõTepov èv `Apiıpaorovs, võv &’ 
Eùepyéras óvopačouévovs ià Toravras tivàs ačrtas. 
Kôpos Ò TÙV Mýõwv apxùv peraorýoas eis Iépoas 
Ev TL oTpateig mepiànpleis èv èpýuw xøpa kail 
maon oravet rv dvaykaiwv ÑAÂe uèv èri roòs 
eoydárovs kwõúvovs,! Sià rv ëvõerav Tis Tpopis 

1 FABE èv ral roùs éoyárovs rwõúvovs únéory F. 

1 The arrest of Alexander was mentioned above (chap. 32. 
1). Ifthe throne were vacant, he would have been the logical 
person to become king, so that his continued existence in- 

volved King Alexander in a certain risk. His wife was one of 

BOOK XVII. 80. 2—81. ı 

Macedonians and was put to death, lacking words to 329/8 s c. 

defend himself.? 

Alexander dispatched riders on racing camels, who 
travelled faster than the report of Philotas’s punish- 
ment and murdered his father Parmenion.? He had 
been appointed governor of Media and was in charge 
of the royal treasures in Ecbatana, amounting to one 
hundred and eighty thousand talents. Alexander 
selected from among the Macedonians those who 
made remarks hostile to him and those who were 
distressed at the death of Parmenion, as well as those 
who wrote in letters sent home to Macedonia to their 
relatives anything contrary to the king’s interests. 
These he assembled into one unit which he called 
the Disciplinary Company, so that the rest of the 
Macedonians might not be corrupted by their im- 
proper remarks and criticism.’ 

81. After his hands were free of this affair and he 
had settled things in Dranginê, Alexander marched 
with his army against a people who used to be called 
Arimaspians but are now known as Benefactors for 
the following reason. That Cyrus who had transferred 
the rule from the Medes to the Persians was once en- 
gaged in a campaign in the desert and running out of 
provisions was brought into extreme danger, so that 

the many daughters of Antipater (Curtius, 7. 1. 7), but his 
relationship to Antigonus is unknown. The latter was King 
Alexander’s representative in Phrygia, but it is likely that 
his name is a mistake for Antipater’s, since Alexander 
Lyncestes was his son-in-law (Curtius, 7. 1. 7; Justin, 11.7. 1). 

2 Polydamas and two Arab guides (Curtius, T. 2. 17-18). 
They made the thirty-days’ trip in eleven days (Strabo, 
15. 2. 10). 

3 N 7. 2. 35-38 ; Justin, 12. 5. 4-8. This name, the 
“ Company of the Undisciplined,” is not otherwise reported. 
The term could be translated also ‘ Unassigned.” 



3 la “~ ~ LAA AÀ 

dvaykağouévwv TÕv oTpatTrwTÕV dÀAÀAÑAOVS Capko- 
daye, rv © `Apıpaor®ðv tpiouvpias dudéas oi- 
Tov yepovoas Tmapakopmodvrwv owheis mapaðóćws 
> l ` 3 m Xf ` z 
darteàciais re kal &Àdais Ôwpeais ériunoe tò ébvos 
kat Tv npoïntápyovoav mpooņyopiav dpeàðpevos 
2 npooņnyðpevoev Eùepyéras. róre ð `AAéÉavðpos 
eis Thv ToÝtTwv ywpav otpareúcas kal rÕv yyw- 

7 a r SAD | LA r AE ` 
piwv hioppõóővws aùròv mpooðečauévwv èriunoe Tò 
élvos taîs åppo%ovoairs ðwpeaîs. 

Tò © aùrò kal rÕv óuópwv rv ðvopağouévwv 
Keðpwoiwv momodvrwv kal Tovrovs taîs mperov- 
cas ydápiow NueQjaro. auporépwv òè rôv eipnué- 
vwv ebvôv tv orparņnyiav Tipiðáry mapéðwkev. 
3 mepi rara è avroð Siarpipovros kóv twves år- 

f g lA S A A 
ayyédovres ótt Darıßaptávns èk tis Barrpiavñs 
perà Õvváuews nods immis mapayevóuevos 

, ` a o’ 2 gy > 7 Oo , 
ers TO TÕV Apiw? ébvos dréornoe roùs èyywpiovs 
am’ ’Aàeédvõpov. ó è BacıdeÙs dkoúcsas tò yeyo- 
vòs drnéoreiÀev èT’ aùròv uépos Ts Õuvápews, otpa- 
Tynyoùs êmorýoas `Epiyviov kal Xracdvopa, aùròs 
Sè rv `Apaywoiav karaorpepduevos àiyais ué- 
pais Únýkoov ėnoioev. 

82. To © eviavoiov ypóvov Šieànņàvðóros ”Aðń- 
voi pèv Ñpxev Eùbúrpiros, ev ‘Poun Sè rv óra- 
Tikův ápxùv ŝieðéfavro Aecúkios TÀdrios kal Aeú- 

, d ` 3 s s ` m 
kios Ilaripios, ôÀvumas © NxOn rpirn npòs raîs 

1 orparoneðevoas X. 


BOOK XVII. 81. 1—82. 1 

for lack of food the soldiers were constrained to eat 
each other, when the Arimaspians appeared bringing 
thirty thousand wagons laden with provisions. Saved 
from utter despair, then, Cyrus gave them ex- 
emption from taxation and other marks of honour, 
and abolishing their former appellation, named them 
Benefactors. So now, when Alexander led his army 
into their country, they received him kindly and he 
honoured the tribe with suitable gifts.! 

Their neighbours, the so-called Cedrosians,? did the 
same, and them too he rewarded with appropriate 
favours. He gave the administration of these two 
peoples to Tiridates.” While he was thus occupied 
reports were brought to him that Satibarzanes had 
returned from Bactria with a large force of cavalry to 
Areia, and had caused the population to revolt from 
Alexander. At this news, the king dispatched against 
him a portion of his army under the command of 
Erigyius and Stasanor, while he himself conquered 
Arachosia and in a few days made it subject to him.* 

82. When this year was over, Euthycritus became 
archon at Athens and at Rome Lucius Platius and 
Lucius Papirius became consuls. The one hundred 

1 Curtius, 7. 3. 3; Arrian, 3. 27. 4-5. 

2 These are usually called Gedrosians. 

3 Arrian (3. 27. 5) reports that these tribes were left in- 
dependent ; it may be that this Tiridates was a native of the 
country (Berve, Alexanderreich, 2, no. 155). Menon be- 
came satrap of Gedrosia and Arachosia (Arrian, 3. 28. 1) or 
of Arachosia alone (Curtius, 7. 3. 5). 

4 Curtius, 7. 3. 2; Arrian, 3. 28. 2-3. They both report 
that the Macedonian troops were commanded by Erigyius 
and Caranus, but that Stasanor took over the satrapy in place 
of the revolted satrap Arsames, 

2 The district is spelled °’Apeía in chap. 78. 1. 
VOL. VIII N 353 

329/8 B.O. 

328/7 B.C. 


ékarov ðéka. émi Sè roúrwv ’Adéćavðpos otpd- 
2 revoev éni roùs òvouaouévovs Iaporaviodõas. Ĥ 
Õè roúrwv yæpa keîrat èv ÚT’ AÙTAS TAS ÄPKTOUVS, 
ylovoßoñeîrat ð mâca kal roîs dAdois Ebveci vo- 
emiBarós ori ià rův úneppoàńv roô ypúyovs. 
nÀclorn è medias odoa kal dévàos moÀaîs køuas 
3 ĉieiànrrai. abrar Õè rås TrÕv oikiðv oréyas ëyov- 
ow èk tmàivhłwv eis où ovvnypévwv èyoúoas ka- 
udápar": rkarà òè uéonv Tv podiv dmoàeàceip- 
pévns Siavyelas’ Sà raúrys óð kanvòs èkpéperar 
kal nmavrayólev trs oikoðouias mepieyovons ot 
4 kaToikoðvres nofs okénns trvyydvovow. oi ð 
eêyxópror eà TÒ MAÑOos ris xıóvos TÒ mÀéov uépos 
toô éêviavrob raîs oikiatis évõiarpipovot, TApEsKEVAC- 
pévas éyovres tàs iias rpoás' tràs © duréňovs 
kal Tà kapropópa rv Šévõpwv mepiyóoavres kal 
TV roÔ yepðvos ğpav doavres ndùw àvaoréd- 
5 Àovor Tùv yiv katà ròv roô Bàaoroð karpóv. raca 
© ý ris xópas púois oŭre yAwpàv oğ? Ñuepov 
exe npódoļw, AAAA Àcukiv kai dvravyñ ià? rùv 
xtóva kai ròv èv aùr) myyvúuevov kpúoraňdov. 
Ôrómep oùrT’ òpvéov mposkalitovros oŭre npiov 

1 This is the reading of the manuscripts, except that F gives 
exovoðv. The éxoúsas seems superfluous, and ovvnypévwv 
may well be corrected into ocvvnypévyv, as Hertlein. 

2 ĝa supplied by Fischer. 

1? Euthycritus was archon at Athens from July of 328 to 

BOOK XVII. 82. 1-5 

and thirteenth Olympic Games were held.! In this 823/7 Bc. 

year Alexander marched against the so-called Paro- 
panisadae, whose country lies in the extreme north ; 
it is snow-covered and not easily approached by 
other tribes because of the extreme cold. The most 
of it is a plain and woodless, and divided up among 
many villages.? These contain houses with roofs of 
tile drawn up at the top into a peaked vault.? In 
the middle of each roof an aperture is left through 
which smoke escapes, and since the building is en- 
closed all around the people find ample protection 
against the weather. Because of the depth of the 
snow, they spend the most of the year indoors, having 
their own supplies at hand. They heap up soil about 
vines and fruit trees, and leave it so for the winter 
season, removing the earth again at the time of bud- 
ding. The landscape nowhere shows any verdure 
or cultivation; all is white and dazzling because 
of the snow and the ice which form in it. No bird, 
therefore, alights there nor does any animal pass, 

June of 327 s.c. The Roman consuls of 330 s.c. were L. 
Papirius Crassus and L. Plautius Venno (Broughton, 1. 
143). The Olympic Games were those of July 328. Dio- 
dorus neglected to name the winner of the foot race, who was 
Cliton of Macedonia, according to Eusebius, Chronikon. By 
now, Diodorus’s chronology is seriously off ; it can have been 
no later than the autumn of 330 s.c., “ at the setting of the 
Pleiades ” (Strabo, 15. 2. 10). 

2 Curtius, 7. 3. 5-18; Justin, 12. 5.9; Arrian, 3. 28. 4-7. 
This country is the highland of Afghanistan, cold in the 
winter, but neither in the north nor a plain. According to 
Aristobulus (Arrian, 3. 28. 6), nothing grew there except 
terebinth and asafoetida. 

3 Curtius’s description of these buildings (7. 3. 8-9) is 
clearer. He compares the roofs to the keels of ships. The 
houses were partly underground (Plutarch, De Fortuna aut 
Virtute Alexandri, 2. 9. 340 £E). 



¥ lA ` [A 
Seoðevovros déeva kal averipara mdávra ta pép 
m~ e ~ 
Tis xöpas Únipxev. 
4 > 

AAN? uws ó Paoideùs roúrwv dnmdvrwv avti- 

~ m m~ a 2 4 

nparróvrwv t otpa t cvvýðei róuņy kat 
Tan ld m~ le 

kaprepig TÕv Makeðóvwv mepieyivero TiS TomKÌS 
~ m ` 

7 vorparedelas. Sio Ò) ToAÀol TÕV oTpaTiwTÕV kat 

Ca ~ 2 3 
Tv kròs ris Tdéews ovvakoovloúvrwv ćaðvva- 

m ` A bi A ? 
Toûvres anmedeirovro’ čviot Õe ða TYV TS xlóvos 

La > ’ bd 
àvraúyceiav kal okÀņnpóryra ris dvaßaddopévns ava- 
` 3 3 ` 
kàdoews èpheipovro tġv paoi. oahès È oùðèv 
? z ç 3 A Es AS P A ~ 
èk ĝaorýparos v iðeîv, dààà uóvw TÔ kanvæ 
á ~ m À 2 e M ò ld 
Snàovuévwv rõv kwpðv éàdupavov ot Mareðóves 

O m 2 ~ m~ d 
oô karoikoĵow èpiorduevoi. TOÚTW Ö T TPÓTW 

ld ~ 3 d ld bi 2 
nàńlbe ris wpedcias deophovuévwv tv rkakornd- 
bcerav rayù ndavrwv rÕv èyywpiwv ô Baciàeds èkv- 

83. Merà òè rara mapeàbwv mànoiov roô Kav- 
kdoov kateorparornéðevoev, Ò Tiwves [laporáviosov 
pos mpobayopeðovot. TÒ ` öpos TOTO kaTA 

lA A > e LA E lá ld Da 
mÀàdros SeAbwv év huépais ékkalðerka TÖÀAV ËKTLOE 

A ~ ? b A 2 3 N 2 
kata Tv eioßoàiv tv pépovoav eis thv Mnòicýv, 
Ka ? f AÀ 2 ô 4 4 2 ` 
Ñv wvõuasev eédvõperav. kara Õè uéoov TÒvV 
Kaúkacov čorı mérpa ðéka oraĝiwv ëyovoa TÙùv 

epi ETTApwvV ÔÈ Òi ) ù y Å 
TEpPILETPOV, TETTÁP € otaðiwv TÒ Üyos, év Å 

4 ` lA ld 3 ’ 3 e ` m~ 
kal rò Ilpouņhéws orýàarov éðeikvuð ónò trÕv 

1 ùv õpacıv added by Fischer. The sense seems to require 


BOOK XVII. 82. 5—83. 1 

and all parts of the country are unvisited and inac- 328/1 s.c. 


The king, nevertheless, in spite of all those ob- 
stacles confronting the army, exercised the custo- 
mary boldness and hardihood of the Macedonians and 
surmounted the difficulties of the region. Many of 
the soldiers and of the camp followers became ex- 
hausted and were left behind. Some too because of 
the glare of the snow and the hard brilliance of the 
reflected light lost their sight. Nothing could be seen 
clearly from a distance. It was only as the villages 
were revealed by their smoke that the Macedonians 
discovered where the dwellings were, evem when they 
were standing right on top of them. By this method 
the villages were taken and the soldiers recovered 
from their hardships amidst a plenty of provisions. 
Before long the king made himself master of all the 

83. Now in his advance Alexander encamped near 
the Caucasus, which some call Mt. Paropanisum.? In 
sixteen days he marched across this range from side 
to side, and founded a city in the pass which leads 
down to Media, calling it Alexandria. In the midst 
of the Caucasus there is a “ rock ” 5 ten furlongs in 
perimeter and four furlongs in height, in which the 
cave of Prometheus was pointed out by the natives, 

1 Curtius, also (7. 3. 10-11), mentions burying the plants 
to protect them and the absence of animals and birds. 

2 Alexander wintered there in 330/29 (Strabo, 15. 2. 10). 

3 Curtius, 7. 3. 19-23 ; Arrian, 3. 28. 4. The Hindu Kush, 
which the ancients tended to confuse with the Caucasus 
(Arrian, 5. 3. 1-4; Strabo, 11. 5. 5). 

4 This is clearly a mistake, perhaps a scribal mistake, for 
India, and editors since Reiske have tended to correct the 

text accordingly. The city was known as Alexandria of the 
Caucasus. 5 Cp. the note on chap. 28, p. 195, note 5. 



? , S m 0 À Oé 3 = z: 
èyywpiwv kal ý roô pvÂooynlévros deroð roit 
kal Tà TÕv ðeouðv onueîa. 

2 ʻO & Aàééavðpos kal ddas módeis éKktToev, 
huépas óðòv dreyoúoas* ris ’Adegavðpeías. kart- 
Wke Ò eis Taúras TÕv uèv Pappápwv émrarıo- 
yıàíouvs, rÔv Ò èkròs ráčews? ouvakoovhloúvrwv 
tpioyiàiovs kal TÔv pmolbopópwv roùs Povàopévovs. 

3 aùròs è avadaßav rv Òúvapıv mpofyev eis TÙV 
Baxrpiavýv, akočwv? ròv Boscov ðidðnud re áve- 

’ ` lA > 1 
Aņngévai kal ðvvdueis alpoiġew. 
Kai rà pèv repi ° Aàétavòpov év rovrois Ñv. 

4 Oi Ò eis thv °`Apiart dneoraàuévoi orparnyol 
karaàaßóvres roùs dheornkóras ðvvdueis déroàd- 
yovs )Iporkóras Krat orparņyòv čyovras Larıßap- 
tdvnv, åavôpa orparņyikòr* kal avðpeig ðiadépovra, 
kateorparonéðevoav mÀnoiov TÖV Toàeuiwv. yiwo- 
uévwv è moùàdkis årpoßpoùouðv uéypi uév Twos 

5 páyar kar’ ôÀiyovs èyivovrto, perà Ò TaÛTa mapa- 
tTdécws yevopévns ral rv Bapfápwv icóuayov 
yòs Larıpaptdvns, apeà®v raîs gepot rò mepi Tùv 
kepaàŭv kpávos kal eitas aúròv ós v, mpoekaàé- 
garo Tòv PBovàčpevov rv orparnyðv uovopayhoat. 

6 órakoúoavros è roô `Epıyvioð kait yevouévns 

lA e la A 
uáxns pws ovvéßn virĵoar ròv `Epiyvióv. ot 

1 F gives the singular (dàànv mów, ánéyovoav) but immedi- 
ately below we have the plural (raras). 

2 tdéewv RX, but Diodorus ordinarily uses the singular. 
There was an fyepàv rv čćw ráčewv in Ptolemaic Egypt. 

3 Baxrpiav où Ñv akovwv F. 

4 Spelled ’Apeía in chap. 78. 1. 

5 orparņyig F. 

BOOK XVII. 83. 1—6 

as well as the nesting place of the eagle in the story 328/7 s.v. 

and the marks of the chains.: 

Alexander founded other cities also at the distance 
of a day’s march from Alexandria. Here he settled 
seven thousand natives, three thousand of the camp 
followers, and volunteers from among the merce- 
naries.? Then he marched his forces into Bactria, since 
news came that Bessus had assumed the diadem and 
was enrolling an army. 

Such was the state of Alexander’s affairs. 

The generals who had been sent back to Areia 
found that the rebels had gathered substantial forces 
under the command of Satibarzanes, who was dis- 
tinguished both for generalship and for personal 
bravery, and they encamped near them.” There was 
constant skirmishing for a time, and numerous small 
engagements ; then it came to a general battle. The 
Iranians were holding their own when their general 
Satibarzanes raised his hands and removed his helmet 
so that all could see who he was, and challenged any 
of the Macedonian generals who wished to fight with 
him alone. Erigyius accepted and a contest of heroic 
nature ensued, which resulted in Erigyius’s victory. 

1 Curtius, 7. 3. 22. The story was rejected by Eratos- 
thenes (Strabo, 11. 5. 5; Arrian, 5. 3. 1-4). 

2 These cities are not otherwise mentioned. They may 
have been outlying forts or fortified villages. Itis interesting 
that they received no Macedonian settlers. Arrian’s de- 
scriptions (e.g., 4. 4. 1) of similar settlements show the same 
pattern of population. Curtius (7. 3. 23) assigns these seven 
thousand to Alexandria of the Caucasus. 

3 Continued from chap. 81. 3. Curtius, also, breaks his 
narrative of the revolt, and describes its conclusion and the 
duel between the leaders after discussing Bessus’s assumption 
of power (7. 4.33-40). Arrian, on the other hand, tells the whole 
story at once (3. 28. 3). 



ðe Pdáppapot Stà ròv roô orparnyo Odvarov kara- 
nàayévres kal Àaßóvres Tùv doddàceiav mapéðwrav 
éavroùs T® Paociàeî. 

Bocos ò éavròv dvaðeðeryws Paciàéa roîs Oeoîs 
ébvoe kal TOÙS hiñovs nmapañapov Eis TÜV ceùwyiav 
karà ròv nórov ĝınvéxőn mpós trwa trÔv éraípwv, 
ovoua Baywðdápav. rs è dıdorıuias mi mÀéov 
npocàbovons ó èv Bocos mapoćvvleis” èneßdàero 
rov Baywðdápav dveàeîv kal úro rv piàwv merobeis 
8 perevóņoev. ó è Tov kivõvvov êkpvyæv vukròs ëpv- 
ye mpòs rov 'Adétavpov. ri Sè rovrov owrypia 
kal traîs onoouévars úr ’Aàeédvõpov wpeaîs 
mpokàņnlévres oi uéyioroi Tv yeuóvwv ovveġpó- 
vnoav kai ovàdapóvres rov Boocov amýyayov 
9 mpòs ròv `Adééavðpov. ó Sè Pacıdeùs roúrovs uèv 
êriunoev aéroàdyois Swpeaîs, röv è Biocov 
mapéðwke TÖ AeA roô Aapeiov kal rtoîs À- 
Àois ovyyevéow eis tuwpiav. oi Sè mâcav ČBpw 
kal aikíav mpoceveykáuevot kal TÒ CÔ a karà 
ÀerTov ovykóļavres tà péàn Sieopevðóvnoav. 

x x x 

84. Emi è rovrois yevouévæv rv õpkwv ý uèv 
Bacioca rù ueyadopvyiav roô ’Aàeédvõpov bav- 
pdocaoa Špa Te kpdriora eéénepmfe kal nâv rò 
TmpooraTTópevov morýoew ènnyyeldaro. 

1 mapopunðbeis F. 

1 Curtius, 7. 4. 1-19. 

2 Curtius names this man Gobares (as corrected from the 
Cobares of the manuscripts). 

3 Curtius, 7. 5. 19-26. This is the account of Aristobulus ; 
Ptolemy’s version was that he himself had captured Bessus 


BOOK XVII. 83. 6—84. 1 

Disheartened at the death of their commander, the 
Iranians sought their safety in surrender, and gave 
themselves up to Alexander. 

Bessus proclaimed himself king, sacrificed to the 
gods, and invited his friends to a banquet.! In the 
course of the drinking, he fell into an argument with 
one of them, Bagodaras ? by name. As the quarrel 
increased, Bessus lost his temper and proposed to put 
Bagodaras to death, but was persuaded by his friends 
to think better of it. Bagodaras, however, saved 
from this danger, escaped by night to Alexander. 
His safe reception and the gifts promised by Alex- 
ander attracted Bessus’s leading generals. They 
banded together, seized Bessus, and carried him off 
to Alexander.: The king gave them substantial gifts, 
and turned Bessus over to Dareius’s brother ¢ and his 
other relatives for punishment. They inflicted upon 
him every humiliation and abuse, and cutting his body 
up into little pieces they scattered them abroad. 

* * * 

84. A truce was concluded on these terms, and 
the queen, impressed by Alexander’s generosity, sent 
him valuable gifts and promised to follow his orders 
in everything.’ 

(Arrian, 3. 29. 8-30. 5). Bessus was executed later in Ecbatana 
(Curtius, 7. 10. 10; Arrian, 4. 7. 3; cp. Plutarch, Alex- 
ander, 43. 3). 

4 Presumably the Oxathres named in chap. 77. 4. 

5 The end of Diodorus’s year 328/7 and the beginning of 
327/6 s.c. have been lost in a long break in the manuscript 
from which our text derives ; it is now the autumn of 327. 
The Scythian, Bactrian, and Sogdian campaigns are over, 
with such familiar incidents as the quarrel with Cleitus, the 
arrest of Callisthenes in connection with the introduction 
of proscynesis and the Pages’ Conspiracy, and the marriage 
with Roxanê (cp. the subject headings in the Table of Con- 


328/7 B.C. 

327/6 B.C. 


Oi Sè puobodópoi mapaxphpa karà tàs ópodoyias 
èr rûs móňcws ånmedbóvres kal oraðiovs ðyðoýkovra 
2 oùðeuiav ëvvorav Àaupdvovres toô péňdovros. ó & 
’AAàétavðpos åuerdðerov ëywv Tùv mpòs ToÙS pi- 
ohopópovs å\otpiótnrta Šieokevacpévyy čyaw TÙV 
Súvapıv èrnkodovlnoe roîs Bapßápois kal mpoo- 
mec&v aùroîs vw moùv éroiei ġóvov. ol ð 
pobopópor Tò uèv npõrov éßówv mapà roùs óprkovs 
aùroùs noàeueîohar kal roùs doepovpévovs ór’ 
aùroð beoùs érekadoðvro' ó Ò `Adééavõpos peydàn 
ti wv mpòs aùroùs dveßóņoev tı ovveywpnoev 
aùroîs èk ris módcews anedbeîv, où pidovs eîvai ĝia 
mavròs Mareðóvwv. 

Oi è pohodópor rò péyelos rÕv rwðúvæv où 
kararàayévres ovvebpdčavro kat Tův ÖÀņv Táw 
els péoov anréàaßov, wore mavrayólev roîs mpos- 
payouévoirs aodañðs dvrirdrreoĝĥðar. anmovonĝév- 
Twv È aùrÂÔv kal ĝa Tùv róàuav kal ñd Tùv èv 
toîs ayâow aper)v ioyvpàav uáyņnv ovorņoapévwv 
kal rv Makeðóvwv hidotipovuévwv uù Aceiphiva 
rs rÕv Bapßfápwv ávðpayaðiías peyáàņv kardràn- 
4 év eîyev ò kivðvvos. ék y%epòs yap TS HÁXNS 
oùons kat ovunàekouévwv tv aywviopévwv dÀ- 
Ańdors* moddat kal mavroîat cialéceis Bavdrwv kat 

1 ev añàńàois F. 

tents, pp. 111-113). Alexander is on his way down the Cabul 
valley toward India. In the city of Mazagae (Curtius, 8. 10. 
22) or Massaga (Arrian, 4. 26. 1) in the country of the As- 


BOOK XVII. 84. 1-4 

The mercenaries straightway under the terms of 827/6 s.c, 

the truce left the city and encamped without inter- 
ference at a distance of eighty furlongs, without an 
inkling of what would happen.! Alexander, neverthe- 
less, nursed an implacable hostility toward them ; he 
held his forces in readiness, followed them, and falling 
upon them suddenly wrought a great slaughter. At 
first they kept shouting that this attack was in con- 
travention of the treaty and they called to witness 
the gods against whom he had transgressed. Alex- 
ander shouted back that he had granted them the 
right to leave the city but not that of being friends 
of the Macedonians forever. 

Not daunted at the greatness of their danger, the 
mercenaries joined ranks and, forming a full circle, 
placed their children and women in the centre so that 
they might effectively face those who were attacking 
from all directions. Filled with desperate courage 
and fighting stoutly with native toughness and the 
experience of previous contests, they were opposed by 
Macedonians anxious not to show themselves inferior 
to barbarians in fighting ability, so that the battle 
was a scene of horror. They fought hand to hand, 
and as the contestants engaged each other every 

sacenians (modern Swat) he captured the beautiful queen 
Cleophis and reinstated her in her kingdom. The more 
romantic say that he had a son by her (Curtius, 8. 10. 22-36 ; 
Justin, 12. 7. 9-11). 

1 These mercenaries had been in the service of the As- 
sacenians. Plutarch (Alexander, 59. 3-4) agrees with this 
rather discreditable account of Alexander’s treatment of 
them. Arrian, on the other hand (4. 27. 3-4), states that 
Alexander killed them because they were intending to desert. 
This presents historians with a nice dilemma: was Dio- 
dorus’s source blackening Alexander’s reputation, or was 
Arrian’s whitening it ? 






z $ la e ` + Eaj 
tpavpárwv èyivovro’ oi yàp Makeðóves rais 
~ 2 t 
capiosais àdvapphocovres tràs TÕv Papßfápwv métras 
A Aa z 3 7 e 
TàS dkuàs roô oýpov toîs mveúuociv výperðov, ot 
bi lå $ r > + 3 > 2 
Sè molhogpópor tràs Àdyyas drovritovres eis abpõovs 
lA LA 
Toùs Toeulovs où% HpáprTavov, OCÚVEyyVS KELLÉVOV 
TOÛ okoroÔ. 
` 4 A ] lA ? SAL 
Aiò Kat moMðv èv TpavuaTtıouévwv, oùk Ày 
a ~ 7 
: a z ` 
Aaußdvovoar ovvyywviģovro roîs avðpdow' Ñ yàp 
očúrns roô kivðúvov kal TÒ ris èvepyeias Õerwòv 
? A 3 ` y lA [g kJ 3 ’ 
yvdaykaģčev aùràs mapa púow tpéreolari mpòs dÀkýv. 
ki m a 
òro kai trivès èv aùrðv rkalonràoheToar ouvvýomiģov 
a 207 > U ` ` y er 2 La 
Toîs iÔiors dvòpáot, Tiwès ÕÈ dvev ÕTÀAWV ÈUTITTOV- 
~ > lá » lA 4 hJ ` 
car Tv donmlðwv ereàaufpdvovro kal moàÀà ToÙsS 
À + 3 2 [A bi LA k? ~ 
moàcuiovs everóðov. TÉÀAoS ÕÈ MAVTES META TÕV 
A bd ~ 
ld ` “~ m~ 
nÀýlovs rov évõðoćov dvarov rs ayevvoðs dıào- 
7. 3 rA Pai 
Cwias hAàdéavro. ó è Adééavõpos rőv re aypeîov 
` ~ m~ 
kal avoràgv Öyàov kal TÕv yuvarkÕv Tas rodech- 
ld 3 f ~ 
heicas arádywv roùs inneîs ovvenéornoev. 
` y 
85. Ilodààs òè kal ddas róàeis kmoMopkýoas 
“` ` > m 
kat ToÙùs avriraTTopévovs dveàwv npofjyev ènmi Tv 
2 ` s 
métpav TÅv ”Aopvov` kañovpévnv: eis yàp TaŬrTyv ot 
LA ~ 
mepiàceiplévres rÕv èyywpiwv Õıà rův ómeppoàùv 
~ 3 ld ld 
TIS OxvpóTqTos katanepeúyersav. Àéyerat yap Tò 
` e 
maàarðv ‘Hpakàéa raúryv tùův mérpav èmfBaàó- 
2 a ~ 
pevor? noMopkeîv dnoorivar id Tiwas èmiyevo- 
7 ` / g 
pévovs oeopoùs peydàovs ral ceoonueias. ó &’ 

BOOK XVII. 84. 4—85. 2 

form of death and wounds was to be seen. The Mace- 327/6 x.c. 

donians thrust with their long spears through the 
light shields of the mercenaries and pressed the iron 
points on into their lungs, while they in turn flung 
their javelins into the close ranks of their enemies 
and could not miss the mark, so near was the target. 

As many were wounded and not a few killed, the 
women caught up the weapons of the fallen and 
fought beside their men, since the acuteness of the 
danger and the fierceness of the action forced them 
to be brave beyond their nature. Some of them, 
clad in armour, sheltered behind the same shields as 
their husbands, while others rushed in without ar- 
mour, grasped the opposing shields,and hindered their 
use by the enemy. Finally, fighting women and all, 
they were overborne by numbers and cut down, win- 
ning a glorious death in preference to basely saving 
their lives at any cost. Alexander removed the feeble 
-nd unarmed together with the surviving women to 
another place, and put the cavalry in charge of them. 

85. After he had taken a number of other cities ! 
by storm and had slaughtered their defenders, he 
came to the “ rock ” called Aornus.? Here the sur- 
viving natives had taken refuge because of its great 
strength. It is said that Heracles of old thought to 
lay siege to this “ rock ” but refrained because of the 
occurrence of certain sharp earthquake shocks and 

1 Curtius, 8. 11. 2. 

2 For the term “rock ” see above on chap. 28, p. 195, note 
5. For the whole story cp. Curtius, 8. 11; Justin, 12. 7. 12-13; 
Plutarch, Alegander, 58. 3; Arrian, 4. 28. 7-30. 4. The 
location has been identified by Sir A. Stein, On Alewander’s 
Track to the Indus (1929), chaps. xvi-xxi. 

1 *Aopvw F. 2 èmpadópevov F. 



 AÀééavõpos mvðóuevos mepi tToúrwv ëri pâňàov 
mapwéúvôņ moňoprkioat rò oyúpwpa kal ðrapuAàn- 
Ovar T To beot Õóén. 

“H è mérpa ròv pèv mepißodov eiye oraðiwv 
ékaróv, TÒ © Üfpos ékkalðeka, rův © èmpáverav 
pady kai mdvry mepihpepi' kal Tò pèv mpòs 
peoņnuppiav pépos aùrñis mpocékàvčev ó ’`Ivðòs 
moTapós, péyioros v trÕv rar tv `Ivõihv, Tà 
Ò dààa pép mepiciyero pápayéı Pabelais kal 
4 kpnpvoîŭs danmpocitois. roô Sè `Adeédvõpov kara- 
akepapévov Tův voywpiav kal ùv èk Bias &dÀwow 
anoyvővros kév tıs mpòs aùròv mpeoßúrns merà 
5 Ôveîv viðv. oûros &’ æv mévys mavredðs kat moàùv 
xpóvov vreðpaupévos Toîs TóTOoLS katýret pèv ëv 
Tv omnàaiw rtpeîðs orpdõas! ëyovre karà Tùv 
mérpav évreruņpévas, v aÎîs ó yépwv erà rv 
viðv evavùčóuevos ėumepiav nmepiererolnto TÂÔv 
Tómwv. oîros ov mpooeÀbàv T Pacıiàeî kal tà 
mepi éavròy õnÀóoas emnyyeidaro kabyyńoeobar 
cà ris õvoywpias kal morýoew aùròv únepõéćiov 
yevéolar TÕv kareiànuuévwv thv nérpav Bapßápwv. 

ʻO è 'Adétavõpos èrayyeiàdpevos peyádas 
Swpeàs Õóoew kai T mpeoßóry xpnodpevos óðnyô 
mpõTov èv TÅv mápoðov Tù eis TÀv mérpav pépov- 
cav kaTeàdpero rai pnåepiâs oðons Ans eédðov 
ovvékàeioe Toùs Bappdpovs eis áßońðnrTov moňiop- 
kiav: énera TÌ moàuyepig yócas Tùv pápayya 
karà Tùv pibav ris mérpas, mpooeÀbàv èvepyi 
moàopkiav ovveorýoarto, ovveyôs è$’ ýuépas énrå 

BOOK XVII. 85. 2-6 

other divine signs, and this made Alexander even 
more eager to capture the stronghold when he heard 
it, and so to rival the god’s reputation. 

The circumference of the “ rock ” was one hundred 
furlongs, and its height sixteen. Its surface was even 
and circular on all sides. Its southern side was washed 
by the Indus River, the largest of those in India, and 
on the other sides it was surrounded by deep gorges 
and sheer cliffs. Alexander surveyed these difficulties 
and decided that its forcible capture was impossible, 
but then there came to him an old man with two sons.? 
He lived in extreme poverty and had for a long time 
supported himself in the region, occupying a cave in 
which three beds had been cut out of the rock. Here 
the old man camped with his sons, and had come to 
know the country intimately. When he appeared 
before the king, he told his story and offered to guide 
the king through the hills and bring him to a point 
where he would be above the people who occupied 
the rock. 

Alexander promised him rich gifts.? Using the old 
man as a guide, he first occupied the path which led 
up to the rock ; since there was no other egress, he 
had thus enclosed the defenders in a hopeless siege. 
Then he put many hands to work filling up the chasm 
at the foot of the rock, drew near to it, and mounted 
a vigorous attack, assaulting continuously for seven 

1 Curtius, 8. 11. 2; Justin, 12. 7. 12. The tradition is 
rationalized by Arrian, 4. 28. 1-2. 

2 Curtius, 8. 11. 3. Arrian (4. 29. 1) says ‘“‘ some of the 
neighbouring tribesmen.” 

3 Curtius (8. 11. 4) says “ eighty talents.” 

1 Suidas quotes this passage, substituting the word rpo- 
orißdðas, which he glosses. 


[6 Bo. 


kal tàs toas vúrras êk ðıaðoyis ras mpooßoààs 
7 morovpevos. TÒ uèv ov mpõrov ot PBáppapoi Sià 
TAS TÕV TÓTWV ÚTEpOXAS Tpoerépovv kal ToÀÀoùs 
avýpovv Tv nporerôs Pratouévwv: roô è yæuaros 
gouvreàeolévros kal rÕv òfvßeiðv karaneàr®v kal 
TÔv ÄA\wv òpydvwv morahévrwv, mpòs Sè roúrois 
TOÔ PaciÀéws pavepoô kaleorðros ws oùk amoorý- 
cerat Tis moMopkias ot pev `Ivõol kareràdynoav, 
ò © 'Adéavõpos éuppóvws mpoiðópevos rò uéňov 
egéAmev riv èv TÑ mapóðw karañeàceiupévyv gv- 
Àaxýv, oùs ééoðov roîs Povàouévois èk Tis né- 
Tpas avaywpeîv. ot è Bappapor poßnlévres rás re 
rv Makreóvwv dperàs kat tùv roô faciàéws 
pidotiiav vukròs eÉéÀrov Tv nérpav. 

86. “O © 'Adéfavðpos Toîs revoîs? toô moàéuov 
karaotparnyoas roùs `Ivõoùòs ywpis rwõúvov 
ekvpievoe Tis nérpas. kal TÔ èv óðnyýoavri tàs 
opooynuévas Õwpeds aréðwrev, aùròs è åvélevée 
erà trs Õuvduews. 

Ka’ ôv kapòv `Agppirns? ris 'Ivõós, ëywv pèv 
orparıwrTas Šiouvpiovs, eàépavras è mevrekal- 
eka, rérpiße mept ròv rómov. roðrov Šé twes 
dveàóvres kal Tùv kepaàiv aùToô mpòs `AàéÉavspov 
evéykavres Ôià Taúrns Tis eùepyeoias meprerorý- 
3 oavro tàs iias owTnpias. ó Sè BaocıdeÙðs roúrovs 

1 Probably a slip for åmýyayev or the like. 

? kawoîs given by a late hand in R ; the expression is pro- 
verbial (Book 21. 2. 3), cp. Aristotle, Eth. Nic. 3. 8. 6. 
1116 b7; Curtius, 4. 13. 5; 7. 11. 25. 

* The name is perhaps to be corrected into Alpins, as 

ERT suggested, to accord with the Erices of Curtius 


BOOK XVII. 85. 6—86. 3 

days and seven nights with relays of troops.! At 8327/6 s.c. 

first the defenders had the advantage because of 
holding the higher ground, and they killed many of 
those who attacked rashly. As the embankment was 
finished, however, and the dart-throwing catapults 
and other engines were emplaced, and the king also 
made it evident that he would not break off the siege, 
the Indians were alarmed, and Alexander, craftily 
anticipating what would happen, removed the guard 
which had been left in the path, allowing those who 
wished to withdraw from the rock. In fear of the 
Macedonian fighting qualities and the king’s deter- 
mination, the Indians left the rock under cover of 

86. So Alexander employed the false alarms of 
war to outgeneral the Indians and to gain possession 
of the “rock ” without further fighting. He gave the 
promised reward to his guide and marched off with 
his army.? 

About this time, a certain Indian named Aphrices 
with twenty thousand troops and fifteen elephants 
was encamped in the vicinity.* Some of his followers 
killed him and cut off his head and brought it to 
Alexander, and saved their own lives by this favour. 
The king took them into his service, and rounded up 

1 Arrian, 4. 29. 7—30. 1. 

2 According to Sir Aurel Stein’s discoveries (p. 365, note 2), 
the ravine which Alexander filled up lay at the top of the 
ridge, so that both features of Diodorus’s account, the secret 
path and the regular siege operations, were actually present. 
The third feature of the story, the deception to induce the 
Indians to withdraw, is less easy to explain. 

3 In Curtius (8. 12. 1) he is said to have blocked Alex- 
ander’s advance. 


4 énrakaiĝeka F. 


2 ` m À lA À t 
TE nmpooņnyáyero kal tTÕv àepádvrwv nÀavwpévwv 
KATA TÙV pav ekvplevoev. 
` ` 
Aùròs è mapeàbàv émi rov `Ivõòv morapòv ral 
karaàapwv Tds Te Tpiakovrópovs kateckevaouévas 
e ld 
kal TOv nópov éevyuévov Tpidkovra uèv uépas 
avéňaße Tùův úvayuv Kral roîs beoîs peyadorpereîs 
y A ` 
avvreàésas Ovoías ießißaoce riv oTtpatrıàv kal 
1 ` m~ 
4 mepiéneoe mapaðóćw nmepinereig. Taéidov yàp To 
Baciàéws mporereàeurnkóros víðs aùroî Môgıs 
craðeéduevos tv apxùv erépbaro uèv kal mpé- 
m a ! 
tepov mpòs ’Aàéfavðpov èv t Zoyðiavi Srarpi- 
m 4 
Bovrta, êrayyeààduevos aùr® ovorpareðeiw émi rovs 
avrirartropévovs rv Ivv ral rõre mpéoßes 
3 l DA kA ~ ’ bi ld 
anooteidas épnoev aùtT® mapaðiðóvai Tv Bacıàeiav. 
5 anéyovros* è reooapdkovra oraĝiovs Toô Baciàéws 
3 2 A z e kd ’ s: ` ? [A 
ékrdgas Tùv Òúvauıv ©s eis TÖÀcuov kal ToÙs Àd- 
pavras koouýoas dnývra merà tr®v piàwv. ó 8è 
’AAé£avõpos ópðv mpoocioðosav peydànv Šývapuv 
ektTerayuéevny moàepikÂs kal óéas rov `Ivåðv èr- 
Boúňws merorĵobar tràs êrayyeàílas, mws arapa- 
okevors* rots Mareðóow ériðnrar, roîs èv caìmıy- 
ktaîs mapekeàcóoatTo oņuaivew Tò moàeuikóv, ToÙS 
` , , , > ? a 3’ a e ` 
6 è orparwras êkráéas anývra roîs `Ivõoîs. ó 8è 
Môgıis ópôv tùv trapayv rv Mareðóvæwv kal rò 
hi l4 bS 
yeyovòs ovààoyičóuevos tův pèv óva karéùirev, 
l .. 
aùròs ðe erà dÀiywv mpoïnmeóoas kal tùv äyvoiav 
rõv Makeðóvæv ĉiopfwoduevos mapéðwrev éavrév 
` A 2 mM a e ` A e 
Tre kal tiv Òóvav T Pace. obeis Sè ó 

1 ärooyóvros ; corr. Hultzsch. 
2? dnapaokeúws; corr. Stephanus. 


BOOK XVII. 86. 3-7 

the elephants, which were wandering about the 327/6 so. 


Alexander now advanced to the Indus River and 
found his thirty-oared boats in readiness and fully 
equipped, and the stream spanned by a floating 
bridge.? He rested his army for thirty days and 
offered splendid sacrifices to the gods, then moved 
his army across and experienced a startling fright 
and relief. Taxiles, the king, had died, and his son 
Mophis è had succeeded to the throne. He had sent 
word to Alexander earlier when he was in Sogdiana, 
promising to join him in a campaign against his 
enemies among the Indians, and now he stated 
through his messengers that he turned his kingdom 
over to him. When Alexander was still forty furlongs 
off, Mophis deployed his force as if for war and 
marched forward, his elephants gaily caparisoned, 
surrounded by his Friends. Alexander saw a great 
army in warlike array approaching and concluded at 
once that the Indian’s promises were made in order 
to deceive him, so that the Macedonians might be 
attacked before they had time to prepare themselves. 
He ordered the trumpeters to sound the call to arms, 
and when the soldiers had found their battle stations, 
marched against the Indians. Mophis saw the excited 
activity of the Macedonians and guessed the reason. 
He left his army and accompanied only by a few horse-' 
men galloped forward, corrected the misapprehen- 
sion of the Macedonians, and gave himself and his 
army over to the king. Alexander, much relieved, 

1 Arrian (4. 30. 7-9) tells of rounding up elephants left at 
pasture, perhaps the same story. 

2 The work was done by Hephaestion (Curtius, 8. 12. 4) or 
by Hephaestion and Perdiccas (Arrian, 4. 30. 9). 

3 Called Omphis in Curtius, 8. 12. 4. 



’Aàééavõpos Trýv re Baociàciav anréðwrev aùT® kal 
TÒ Àormov Õrerédet Toútrw piw kal ovuuáyw xpo- 
pevos kal perwvópacev avrov Taćiànv. 

Tafra èv ov énpáyôn kard Torov tTòv éviavrõv. 

87. Er dpxyovros © 'Abúvyoi Xpéunros ‘Pw- 
paîoi karéornoav úndrovs Iónàov Kopvýiov kat 
Añàov Ioorovpiov. èri è roúrwv ° AAééavðpos év 
Ti Taéíàov yěpa rnpocavadaßpav tùv Õúvayw 
éorpárevoev émi Ilôpov röv rv màņnoroyópwv 
 Ivòðv Bacia. oros ©’ eîye mečoùs èv mAeciovs 
TÕv nevrakıouupiwv, immeis è mept TpLoyiÀlovs, 
appara ğe mÀciw Tv yiAlwv, eÀépavras è ékaròv 
kal Tpidkovra. eneroinro è kal ETepov TÔV TÀN- 
cioyópwv Baciàéa cúupayov, ôs wvouáćero Ep- 
Bicapos, eîye Sè Súvapuv où modd Àeirouévnv rtis 
roô lopov. 

‘O è 'Adékavõðpos åkoúoas roôrov rov Pacıàéa 
TETpakociovs åméyeww oTaðlovs ékpivwe Tpò TS Tov- 
4 rov mapovoias êmpadeîiv rô IHopw. èyyiscavros 
Sè aùrof rots 'Ivðoîs ò Iôpos mvôóuevos mànoiov 
elvai Toùs Todeuiovs cùbùs ééérače rův óva Kal 
ToÙs èv inneis èml Tà képara Šiepépicev, Toùs Ò’ 
éàéġavras karanàņnkrikðs kekoounuévovs karà 

1! The same story is told by Curtius, 8. 12. 4-18. The ad- 
hesion of Taxiles is briefly noted in Arrian, 5. 3. 5-6, and told 
in a different manner by Plutarch, Alexander, 59. 1-3. 

2 Chremes was archon at Athens from July 326 to June 
325 s.c. The consuls of 328 s.c. are not entirely certain 
(Broughton 1. 145). One was C. Plautius Decianus or P. 
Plautius Proculus, the other P. Cornelius Scapula or P. 
Cornelius Scipio Barbatus. No Postumius is otherwise at- 
tested at this time. According to the calculations of M. J. 
Fontana, Kokalos, 2? (1956), 42 f., the battle with Porus took 
place about July 326 s.c., as Diodorus dates it, while Arrian 


BOOK XVII. 86. 7—87. 4 

restored his kingdom to him and thereafter held him 327/6 s o. 

as a friend and ally. He also changed his name to 
That is what happened in that year. 

87. In the archonship of Chremes at Athens, the 326/5 s.c. 

Romans elected as consuls Publius Cornelius and 
Aulus Postumius.? In this year Alexander repaired 
his army in the land of Taxiles and then marched 
against Porus, the king of the neighbouring Indians.’ 
He had more than fifty thousand infantry, about 
three thousand cavalry, more than a thousand cha- 
riots of war, and one hundred and thirty elephants.* 
He had enlisted the support of a second king of the 
neighbouring regions, whose name was Embisarus 5; 
he had an army little smaller than that of Porus. 
When Alexander received word that this king was 
four hundred furlongs away, he decided to attack 
Porus before the arrival of his ally. As he approached 
the Indians, Porus learned of his advance and de- 
ployed his forces promptly. He stationed his cavalry 
upon both flanks, and arranged his elephants, arrayed 
so as to strike terror in an opponent, in a single line 

: (5. 19. 3) places the battle a little earlier, in the Attic month 

Munichion of the year of Hegemon (April/May of 326 B.c.). 
He states, however, that the time was after the summer 
solstice (Arrian, 5. 9. 4). 

3 For the whole story cp. Curtius, 8. 13-14; Justin, 12. 
8. 1-7; Plutarch, Alexander, 60; Arrian, 5. 3. 5-19. 3. 
Diodorus (like Justin) omits the exciting story of Alexander’s 
crossing the Hydaspes River. 

4 Curtius (8. 13. 6) gives Porus’s strength as 30,000 foot, 
300 chariots, and 85 elephants ; Plutarch (Alevander, 62. 1) 
as 20,000 foot and 2000 horse. Arrian (5. 15. 4) gives 4000 
horse, 300 chariots, 200 elephants, and 30,000 foot. 

ë He is otherwise known as Abisares (Arrian, 5. 22. 2; 
Curtius, 8. 13. 1; 14. 1). Diodorus calls him by another 
name in chap. 90. 4 (Berve, Alewanderreich, 2, no. 2). 



LéTwTov év isois Õaorýuaciv éoTnoev' dvà uéTov 
ce rõv npiwv roùs Aorroùs ómÀiras éraéev, ols 
ovvrerayuévov v mapaßoņðeîv roîs Onpiois ral 
5 dakwàvew èk tÕv màayiwv eicakovribew. ù pèv 
ov àq cúvračıs aùTrðv ÚTpPXE mÓÀcL mapaTÀńoosS 
Tv npõcow: ģ pèv yap rv epdvrwv ordos 
ToÎîs múpyots, oi Õè dva uéÉTov TOÚTWV OTPATLÖTAL 
toîs pecomvpyiois öpoiwvro: ð è `Adéavõpos 
katavońoas Tv TÕv moàeuiwv tTáčw mpòs Taúryv 
Tùv Õakóounow oikeiws ékéraćče thv õúvapuw. 
„88. Pevopévns òè uáyxns Trò uèv mpõrov rToîs 
inneĝow anavra oyeðov tà dpuara trôv `Irõôv 
Srephdápn: perà è rara rv éepádvrwv raîs re 
TÕv cwpdtwv úrepoyaîs kal raîs dàkaîs ĝesvrws 
XPøpévwv ot pèv nò rôv Îypiwv ovuraroúpevor 
pera trÕv ônàwv pavouévwv rv dorôv armó- 
ÀvuvTo, ot è raîs mpovopaîs mepiňaußavóuevoi Kal 
mpòs pos ééaphévres mdv mpòs Tùv yiv êpárrovro 
kat cewoîs Îavárois mepiéminrov, moddol Sè rToîs 
ocodor ovykevroúuevot kal Òe SÀwv TÕv owuáTwv 
TiTpwokóuevot nmapaypiua ro iv èorepiorovro. 
2 rv ðè Makeðóvav eùpõorws únropevóvrwv rò 
eiwòv xal roùs dvà pésov rôv Inpiwv raîs oapioais 
3 dvarpoúvTæv ioópponros v ý páxN. perà è rara 
TÕv Ünpiwv ovvakovtičopévwv Kai Sià Tò mAhbos 
TÕv Tpavudrwv mepioðúvwv ywouévwv ot pèv mept- 
PeBnkóres aùroîs `Ivðoi xkparewv rûs ópuñs rôv 
Cõwv oùk ioyvov: èkveðovra yàp eis roùs lovs 
TaîS óppaîs dkaracyérws ĥépero kal roùs ġiàovs 
4 Tapayîs dé modis ywouévns ó Hâpos ovvdàv 
TÒ yiwópevov kai Terayuévos èri Toô kpariorov TÂv 

BOOK XVII. 87. 4—88. 4 

at equal intervals along his front. Between these 326/5 s.c. 

beasts he placed the rest of his infantry, with the 
mission of helping them and preventing their being 
attacked with javelins from the sides. His whole 
array looked very much like a city, for the elephants 
resembled towers, and the soldiers between them 
curtain walls.. Alexander viewed the enemy’s dis- 
positions and arranged his own troops appropriately. 

88. The fighting began, and practically all of the 
Indians’ chariots were put out of action by Alexander’s 
cavalry. Then the elephants came intoʻ‘play, trained 
to make good use of their height and strength. Some 
of the Macedonians were trodden under foot, armour 
and all, by the beasts and died, their bones crushed. 
Others were caught up by the elephants’ trunks and, 
lifted on high, were dashed back down to the ground 
again, dying a fearful death.? Many soldiers were 
pierced through by the tusks and died instantly, run 
through the whole body. Nevertheless the Mace- 
donians faced the frightening experience manfully. 
They used their long spears to good effect against 
the Indians stationed beside the elephants, and kept 
the battle even.’ Then, as javelins began to find their 
marks in the sides of the great beasts and they felt 
the pain of the wounds, the Indian riders were no 
longer able to control their movements. The elephants 
veered and, no longer manageable, turned upon their 
own ranks and trampled friendly troops.* 

As his formations grew more confused, Porus ob- 
served what was happening. He was mounted on the 

1 The same comparison in Curtius, 8. 14. 13. The other 
writers do not place infantry between the elephants. 
2 Curtius, 8. 14. 27. 
3 Curtius, 8. 14. 16. 
4 Arrian, 5. 17. 6. 


3 2? y ` e ` U A 
Eàceddvrwv ÑjOpoire mepi avrov Teocapárkovra TÔV 
, A ~ 
Oypiwv Tà uýrmw Terapayuéva kal TÔ dpe rõv 
À lA , À ` a À , À `N ? 7 
eàcepdvrwv èmpadwv rois modeuiois mov érolet 
ld “~ “A 
póvov, dre kai TÅ puy To cópaTos ToÀÙ Tpoéywv 
Trv ovorparevopévwv': Tò yap uijkos fv myyôðv 
lA hi ð e a e ~ e LA ? m~ 2 
névre, TÒ Ò eûpos Úmhpyev ó lwpaé aùroð ôıràdoos 
a zy À m EJ + ? l4 ` 
5 rÕv dÀàwv rõv eùpworia iadepóvrwv. Šiórep TA 
Pañàóueva cavvia roraúryv elge Õúvayıv ore uÙ 
S ’ ~ m~ ~ ~ > 
mod Àcineohar TÕv karaneàrikðv Beiðv. rôv ô 
avrirerayuévwv Makeðóvav karamenrànypévæv TÀv 
> ’ ~ 
avôpayaĝiav roô IHøpov ð `Aàéfavðpos erare- 
l mM 
pápevos Toùs Toéórtas kal Tà piùikà TvV TayudTwv 
2 m 
6 npocéraĝev dravras Bdàdew èni ròv Ilôpov. rayò 
` ~ ~ 
òè rÂv orparrwrÂv mpakávræwv Tò mapayyeàbèv kal 
A Kg Ea 
Bev ápa moààðv éveyhévrwv èmi ròv 'Ivõòv ral 
mdvræwv énirvyyavóvrwv ià Tò uéyelos toô okorno 
e ` m~ € Ca 
ò èv Ilôpos ńpwikðs dywvioduevos ral Sià rò 
mAhbos TÕv Tpavuárwv yevőpevos ččaruos ¿ňiropúó- 
xNoev kai mepikàaoheis mepi rò Oypiov npòs tv yiv 
’ f ` 
7 katyvéxðņ. Šraðoheions è dýuns rı rereňeúrn- 
e 2 a ~ m 
kev ò Baoieús, rò Àorròv nÀÑhos rôv Ivðv rpòs 
puyiv æppyoev. 
3 ~ m~ ~ ~ 
89. Ev è t puy modot póvov yevouévov ó 
hi 2? £ ? a 
pev `Adéavõpos êmgpave? ydyn vikýoas åvera\d- 
~ ld 
oaTo T cdàmyyi ToÙs oTpatusras. Enecov è èv 
~ 2 m > ~ ? m~ 
ti pax Tv 'Irððv rmàeiovs rÕv pvplwv kal ĵo- 
? K “~ “~ 
XtAtwv, év ots ûnñpxov kal úo viol ro IHopov kal 
1 Seven and one-half feet. The same figure is given by 

Arrian, 5. 19. 1. Plutatch, Alewander, 60. 6, says four cubits 

BOOK XVII. 88. 4—89. 1 

largest of the elephants and gathered about him forty 326/5 s.c. 

others which were not yet out of hand, then attacked 
the enemy with their combined weight and inflicted 
many losses. He was himself outstanding in bodily 
strength beyond any of his followers, being five 
cubits ! in height and with a breadth of chest double 
that of his mightiest soldiers. His javelins were flung 
with such force that they were little inferior to the 
darts of the catapults. The Macedonians who op- 
posed him were amazed at his fighting ability, but 
Alexander called up the kowmen and other light 
armed troops and ordered them to concentrate their 
fire upon Porus. This was done promptly. Many 
weapons flew toward the Indian at the same time 
and none missed its mark because of his great size. 
He continued to fight heroically until, fainting from 
loss of blood from his many wounds, he collapsed upon 
his elephant and fell to the ground.? The word went 
about that the king was killed, and the rest of the 
Indians fled. 

89. Many were slain in their flight, but then Alex- 
ander, satisfied with his brilliant victory, ordered the 
trumpets to sound the recall. Of the Indians, there 
fell in the battle more than twelve thousand, among 
whom were the two sons of Porus and his best gen- 

and a span; Curtius, 8. 14. 13: “ humanae magnitudinis 
prope modum excesserat.” Tarn, however (Alexander the 
Great, 2, p. 170), thinks that the source was using a short 
cubit. We may prefer to find here a perhaps only slight 
exaggeration of Porus’s evidently phenomenal height. Arrian 
(5. 4. 4) says that most Indians are of this height, and Curtius 
(T. 4. 6) reports that the Dahae were a head taller than the 
Macedonians. Alexander built beds five cubits long in the 
camp on the Hyphasis (chap. 95. 2). 
2 Curtius, 8. 14. 32-38; Justin, 12. 8. 5; Plutarch, 
Alexander, 60. T. 


ot orparnyol kal ot êmihavéorarot TÕv hyeuóvwv. 
m~ Ny e7 e 4 ` 3 ld 
2 CÊõvres Õe dvõpes édÀwoav úrèp Toùs évvakıoyıÀlovs, 
À ’ ð X ? Ò ld k ` Ò ` e [I “~ 
eàéhavres è oyðońkovra. aùròs ğè ó Ilõpos 
7 A a a 
éunvovs œv mapeðóln rois `Ivõoîs mpòs rův Îepa- 
A m~ 4 EA y ` e ~ 
3 meiav. TÕv è Mareðóvwv čénecov èv innmeîs ĝia- 
ld $ m 
kóotot kal oyðońýkovra, meot è mÀeclouvs rÕv 
e l 
énrakociwv. ó è Paoideùs roùs uèv Teredevry- 
2 zo A ò 4 X ò 8 ld hS ` 
kóras élape, roùs Sè dvõpayaðýcavras katà Tùv 
2E’ 2 ? 
déiav èriunoev, aùròs è “Hàiw éhuoev ws edw- 
2 ` ` 
KÖTL Tà Tpos Avarov uépņ karaorpépacbar. 
~ hi d 3 ~ 
4 Ts ðè mànolov pews èyoðons mov uèv 
À A EA 3 AČ ð ` lA ` z 
EÀdTyv eŬrpopov, oùk oÀlynv ðè kéðpov kal meúkyv, 
d ai “~ s e ~ 
Ert è rs AAAs ČANS vavmrnynoipov mÀñbos dlo- 
? ~ m 
5 vov kateokeðace vaðs ikavás' ðrevoeîro yàp èri Tò 
, ~ Ed m 
répa ris Ivõikis mapayevóuevos kal mávras Toùs 
3 r 2 ~ ~ 
eyxwpiovs karaortpepapevos Sià TOÔ mTorapod kara- 
m bd ` 
6 mÀeîv eis ròv 'Qkeavóv. Errioe è úo nóňeis, Tv 
` ld ~ “a 
év mépav Toĵ motapot kab’ ôv rónov aùròs tén, 
Di ` x” ? Ka m~ 
Tiv òè dÀÀnv èv © rónw röv Iôpov èvikyoev. 
`Y ` ~ A 
traxù è rÕv ëpywv karaorevaohévrwv Sià TÙv 
l 4 A A 
noàvyerpiav ròv pèv Iâôpov beparevhévra Bacıàéa 
Lg bi ` > ~ Ka 
kaTéoTnoe ià TÀv åperùv s mpórepov pye xópas, 
A b 2 E SEG 3 
Tv òè Õóvaııv mi tpidkovra ýpépas dvéħaße, 
A > A 
moñs aphovias oŭğons rv èmiryõelwv. 
s l 
90. "Idiov Sé ri karà rhv òpewhv tiv nmànoiov 
e a ` AJ m~ ` [A 
UTNPXE. xwpis yap Tis mpos vavryyiav VÀAns eÎyev 

1 Arrian also gives casualty figures (5. 18. 2): nearl 
20,000 foot and 3000 horse. He mentions also Porus’s a 


BOOK XVII. 89. 1—90. 1 

erals and officers.! Above nine thousand men were 326/5 s.c. 

taken alive, together with eighty elephants. Porus 
himself was still breathing, and was turned over to 
the Indians for medical attention. On the Macedo- 
nian side, the losses were two hundred and eighty 
cavalry and more than seven hundred infantry.? The 
king buried the dead, rewarded those who had dis- 
tinguished themselves in accordance with their de- 
serts, and sacrificed to Helius who had given him the 
eastern regions to conquer. 

There were mountains not far away where grew 
thriving firs in quantity, together with no little cedar 
and pine and an ample supply of other woods suitable 
for shipbuilding, and Alexander constructed a large 
number of ships. He intended to reach the borders 
of India and to subdue all of its inhabitants, and then 
to sail downstream to the Ocean. He founded two 
cities, one beyond the river where he had crossed and 
the other on the spot where he had defeated Porus. 
These were built quickly because there was a plentiful 
supply of labour.” When Porus had recovered, Alex- 
ander appointed him, in recognition of his valour, 

king over the country where he formerly ruled. The 

Macedonian army rested for thirty days in the midst 
of a vast plenty of provisions. 

90. Odd phenomena were observed in these moun- 
tains. In addition to the wood for shipbuilding, the 

2 Two hundred and thirty cavalry and eighty infantry 
(Arrian, 5. 18. 3). 

3 These were Nicaea and Bucephala, the latter named in 
honour of Alexander’s noble horse, the death of which oc- 
curred at this time (chap. 95. 5). Curtius also splits his 
account of the founding (9. 1. 6; 3. 23), but the others deal 
with it only in this connection (Justin, 12. 8. 8; Plutarch, 
Alexander, 61; Arrian, 5. 19. 4-6). 




ý) xúpa Toňoùs kal mapnàdaypévovs roîs ueyébe- 
ow Öpeis, övras ékkaekanýyeis, mÂýrwv Te yévn 
Toà kal Toîs peyéheoi SiaňÀdrrovra,! v rùv 
2 réxvnv rĝs Îúpas aùrò rò ov dnyeîro. pun- 
Tıkòv yàp örápxov náonņs mpáčews ßíą uèv où 
pgiws yepoðtar id Te Tùv čoyòv TÔv owuáTwV 
kal ĉ&ià rùv ris puyhs åyyivorav: rÂôv è kvvnyôv 
ot pèv péùri roùs ġhaàpoùs åàeidovrat, oi &è 
Pàeróvrouv rôv Onpiwv úroðoðvrar, riwvès Sè rais 
kepadaîs Kkdárorrpa mepiribéaow, kal roîs uèv 
únoðýuacı mapalévres Šeouoðs årodeirovow, gvr 
Ôe roô uéùros iéòv únroßdàdovoi, roîs Sè kar- 
3 órrtpois èrioraorpa kabánrovoi. Sirep órav 
Bovàwvrar rà Ca ràs mpáčeis rv ópaðévrwv 
emiredeîv, dðvvare?, TÔv uèv Pàepápwv kekoàànué- 
vwv, Tv è moðv eðeuévwv, rv è cwuárwv 
kaTeyopévwv: hev eùyeipwra mpòs rùv Oýpav yive- 


4 ʻO Sè ’Adétavðpos röv úorTepnkóra rs roô 
Høópov ovupayias Paciàéa voua Zacifıoápnv 
katanàņnéduevos ùvádykace moieîv rò TpooTATTÕ- 
Hevov, aùròs Õè perà ris Övváuews mepdoas TÒV 
5 mota pòv mpoñye ià xópas åperĝ õradepovons: év- 
pwav yàp eÎye yévn SiadÀdrrovra ral rò pèv pos 

1 Seadarróvrowv RX. 
2? This last sentence is omitted by RX. 

2? Twenty-four feet, apparently no impossible length for a 
python. Their mention is credited to Nearchus (Jacoby, 
Fragmente der griechischen Historiker, no. 133, F 10a) and 
lo Cleitarchus (op. cit. no. 137, F 18). The former reference 

BOOK XVII. 90. 1-5 

region contained a large number of snakes remark- 526/5 s.c. 

able for their size; they reached a length of sixteen 
cubits.* There were also many varieties of monkey, 
differing in size, which had themselves taught the 
Indians the method of their capture. They imitate 
every action that they see, but cannot well be taken 
by force because of their strength and cleverness. 
The hunters, however, in the sight of the beasts, 
smear their eyes with honey, or fasten sandals about 
their ankles, or hang mirrors about their necks.? 
Then they go away, having attached fastenings to 
the shoes, having substituted birdlime for honey, 
and having fastened slip nooses to the mirrors. So 
when the animals try to imitate what they had seen, 
they are rendered helpless, their eyes stuck together, 
their feet bound fast, and their bodies held immovable. 
That is the way in which they become easy to catch.? 

Sasibisares,* the king who had not moved in time 
to help Porus in the battle, was frightened, and Alex- 
ander forced him to accept his orders. Then Alex- 
ander resumed his march to the east, crossed the 
river, and continued on through a region of remark- 
able fertility. It possessed strange kinds of trees 

comes from Arrian (Indica, 15. 10), the latter from Aelian 
(De Natura Animalium, 17. 2). Many of these and later 
anecdotes about India appear in Strabo, 15. 1. 20-45. 694- 
706, from the same sources. 

2 The handles of ancient mirrors are often pierced for cords 
to carry them by. Such loops could be slipped over one’s 

3 This story is from Cleitarchus (Jacoby, op. cit. 137, F 19) 
and is repeated at greater length in Aelian, De Natura 
Animalium, 17. 25. i 

+ He has previously been called Embisarus (chap, 87. 2). 
For his surrender cp. Curtius, 9. 1. 7-8 (his submission is only 
implied): Arrian, 5. 20. 5. 



Exovra myxâõv EPõouýkovra, rò è máyos uóyıs rò 
TeEooapwv dvòpõv mepiàaußavópeva, Tprðv è rÀé- 
Opwv okiàv nmoiovra.' 

Eîye è kai ) xøpa öpewv mAÑlos, mrpôv uv 

Toîs Leyébeo:, Taîs ðe ToikiÀiais eénàdayuévwv: 
6ot pev yap yaàkoeðeis páfðovs érépawov, oi Šè 

TÙ àópnv ðaoeîav elyov Tpiydðn, ià Sè rôv ôny- 

pártwv òteîŭs Îavárovs ånmeipyáčovro. rv è TÀN- 

yévra móvor Šewol ovveîyov kai púois ipôTos ai- 
7 parociðoôs kareîye. Sıórep of Makesóves Sewâs ýrå 
TÕV ônyudrwv” aradÀdrrovres? tàs rÀivas ånò rôv 
Sévõpwv eéýprwv kal rò mÀeîorov Ts vukròs ĝu- 
nypýnvovv. perà è rara mapà tv êyywpiwv 
palóvres tův ávriġdpuarov píčav areàólnoav rv 

91. Ilpoïóvros õè aùroô uerà rûs õvvápews Ñkóv 
Twes ámayyéňdovres rı Iôpos ó Paoidcús, åvepròs 
av ToÎ KaTamerodeunpévov Hópov, rhv Baciàeiav 
aTmomov mépevyev ceis TO TÕv lavõapiððv ébvos. 
2ő òè Aàétavðpos mapoćvvðeis ‘Hgaioriwva uèv 

egéneppev eis TùvV Toúrov yøópav perà ðuvduews 
kat mpooérage Tův Baoideiav mapaðovar TÂ peb’ 
aŭro llopw. l 
; Aùròs © eis rò rôv ’Aspeorôv’ kañovuévwv 
éhvos orpareúoas kal rôv nóňcewv s èv Biq 
Xepwoduevos, ås Sè merlo? Tmpocayayóuevos eis TÀV 
STk 1 mowovvrov RX. p 

prepositional phrase is omitted by RX. 

? máoyovres F, which is a simpler reading. 
4 '°Avõpeorâv RX. 

1 Perhaps three-quarters of an acre. The tree i 
: e is - 
mably the banyan. Cp. Strabo, 15. 1. 21, who dantes One 

BOOK XVII. 90. 5—91. 2 

which reached a height of seventy cubits, were so 8326/5 e.c. 

thick that they could scarcely be embraced by four 
men, and cast a shadow of three plethra.! 

This country possessed a multitude of snakes, 
small and variously coloured.? Some of them looked 
like bronze rods, others had thick, shaggy crests, and 
their bites brought sudden death. The person bitten 
suffered fearful pains and was covered with a bloody 
sweat. The Macedonians, who were much affected 
by the bites, slung their hammocks from trees ? and 
remained awake most of the night. Later, however, 
they learned from the natives the use of a medicinal 
root and were freed from these fears.* 

91. As he continued his march, word came to 
Alexander that King Porus (a cousin of the Porus who 
had been defeated) had left his kingdom and fled to 
the people of Gandara. This annoyed Alexander, 
and he sent Hephaestion with an army into his 
country and ordered that the kingdom should be 
transferred to the friendly Porus.’ 

He campaigned against the people known as the 
Adrestians, and got possession of their cities, partly 
by force and partly by agreement. Then he came 

sicritus (Jacoby, op. cit. no. 134, F 22) to the effect that they 
could scarcely be embraced by five men, and could give shade 
to four hundred horsemen, but adds that Aristobulus (Jacoby, 
op. cit. no. 139, F 36) says that they could shade fifty horse- 

2 Mentioned also by Nearchus (Jacoby, op. cit. no. 133, 
F 10; Arrian, Indica, 15. 10) and Cleitarchus (Jacoby, op. 
cit. no. 137, F 18; Aelian, De Natura Animalium, 18. 2). 

3 According to Nearchus (loe. cit.), this is what the natives 

4 Curtius, 9. 1. 12. 

5 Arrian, 5, 20. 6; 21. 2-6. 

6 Arrian, 5. 22. 3. 



3 rÕv Kahaiwr' yæpav mapeyévero. mapà ðè roúrois 
vópiuov v tràs yvvaîkas roîs avðpdoi ovykarta- 
kaiecoĵar: roro © ekvpóðn rò óyua mapà roîs 
Pappápois ià uiav yuvaîka hapudrois åveħoðcav 

4 òv ävôpa. ó © ov Bacıàeds rův peyioryv kaè 
ÖXVPWTÁTNY TOÀ perà modÀðv kiwvôúvwv êkToop- 
kNoas évémpnoev. GÀùnv ©’ dgidàoyov moMoproôv- 
TOS aÙTOÔ kal peb’ ikernpiðv Senbévrwv rôv `Iv- 
ðv drédvoe rõv kivôúvwv aùTovs. 

Merà è rar’ orpárevoev èml tràs nò Dwrel- 
Onv Terayuévas móes, eùvopovuévas kaf’ únep- 
Poàńv. Tá re yàp dààa mpòs Sóćav modırevovrai 
kat TÒ káos map’ aùroîs TipuóTaTov vevóuorat. 

5 Srónep êk vnriov map’ aùroîs rà Bpépn Siarpiverai 
kal Tà uèv pria kat rùv púow éyovra mpòs 
evnpéneiav kat ioyòùv eùblerov Tpéherat, Tà è kara- 
eñ Toîs oúpacw avdéra tpoġñs hyoúuevot Sraphei- 

6 povow. droàoðlws è roúrois kal rtoùs yáuovs 
Torovrat mpoikòs uèv kal tis ZÀÀns moduredeias 
dppovrioroôvres, kdàovs Õè kal TS TOÔ oóparos 

7 ùmepoxs uóvov ppovritovres. Sıórep oi mÀeîoror 
TOV év Tautas Taîs móÀcoL karoikoúvrwv ĝiahé- 
povor TÕv ÀA\wv dérópacw. 

Hapà Se mdávras ó Paoideùs Dwreilðns mepißàe- 
TTOS wv émi TÕ kdÀÀet kal TÔ uhket ToÙs Tér- 
Tapas mýxes repáywv mpoÑAle pev èk Tis méàcws 
TÜs exovons rà Paociàca, mapaðoùs È’ aúròv kal 
Tv Pacideiav 'Adeédvõpw mdìw raúrņv anméàaße 

1 Kaĝapôv codd. ; corrected by W i i 
ie a y Wesseling on the basis of 

1 Strabo (15. 1. 30) credits this story to Onesicritus 
(Jacoby, op. cit. no. 134, F 21). ry to Onesicritus 


BOOK XVII. 91. 2-7 

into the country of the Cathaeans, among whom it 326/5 s.c 

was the custom for wives to be cremated together 
with their husbands. This law had been put into effect 
there because of a woman who had killed her husband 
with poison.t Here he captured their greatest and 
strongest city after much fighting and burned it. 
He was in process of besieging another notable city 
when the Jndians came to him with suppliant 
branches and he spared them further attack.? 

Next he undertook a campaign against the cities 
under the rule.of Sopeithes. These are exceedingly 
well-governed. All the functions of this state are 
directed toward the acquiring of good repute, and 
beauty is valued there more than anything. From 
birth, their children are subjected to a process of 
selection. Those who are well formed and designed 
by nature to have a fine appearance and bodily 
strength are reared, while those who are bodily defi- 
cient are destroyed as not worth bringing up. So they 
plan their marriages without regard to dower or any 
other financial consideration, but consider only beauty 
and physical excellence. In consequence, most of 
the inhabitants of these cities enjoy a higher reputa- 
tion than those elsewhere." 

Their king Sopeithes was strikingly handsome and 
tall beyond the rest, being over four cubits in height.4 
He came out of his capital city and gave over himself 
and his kingdom to Alexander, but received it back 

2 Curtius (9. 1. 23) is as vague as Diodorus. The city was 
Sangala (Arrian, 5. 22—24. 5). 

3 Curtius, 9. 1. 24-26 ; Strabo, 15. 1. 30 (where the story 
is credited to Onesicritus : Jacoby, op. cit. no. 134, F 21). 

4 Curtius, 9. 1. 28-30. Tarn supposes that he and Porus 
would have been about the same height, but that the cubit 
used in measuring them was different (p. 376, note 1). 

VOL. VIII o 385 


8 ôtà TÅv TOÔ kparoðvros èmeikerav. ó è Lwreiðns 
petà noààñs nmpobvuias thv èv Šúóvayıv rasav 
eni twas huépas \aunpôs eioriace. 

92. T ©’ `Adcédvõpw modà kai peydaàa pa 
mapaorýoas kývaş čÕwkev ÉKATÖV kal TEVTÝKOVTA 
Toîs peyéleoi kal Tais dàxaîs kal roîs &Àdois mpo- 
Tepýuaci Îavuačouévovs, oðs čġacav raîs riypeow 
2 émıpepîyha. Povàóuevos è ròv ’AAéfavôpov ĝia 
TÕv épyæv aßeîv meîpav tis tTÔv kuvðv àperĝs 
ceioýyayev eis mi mepippaypa Àéovra rédceiov kat 
rÕv ğolévrwv kuvðv úo rods eùrecordrovs mpo- 
éBaàe T@ Àéovre Toúrwv è karıoyvouévæwv rò 
3 roô Înpiov úo érépovs aġĥkev. rÕv è rerrápwv 
meprywopévwv To Àéovros nmeupheis mis úr’ aùroô 
perà payaipas aġńpet rò Seéiðv orédos évòs rôv 
kvvðv. Tto è Pacıidéws dvaßońoavros kal tÔv 
owpatopvàdkwv npooðpauóvræwv kal tijs roô ’Ivõoð 
xepòs emàapopévwv ó pèv Zwreiðnys rpeîs vri 
TovTov Õóoew ernyyeiňaro, ó Sè kuvvnyòs émÀaßd- 
pevos Toĝ okéàovs ëreuvev ovy kar Àlyov. ó 
ðè kúwv oŬre kàayy)v oùre pvypòv nmpoéuevos, 
dÀàà roùs oðóvras eurmenpikds čuevev ws Šrov 
yevõuevos ččaruos évarébave TÔ Onpiw. 

93. “Apa è Tovrois mparropévois Ñrev ‘Hga- 
OTiwV pEeTà Tis ovvaneoraàuévys uváuews mod- 
Anv ris Ivõchs kararemoàeunkøós. roôrov uèv 
ov ià råàs dvõpayabðías ènyveoev: aùróòs §è els 
Tv Önyéws vvaoreiav èußaàdv kal tÂv yxw- 
piwv àopévws tùy rôv Mareðóvwv mapovolav mpos- 
ÒcSapévwv kai roô Pyyéws perà Sdpwv moô 

BOOK XVII. 91. 7—93. 1 

through the kindness of the conqueror. Sopeithes 326/5 s.c. 

with great goodwill feasted the whole army bounti- 
fully for several days. 

92. To Alexander he presented many impressive 
gifts, among them one hundred and fifty dogs re- 
markable for their size and courage and other good 
qualities.! People said that they had a strain of tiger 
blood. He wanted Alexander to test their mettle in 
action, and he brought into a ring a full grown lion 
and two of the poorest of the dogs. He set these on 
the lion, and when they were having a hard time of it 
he released two others to assist them. The four 
were getting the upper hand over the lion when 
Sopeithes sent in a man with a scimitar who hacked 
at the right leg of one of the dogs. At this Alex- 
ander shouted out indignantly and the guards rushed 
up and seized the arm of the Indian, but Sopeithes 
said that he would give him three other dogs for that 
one, and the handler, taking a firm grip on the leg, 
severed it slowly. The dog, in the meanwhile, ut- 
tered neither yelp nor whimper, but continued with 
his teeth clamped shut until, fainting with loss of 
blood, he died on top of the lion. 

93. While all this was going on, Hephaestion re- 
turned with his army from his mission, having con- 
quered a big piece of India.? Alexander commended 
him for his successes, then invaded the kingdom of 
Phegeus where the inhabitants cheerfully accepted 
the appearance of the Macedonians.? Phegeus him- 
self met the king with many gifts and Alexander con- 

1 Curtius, 9. 1. 381-33 ; Strabo, 15. 1. 31. 700. These In- 
dian dogs were famous (Herodotus, 1. 192 ; 7. 187; cp. Real- 
Encyclopädie, 8 (1913), 2545). 

2 Continued from chap. 91. 2; Curtius, 9. 1. 35. 

3 Curtius, 9. 1. 36. 



dnavrýoavros Týv Te Pacıeiav čyew ovveyopnoe 
kal Eevioleis perà tis Õvvduews èri úo ýuépas 
Àaunpõs emi rov "Yaou norapov mpofyev, o rò 
pèv nàdros v oraðiwv énrtd, TÒ è Bdálos éé òp- 
yuvrðv, rÒ è peua opoðpòv kal Õvočıdßarov. 

’Akovoas ðè roô Onyéws mepi rs mépav roô 
Ivo norauoð yópas őri Súðeka èv huepôv ye 
Sloðov épnuov, perà Sè raúryv eîvar motTauòv Tòv 
õvouačóuevov láyynv, rò uèv mÀàdros rtpidkovra 
kai vetv oraĝiwv, rò è dlos uéyiorov tÂv karà 
tùy Ivõiýv, mépav è roúrov karoikeîiv Tó Te rÔv 
Tappaioiwv kai Tavõapidðv čbvos, roúrwv è Bacı- 
Àcúew Havõpáunv, čxovra Šouvpiovs uèv inreîs, 
meõv è eikoot uvpidõas, dppara è Sıoyiňa, 
eÀépavras Sè modeukÂs kekoounuévovs TETpaKLO- 
xtÀiovs, amoTýoas è toîs Àeyopévois mposekadé- 
carto tov Ilõpov kal mepi rÔv mposayyeňouévwv 
3 råkpipès ÕienrvvÂdvero. ó è TAa pèv úrdpyew 
åmavra aùànli Seeßeßaroðro, ròv Šè Baciàéa rôv 
Tarvðapiððv ëpnoev evrei? mavreàĝðs ebar kral 
dðofov ös äv kovpéws viðv voučóuevov evar. eù- 
mpeni yap Övra ròv rovrov marépa peydìws Óró 
Ts Paoidioons dyannlivaı kal roô Bacıiàéws Sià 
Ts yuvaikòs oňopovnhévros els roôrov TEPLOT- 
va Tv Bacidciav. 

“O © ’Adéfavõpos, kairmep ópôv Švoerirevrerov 

2 Yravow F. 
2 mavevreàĵ F. 3 ekrperi F. 


BOOK XVII. 93. 1—4 

firmed him in his rule. Alexander and the army were 326/5 s.c. 

feasted bountifully for two days, and then advanced 
to the Hyphasis River, the width of which was seven 
furlongs, the depth six fathoms, and the current 
violent. This was difficult to cross. 

He questioned Phegeus about the country beyond 
the Indus River,! and learned that there was a desert 
to traverse for twelve days, and then the river called 
Ganges, which was thirty-two furlongs in width ? and 
the deepest of all the Indian rivers. Beyond this in 
turn dwelt the peoples of the Tabraesians and the 
Gandaridae, whose king was Xandrames. He had 
twenty thousand cavalry, two hundred thousand in- 
fantry, two thousand chariots, and four thousand 
elephants equipped for war.? Alexander doubted 
this information and sent for Porus, and asked him 
what was the truth of these reports. Porus assured 
the king that all the rest of the acount was quite 
correct, but that the king of the Gandaridae was an 
utterly common and undistinguished character, and 
was supposed to be the son of a barber. His father 
had been handsome and was greatly loved by the 
queen; when she had murdered her husband, the 

- kingdom fell to him.* 

Alexander saw that the campaign against the Gan- 

1 The river (the Beas) has just been called the Hyphasis, 
and editors have tended to remove the term *“‘ Indus ” here. 

2 The same figure is given by Plutarch, Alexander, 62. 1. 
In Book 2. 37. 2, in a description based probably on Megas- 
thenes, Diodorus gives the width of the river as thirty furlongs. 

3 Plutarch, Alexander, 62. 2, gives the reported figures as 
follows : 80,000 horse, 200,000 foot, 8000 chariots, and 6000 
elephants. In Book 2. 37. 3 also Diodorus gives the number 
of elephants as 4000. , 

4 Curtius, 9. 2. 2-7. The narrative of these events in 
Arrian is entirely different. 




pS E S S ` lá f ç t 

Tùv mi roùs [lavõðapiðas orpareiav osav, pws 
~ lA a 
oùk ahioraro ts hiàotipias, AÀA moreúwv’ rais 

A lg ? a 4 a m 3 7 
rv Mareðóvwv aperaîs kal roîs ypnopoîs éàriĝðas 

F Z A lA hi ` h 
eÎye kparýjoew rv Papfápæwv: rův èv yàp Iv- 

f PR d k] ` 3 lA ` 3? 7y 
Qiav avikņnrov aùròv &vouarévar, rv È’ ”Appwva 
gvykeywpnkévar Tv ardons tis ys èéovoíav. 

94. Opôv è roùs orparwras raîs ovveyéot 
xpõvov v móvoiş kal kwvõúvois TeETaÀıTwpyKóTas 

td M a 
ùrédapev avaykaîov elvari Tà nmÀýðn roîs ápuótovo 
Àó LA 4 bi k ASN. ` + 
oyois mporpépaohar mpòs Tùv èni roùs lavõðapiðas 
t ` ~ ~ 

ortpateiav. modà) èv yàp phopa TÔv orpariwrôv 
? ld a 

éyeyóveri kal Àŭcıs oùðeula TÔv Toàépwv hÀribero' 

` ~ A 
kai TÕv pèv Înmtwv à Tùy ovvéyerav rijs óðorropias 

A L ÀQ e m 8 F. ~ ` e 
Tas onàas Ónorerpîphai ovvéßaiwe, rv è ôrìwv 

h a 
Tà nmàcîora kareġávłat kai ròv pèv ‘Eìàyvikòv 
e ~ x 
tuatıopov ekàcÀoimévai, ovvavaykáteoba:i Sè Bap- 

a 2 m ~ 
Papıxoîs úġdouacı xpĵobai, ovvreuóvras tà tôv 
> a QYZ a 
Ivôðv mepipàńpara. karà róyņv Šè kal yeruôves 
y / 349 eè L4 e Z ` 
aypiot kateppaynoav è$’ huépas éßBðouńkovra rat 

x A 
Ppovrat ovveyeîs kal kepavvol karéornarov. 

a b ld 3 ~ A 

A ò) AoyıiÇóuevos vavrioðobaı raîs llas èm- 

a [d 4 + a td [d 
Poñaîs uiav elyev eìriða rûs èmðvuias,? eè roòs 


oTpaTóras ÑA Tis eùepyeoias els eĞvorav peydànv 
lA 2 a a 
4 mpoayayorro. Öıómep Àcnàareîv uèv aùroîs ovve- 

1 mpwrevaw codd. ; corrected by Rhodoman. 

BOOK XVII. 93. 4—94. 4 

daridae would not be easy, but he was not discouraged. 826/5 s.c. 

He had confidence in the fighting qualities of his 
Macedonians, as well as in the oracles which he had 
received, and expected that he would be victorious. 
He remembered that the Pythia had called him 
“ unconquerable,” and Ammon had given him the rule 
of the whole world.1 

94. Alexander observed that his soldiers were ex- 
hausted with their constant campaigns.? They had 
spent almost eight years among toils and dangers, 
and it was necessary to raise their spirits by an effec- 
tive appeal if they were to undertake the expedition 
against the Gandaridae. There had been many 
losses among the soldiers, and no relief from fighting 
wasin sight. The hooves of the horses had been worn 
thin by steady marching. The arms and armour were 
wearing out, and Greek clothing was quite gone. 
They had to clothe themselves in foreign materials, 
recutting the garments of the Indians.? This was the 
season also, as luck would have it, of the heavy rains. 
These had been going on for seventy days, to the 
accompaniment of continuous thunder and lightning. 

All this he accounted adverse to his project, and he 
saw only one hope of gaining his wish, if he might 
gain the soldiers’ great goodwill through gratitude. 
Accordingly he allowed them to ravage the enemy’s 

1 For the consultation of Ammon cp. chap. 51 above. The 
Pythian story is mentioned otherwise only by Plutarch, Aleg- 
ander, 14. 4. 

2 Curtius, 9. 2. 8-11. This reflection on the sad state of his 
soldiers is lacking in Arrian. 

3 Curtius, 9. 3. 10; Arrian, Indica, 6. 5. 

2 Fischer adds rvyeĉ, which certainly makes the passage 
read more easily. 



xöpnoe tTův moàepiav' ywpav, yéuovoav mavroias 
wpedeias: év ais © ýuépas ý úvapıs mept TÙv 
mpovouùv Noyoàeîro, ovvayayæv ràs yvvaîkas Tv 
otTpatwTÕv kal TOÙS eÉ aùrðv yeyovóras maias 
Taúraıs èv ovveorýoaTo karta piva &óvai oîrov, 
Toîs è marolv êmihpopàs Taypatıkàs anéverue kaTà 
5 roùs TÕv matépwv ovàdoyiouovs. œs © èravĝàbov 
ot otparrðrar nov nàñlos dyaððv èk rÎs 
npovopijs cúpņkóres ovvĵye mávras eis èkkàņoiav. 
drebon Õè Aóyov meppovriouévov mepi Tis èri roùs 
Tavðapiðas orpareias rat rv Mareðóvwv oŭðauðs 
ovykarabeuévwv dréorn ris èmpodñs. 

95. Kpivas & emi raúrns troùs povs éobar rôs 
orpateias npõrTov pèv TÔv wðeka lev Bwpuovs 
mevrýkovtra myyĝðv wkoðóunoev, nera tTprÀaciav 
Ts mpoïümapyoðons orparoreðeiav mepißaàéuevos 
wpvée ráħpov Tò èv mÀdrTos mevrýkovra moðôv, 
TÒ è Pálos reocoapdrovra: rův © åvaßoàùv èv- 
tòs Ts Táhpov owpeúoas Teîyos déóàoyov wkoðd- 
noe. mpooérače ðè roîs èv meos karacknvooes 
ékdorw Õvo orıfdðas mevrarýyeis yoúoas? oiko- 
Souhoar, roîs È inmeot nmpòs raúrais kal úo 
párvas tv eihiouévwv iràacias, åkoàoúbðws Sè 


maparorauiav F ; this is corrected by a later hand. 
2 êxovsas supplied by Fischer. 

7 It is not clear what this country can have been. The 
kingdom of Phegeus was friendly. The reading of one 
manuscript (see note 1 above) would avoid this logical 
difficulty, but it is hard to think that Alexander allowed his 
soldiers to plunder Phegeus’s cities. Similar instances of 
plunder for the sake of loot occur below, chaps. 102. 6 and 


BOOK XVII. 94. 4—95. 2 

country, which was full of every good thing.! During 826/5 s.c. 

these days when the army was busy foraging, he 
called together the wives of the soldiers and their chil- 
dren ; to the wives he undertook to give a monthly 
ration, to the children he distributed a service bonus 
in proportion to the military records of their fathers.? 
When the soldiers returned laden with wealth from 
their expedition, he brought them together to a 
meeting. He delivered a carefully prepared speech 
about the expedition against the Gandaridae but the 
Macedonians did not accept it, and he gave up the 

95. Thinking how best to mark the limits of his 
campaign at this point, he first erected altars of the 
twelve gods each fifty cubits high + and then traced 
the circuit of a camp thrice the size of the existing 
one. Here he dug a ditch fifty feet wide and forty 
feet deep, and throwing up the earth on the inside, 
constructed out of it a substantial wall. He directed 
the infantry to construct huts each containing two 
beds five cubits long, and the cavalry, in addition to 
this, to build two mangers twice the normal size. Īn 

104. 5-7. It was certainly only too often what generals did 
to please their soldiers. 

2 This is only one possible translation. The meaning of ém- 
ġopàs rayparıxás and ovňoyiopoŭs in this connection is quite 
unknown. Justin (12. 4. 2-11) alone, of the other Alexander 
historians, mentions this proposal to provide for the depen- 
dants of soldiers. Plutarch, Alexander, T1. 5, tells the same 
story in a later connection, after the mutiny at Opis. Cp. 
also Arrian, 7. 12. 1-2. 

3 This is all that Diodorus has to say about the famous 
mutiny (except for the mention in chap. 108. 3). Cp. Curtius, 
9. 2. 12-3. 19; Justin, 12. 8. 10-17 ; Plutarch, Alexander, 
62; Arrian, 5. 25-28. 

4 Curtius, 9. 3. 19; Plutarch, Alexander, 62. 4; Arrian, 
5. 29. 1. Fifty cubits would be seventy-five feet. 



kal TàÀÀa Tà karadeinmeobari éàovra Toîs peyébe- 
ow aùčoa. rara è mpárrew ùuedÀev, dua pèv 
hpwihv Povàóuevos morýoacðat orparoreðeiav, dpa 
Sè roîs eêyywpiois dmoùmeîv ouea peydàwv dv- 
õpõv, aro$aivovra popas owpdrwv úreppveîs. 

 Anò è roúrwv yevóuevos perà mádons tis 
Ôvváuews raîs aùraîs óðoîs mopevleis dvékappev 
êri ròv 'Akeoiwvnv norauóv: karañaßpàov è rà 
okdon vevavnryyņuéva kal rata karapricas čTepa 
4 npooevavrnyýoaro. karà è roñrov Tov ypővov 
kov èk tis ‘EàMdõos oúuuayor kai pobohópor ià 
TÕv otparnyðv Nyuévot, mečol pèv mÀelovs Tpio- 
pupiwv, inneîs & où moù Àelmovres rôv éćakıo- 
xAiwv, ekopiolnoav Sè kai mavoràiat Sianpereîs 
meķoîs èv Õıouvpiois kal mevrakioyiÀlois, hap- 
pákæov © iatpikðv ékaròv ráňavra. rara uèv 
5oŭv Õéðwke roîðs orpatuðrais. ris Sè vavricts 
mapaockevis ovvredeolĝeilons kal diakociww uèv a- 
ppáktTwv ĤTorpacpévwv, ôkrakociwv È ÚnnperikÂv 
TàS puèv smapà Tòv noray kriobeicas móàes 
wvóuaoe Tův pèv ià TÒ TÔ moàéuw kparijoat 
Nikarav, ùv ẹ darò roô reeurhoavros {mrov karà 
Tv mpòs Iôpov uáynv Bovrepdàav. 

96. Aùròs è pera rv piàwv eußàs eis tràs 
vas Tòv tà TOÔ morao mÀoðv éri rov 'Qkeavòv 
TÒV KATA peonuppiav èrowîro. rò Sè moù uépos 

1 Curtius, 9. 3. 19; Plutarch, Alexander, 62. 4. 
2? Nicaea and Bucephala lay on what should be called the 
Hydaspes, but this river (the Jhelum) became the Acesines 
after its confluence with the Sandabal and the Hyarotis. Be- 
low, however (chap. 96. 1) Diodorus mentions the confluence 
of the Acesines and Hydaspes, as if they were different. Or 


BOOK XVII. 95. 2—96. 1 

the same way, everything else which would be left 326/5 s.c. 

behind was exaggerated in size. His idea in this 
was to make a camp of heroic proportions and to leave 
to the natives evidence of men of huge stature, dis- 
playing the strength of giants. 

After all this had been done, Alexander marched 
back with all his army to the Acesines River by the 
same route by which he had come.? There he found 
the ships built which he had ordered. He fitted these 
out and built others. At this juncture there arrived 
from Greece allied and mercenary troops under their 
own commanders, more than thirty thousand infantry 
and a little less than six thousand cavalry.? They 
brought with them elegant suits of armour for twenty- 
five thousand foot soldiers, and a hundred talents of 
medical supplies. These he distributed to the soldiers. 
Now the naval flotilla was ready ; he had prepared 
two hundred open galleys and eight hundred service 
ships. He gave names to the two cities which had 
been founded on either side of the river, calling one 
of them Nicaea in celebration of his victory in war, 
and the other Bucephala in honour of his horse, who 
had died in the battle against Porus.’ 

96. He himself embarked with his Friends, and 
sailed down the river toward the southern Ocean.’ 
The bulk of his army marched along the bank of the 

perhaps the Acesines is the Sandabal (Chenab) after all (as 
Arrian, 6. 14. 5). 

3 Curtius (9. 3. 21) mentions 7000 foot and 5000 horse, 
with 25,000 sets of armour inlaid with gold and silver. 

4 Arrian, 6. 2. 4: eighty triaconters and 2080 ships in all 
(from Ptolemy). , 

5 Above, chap. 89. 6, and note. Arrian (5. 29. 5) states 
that the cities had been partly destroyed by floods. 

€ It was now the autumn of 326 s.c. (Strabo, 15. 1. 17. 
691: “a few days before the setting of the Pleiades ”). 



~ LA 
Tis Õuvduews mapa TÒV mOTapÒV WÕOLTÉpEL, mpo- 
2 ~ 
nyovuévov Kparepoô kai ‘Hparoriwvos. 
9Q ð PAO 2 A ` "A ’ b A. i LA 
s ò Alov émi trv `Akecivov kal ‘Yõdorov 
r ? a 
ovußoàńv, ¿kßißdoas roùs orparuóras mpoñyev èm 

2 roùs ovopağouévovs ŁXißovs.! roúrovs é aow 


damoyóvovs eîvar rÕv peb ‘Hpakàéovs èm Tùv 
"Aopvov nétTpav otTparevodvrwv kal Ths uèv Toop- 
kias dnmotvyóvTwv, èv ToŬTw È TÔ TÓTW karoikı- 
ohłévrwv ú% ‘Hpakàéovs. rto © ’AàÀcédvõpov 
karactpatoneðeðoavros mÀnolov emipaveorárys 
Tmóàcws mpoñÀlov oi één mpwrevovres TÔV mo- 
TÕv. evruyövres è T Pacıde? kal thv ovyyéverav 
davavewoduevoi návra morhoew ëpaoav merà mpo- 
Îvuias ös äv ovyyeveîs övres kal pa mpooe- 
kópoav peyaňonperi. ò è ’Adétavõpos arosećd- 
pevos aùrÕv TÅv eùvorav kal Tàs módeis dmoðelćas 
éàevlépas mpofjyev èri rà cvvopitovra rôv èbvôv. 

Karadaßòv è roùs ðvopatouévovs `Ayadaocoeîs 
Nôporkóras mečoùs uèv TETpakıouvpiovs, inmeîs ðè 
TpioxiÀiovs, ovvdias aùroîŭs udxņv kal vikýoas 
TOÙS puèv, TÀCloTOUS kaTtékopev, troùs è Àoiroùs 
ovupvyóvras eis ràs mÀàņolov mées êkToMopkýoas 

4 eġnvôparoðioaro. rv Sè Ààwv èyywplwv ovv- 


alporoĝévrwav iopvpiovs uèv raraġvyóvras eis 
móùv peyádiņv karà kpáros eîe, rôv © Irv 
Ôradpatdvrwv Toùs orevwroùs kai ànò tTÂv oiktôv 
payopévwv eùpworws Piatóuevos ånéßade rôv Ma- 
keðóvæv oùk Aiyovs. Sià Sè rùv Spyiv èuTph- 

1 ”Ifovs codd., but cp. Curtius, 9. 4. 1. 

ree a a G a 
1 Craterus was on the right bank, Hephaestion on the left 

(Arrian, 6. 2. 2). 

BOOK XVII. 96. 1-5 

river, under the command of Craterus and Hephaes- 326/5 s.c, 


When they came to the junction of the Acesines 
and the Hydaspes,? he disembarked his soldiers and 
led them against the people called Sibians. They 
say that these are the descendants of the soldiers who 
came with Heracles to the rock of Aornus and were 
unsuccessful in its siege, and then were settled in 
this spot by him. Alexander encamped beside a very 
fine city, and the leading notables of the citizens 
came out to see him. They were brought before the 
king, renewed their ties of kinship, and undertook to 
help him enthusiastically in every way, as being his 
relatives. They also brought him magnificent gifts. 
Alexander accepted their goodwill, declared their 
cities to be free, and marched on against the next 

He found that the Agalasseis, as they were called, 
were drawn up in battle formation.t Their strength 
was forty thousand infantry and three thousand ca- 
valry. He engaged them and, conquering, cut down 
most of them. Those who escaped into the neigh- 
bouring cities he besieged, captured, and sold as 
slaves. Other groups of natives had collected also. He 
took by storm a large city in which twenty thousand 
persons had taken refuge. The Indians barricaded 
the streets and fought stoutly from the houses, and 
he lost not a few Macedonians in pressing his victory 
home. This made him angry. He set fire to the city 

2 Cp. p. 394, note 2, for the river names. o. 

3 Cp. chap. 85 above. For the story, which is lacking in 
Arrian, cp. Curtius, 9. 4. 1-3; Justin, 12. 9. 2. , 

4 Curtius, 9. 4. 5 (who calls them simply “‘ another nation ” 
but mentions their 40,000 troops); Justin, 12. 9. 2 (“ Agen- 
sones ”’). 





cas Tv mów ovykarékavoe Toùs mÀelorovs' tÔv 
© eyxwpiwv rv óroňenouévwv eis TpLogtÀlovsS 
avupvyóvras eis Tùv arpóroùv kal meb’ ikeTnpiðv 
õenhévras aréàvoev. 

97. Aùros è mdv perà rõôv hiàwv èußàs eis 
Tàs vaĝs ıd TOÔ morapot Tòv mÀov enowîro uéypi 
Ths ovupoñs TÕv mpoepnuévwv norapðv kal toô 
Ivðoð. peyáddwv è peibpwv els va térov ovp- 
pattóvrwv iÀryyes moal kal $oßepal ovvioravro 
kai Tà okán ovorpéhpovoai Šıédlepov. Trs ðè 
ToÔ peúuaros Pías òfcias kai ofoðpâs oðons kal 
Tis Tôv rvpepvnrõv TÉXVNS kaTtıoyvopévns Šýo uèv 
pakpa vaûs karéðvoav, rTÔv è dwy màolwv oùk 
òÀiya mpòs Tiv yiv èééneoe. ris §è vavapyiðos 
katappákTy peyáw mepinecoðons ó Baciňeùs eis 
TOv éoyatov ÑAÂe kivõvvov. iò kal roð bavdrov 
npò òfphaňuðv övros ó pèv ’AÀétavðpos drobé- 
pevos Tù cobra YYY TÔ că aTi Ts evôeyo- 
pevns avteiyeTo Ronbeias, ot 8è pidor mapevýyovro, 
oneúðovres úroðéčaoðat TEPLITpETOLÉVNS TS veðs 
TOv Paoidéa. moààñs Sè rapayñs mepi TV vav 
ovons katl Tôv èv dvôpõv åvrirartouévwv TÑ ToD 
pevuaTos Pig, To è morapoô karıoyúovros nâcav 
dvðpwrivyv èrivordv re kal Sóvapuv uóyis ð AÀ- 
éavðpos perà trÔv vev els Tv yiv èċéreoev. 
cwheis Sè mapaðótws roîs bcoîs čBvoev s peyi- 

1 yvuvòs F. 
s A a a 
1 Curtius, 9. 4. 6-7, stating that the Indians burned them- 

selves up to avoid subjection. 

BOOK XVII. 96. 5—97. 3 

and burned up most of the inhabitants with it. The 326/5 s.c. 

remaining natives to the number of three thousand 
had fled to the citadel, whence they appealed for 
mercy with suppliant branches. Alexander pardoned 

97. Again he embarked with his Friends upon the 
ships and continued his voyage down the river until 
he came to the confluence of the rivers named above 
with the ĮIndus.? As these mighty streams flowed 
together, many dangerous eddies were created and 
these, making the ships collide with each other, 
caused much damage. The current was swift and 
violent and overcame the skill of the helmsmen. Two 
of the galleys were sunk and not a few of the other 
vessels ran aground. The flagship was swept into 
a great cataract and the king was brought into ex- 
treme danger. With death staring him in the face, 
Alexander flung off his clothing and leaping into the 
water naked saved himself as best he could.* His 
Friends swam with him, concerned to help the king to 
safety now that his ship was foundering. Aboard 
the ship itself there was wild confusion. The crew 
struggled against the might of the water but the river 
was superior to all human skill and power. Never- 
theless, Alexander and the ships * with him got safely 
ashore with difficulty. Thus narrowly escaping, he 
sacrificed to the gods as having come through mortal 

2 Both Curtius (9. 4. 8-14) and Arrian (6. 4. 4—5. 4) speak 
of the confluence of the Hydaspes and the Acesines, rightly. 
The Indus joins the system much further to the south. 

3 Plutarch, Alexander, 58. 4, reported that Alexander 
could not swim. 

4 This is the manuscript reading, possibly a mistake for 
véwv, “ young men,” or veóvræv, “ swimmers.” This last is 
the suggestion of Professor Post. 



arous êknmepevyws kwðúvovs kal mpòs morTapòv 
ópoiws  AxıAe? raywviodpevos. 

98. Merà è rara orpareúoas èri Zvðpdkas' 
` ` 3 lA z s ! 
kai Toùs ovopaouévouvs Madàovs, éðvy moàváv- 
Opwra rai udyıua, karéàaße roùs èyywpiovs ù- 
Opoixóras meğčovs uèv màeciovs rÕv òktTakıouvpiwv, 
inneîs è uvpiovs, åpuara È énmrtakóoia. oĝrTot 
mpò pèv ris ’Adeédvõpov mapovoias èroàéuovv 
adÀńàois, os © ó Bacieùs hyyioe TÅ xópa, ovv- 
ceppóvnoav kal uvpias maphévovs Šóvres ral Àa- 
2 Bóvres ià ris êmiyauias raúrņns Šiààdynoav. où 
uv ovykaréßņoav eis mapdračw, àd mdàw 
oracidoavres Únèp TÑS yepovias eis tràs oúveyyvs 


O © Adééavðpos tÅ mpóry móe mÀnoidoas 
3 e£ èpóðov ĉievoeîro modoprev raúryv. ëvða ù 
TÕv TepaTookóTwv Tis Anuopôv voya mposeàbàv 
aùT® id Twwv oiwvõv ëpn npoðnàoĉohar t® Ba- 
cià? uéyav kivõvvov èk Tpaúparos cópevov èv 7i 
moMopkig. Öiómep ŅÉlov ròv `Aééavðpov åġeîvar 
Lèv raútnv TNV móÀw èri roô mapóvros, é$’ érépas 
4è mpdéeis èmpdàdew ròv vov. ó Sè Bacıňeds 
Toútw èv èrénànéev ós éunosiovri? tv åperiv 
TÕV aywviopévwv, QAÙTÒS ðe ðlardčas TA mep TAV 
moopkiav npôTos ýyeîro mpòs rùv mów, io- 
Tipoúpevos aùriv õià ris Bias yepõcachðai. tÔv 
òè unyavrıkðv òpydvwv vorepoúvrwv mpõros ĝia- 

P a codd. ; corrected by Fischer. Cp. Curtius, 

2 éunoðav yiwvouévw npòs E. 
-imago oaao A Aa a a a 
1 Iliad, 21. 228-382. Cp. Curtius, 9. 4. 14: “ cum amne 
bellum fuisse crederes ” ; Plutarch, De Fortuna aut Virtute 

BOOK XVII. 97. 3—98. 4 

danger, reflecting that he, like Achilles, had done 326/5 x o. 

battle with a river.! 

98. Next Alexander undertook a campaign against 
the Sydracae ? and the people known as Mallians, 
populous and warlike tribes. He found them mobi- 
lized in force, eighty thousand infantry, ten thousand 
cavalry, and seven hundred chariots. Before the 
arrival of Alexander they had been at war with each 
other ; but as he approached, they patched up their 
quarrel and made peace, giving and receiving ten 
thousand young women to establish a friendly re- 
lationship through marriage.? Even so they did not 
come out to fight together but fell into a dispute over 
the command and retired into the neighbouring cities. 

Alexander neared the first city and thought to take 
it by storm, but one of the seers, named Demophon,* 
came to him and reported that there had been re- 
vealed to him by numerous portents a great danger 
which would come to the king from a wound in the 
course of the operation. He begged Alexander to 
leave that city alone for the present and to turn his 
mind to other activities. The king scolded him for 
dampening the enthusiasm of the soldiers, and then, 
disposing his army for the attack, led the way in per- 

` son to the city, eager to reduce it by force. The en- 

gines of war were slow to come up, but he broke open 

Alexandri, 2. 9. 340E: Baárrav payouéynv čmàcvoe. Curtius, 
like Arrian (6. 5. 1-4), says that Alexander was not wrecked. 

2 This name appears variously as “ Sydracae ” (Strabo, 
15. 1. 8. 687), ‘“ Sudracae ” (Curtius, 9. 4. 15), “ Sugambri $ 
(Justin, 12. 9. 3), and “ Oxydracae ” (Arrian, 6. 4. 3). Their 
strength is given by Curtius as 90,000 infantry, 10,000 
cavalry, and 900 chariots ; by Justin as 80,000 infantry and 
60,000 cavalry. The ethnic Sydracae recalls the name of the 
Hindu warrior caste, the Kshatriyas (so L. A. Post). 

3 Curtius, 9. 4. 15. 4 Curtius, 9. 4. 27-29. 



kóßas mvàíða kal maperoneo®v eis TÅ)v TAW TOÀ- 
Àoùs uèv karéßaàe, roùs è Àorroùs Tpepáuevos 
ovveðiwéev els TAV AkpóToOÀW. 

5 Tôrv è Makeðóvwv mepi Tv Teiyopayiav éri ða- 
tpBóvrwv áprdoas kàiuaka rail roîs tis drpas 
relyeoti mpooepeicas kai Thv mMEÀATNV ÚTmèp TS Ke- 
pafs xwv rpocavéßawe. ris è karà Tùv èêvép- 
yerav očúrņnros ġlavoúoņs roùs mpopayopévovs 

6 7v Papßpápwv rayéws ènéßn T Teixet. rTÕv 
'Ivðôr cis yeîpas èv Eàbeîv où roàuóvrwv, êk ĝia- 
arýpartos ð dkovtióvrwv kal Točevóvræwv ð pėv 
Bacideùs úno roô màńlovs rv Pedðv kareroveîro, 
ot òè Makéðóves úo kàipakas mpoohévres ià Tov- 
Twv nmpocavéßawov afĝpõot kat ovvrpißercôv appo- 
Tépwv ènt thv yiv karnvéyðnoav. 

99. “O è Bacıdceùs épnpwbeis maons Bonbeias 
eTóàpNqoev erireàéoai mpõéw mapdðoćov kal pvýuNņsS 
aġíav. TÒ yàp drò tToÔ Teiyovs amele anpakrtov 
mpos roùs iðiovs dváčiov kpivas úrápyxew tís iðias 
cùnpačías kabĵýàato perà TÕv ÖTAwV uóvos eis TV 

2 mów. oyvðpauóvrwuv © er aùròv rõv `Ivððv 
únéorn Telappnkórws tův trv Bapßdpwv èrmıhopáv: 
npoßañàóuevos & êk rÕv ĝefrðv Sévðpov tri map’ 
aùŭTo` TÒ Teîyos éppitwpuévov, èk 8è rÔv eðwvýópwv 
aùrò TÒ Teîyos, Nuúvero rovs `Ivõovs,? oŬrw? TÔ 
Ouu mapaoras ós dv tis Pacideds TALkovræwv jòn 
aneipyacpévwv dvòpayaðýoew, Tův èoyaryv rto 
Biou karaorpopiv eùkàecoráryv yevéoðar dido- 

3 TıuoŬpevos. ToàÀds èv yàp cis TÒ kpávos èàdu- 
Pave mànyds, oùk ðàiyas Šè eis Tùv méàrnv eðéyero' 

1 évõpov ô ĝv mapa F. 
2 tos ò’ 'Ivrõoùs karérìnée F. 

BOOK XVII. 98. 4—99. 3 

a postern gate and was the first to burst into the city.1 326/5 s.c. 

He struck down many defenders and, driving the 
others before him, pursued them to the citadel. 

The Macedonians were still busy fighting along 
the wall. Alexander seized a ladder, leaned it against 
the walls of the citadel, and clambered up holding 
a light shield above his head. So quick was he to act 
that he reached the top of the wall before the de- 
fenders could forestall him. The Indians did not dare 
to come within his reach, but flung javelins and shot 
arrows at him from a distance. He was staggering 
under the weight of their blows when the Macedo- 
nians raised two ladders and swarmed up in a mass, 
but both broke and the soldiers tumbled back upon 
the ground. 

99. Thus the king was left alone, and boldly took 
a step which was as little expected as it is worthy of 
mention. It seemed to him out of keeping with his 
tradition of success to descend from the wall to his 
troops without accomplishing anything. In stead, he 
leapt down with his armour alone inside the city. 
As the Indians thronged about him, he withstood 
their attack undismayed. He protected himself on 
the right by a tree ? which grew close by the wall and 
on the left by the wall itself and kept the Indians off, 
displaying such courage as you would expect from a 
king who had his record of achievement. He was 
eager to make this, if it were the last feat of his life, 
a supremely glorious one. He took many blows upon 
the helmet, not a few upon the shield. At length he 

1 Curtius, 9. 4. 30-5. 20; Justin, 12. 9. 5-13; Plutarch, 
Alexander, 63; Arrian, 6. 9. 1-11. 8. 
2 Curtius, 9. 5. 4; Justin, 12. 9. 9. 

3 roúrw codd. ; corrected by Fischer. 


, ` oe n ` u y 9 , 
Téàos Òe ročevleis Úmo Tòv uacTòv ETeoev ets yovv, 
karıoyvleis únò trs nmàņnyñs. eùbù © ó pèv To- 
écúcas `Ivõòs karaġpovýoas mpooéðpaue kat kata- 

fA 3 ~ $ LARE À [A Ld [4 A 
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e b3 tA pa e ` 4 
paros ó pèv Pappapos ëmeoev, ð è fPacideùs 
emiaßóuevos toô nmàņoiov kàdôðov kai iavacràs 
mpoekaàeîro rõrv `Irôðv roùs Povàouévovs ĝiaywvi- 

N ` a~ ` , / R PS 

Kara ðè Torov ròv ypóvov Ilevkéorns, ceis rõv 
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Tos Únephomıoe TOv Bacidéa' perà ðè roôrov éTepor 

mÀclovs émipavévres kal kararnànéduevori toùs Bap- 

2 “~ 
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mi moàààs è uépas roð Bacıidéws doyoàn- 
[A ni ` 
Oévros nepil Tùv Oepareiav oi karà thv Barrpiaviv 
A e 
kal Doyðiavýv karoikiobévres “EANves k modo 
` hi ? a m~ 
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LA ld ` 2? A ej 
éhepov, tõóre è puns mpoorecoúons aùroîs őri 
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43 EJ 2 ld 
Tv ` Adeédvõpov redevrhýv. 

A A E e e 

1 An arrow three feet long (Plutarch, De Fortuna aut Vir- 
tute Alexandri, 2. 9. 341 c). 2 Curtius, 9. 5. 11-13. 

° There is general agreement that Peucestas deserves the 
credit for saving Alexander’s life at this time. Curtius (9. 5. 
14-18) reports that Timaeus, Leonnatus, and Aristonus were 
present also. Plutarch (4lewvander, 63) names Limnaeus ; 

BOOK XVII. 99. 3-6 

was struck by an arrow t below the breast and fell 326/5 ».c. 

upon one knee, overborne by the blow. Straightway 
the Indian who had shot him, thinking that he was 
helpless, ran up and struck at him ; Alexander thrust 
his sword up into the man’s side, inflicting a mortal 
wound. The Indian fell, and the king caught hold 
of a branch close by and getting on his feet, defied 
the Indians to come forward and fight with him.? 

At this point Peucestes, one of the guards, who had 
mounted another ladder, was the first to cover the 
king with his shield. After him a good many ap- 
peared together, which frightened the natives and 
saved Alexander. The city was taken by storm. 
In a fury at the injury to their king, the Macedonians 
killed all whom they met and filled the city with 

For many days the king lay helpless under his 
treatment,* and the Greeks who had been settled in 
Bactria and Sogdiana, who had long borne unhappily 
their sojourn among peoples of another race and now 
received word that the king had died of his wounds, 
revolted against the Macedonians. They formed a 
band of three thousand men and underwent great 
hardship on their homeward route. Later they were 
massacred by the Macedonians after Alexander’s 
Arrian (6. 10-11), Leonnatus and Abreas. According to 
Cleitarchus, Ptolemy was present also, but Ptolemy denied 
this (Curtius, 9. 5. 21; Arrian, 6. 11. 8). He is named only 
by Plutarch, De Fortuna aut Virtute Alexandri, 1. 2. 327 B, 
and 2. 13. 343 D-345 (naming also Limnaeus and Leonnatus, 
but omitting Peucestas). 4 Curtius, 9. 5. 22-30. 

5 Curtius, 9. 7. 1-11, who reports that they all eventually 
made good their escape. Diodorus is thinking of the 20,000 
foot and 3000 horse killed by the soldiers of Pithon (Book 18. 
4.8; 7. 1-9). 



100. ʻO è `Adéfavðpos Sıaowðheis êk roô tpaŭ- 
patos kai Îúóoas roîs Âeoîs owrýpia peyádas 
eoridoeis Tv piÀwv enoieîro. mapa è ròv mórov 

2 óv rı ovvéßy yevéoðar kal pvýpns čérov. èv yàp 
Toîs éTaipos mapaàngbeis tıs Makxeĝwv, òvoua 
Kópayos, póun cwparos ĝiadépwv kat moÀdkis 
ev Tais payas hvôpayaðnkøs, mapotuvÂeis rò ris 
pébns Tpoekadésato povopayĵjoar Arwénrov Tòv 
Abyvaîov, abÀnThv ävõpa kat raîs èmpaveorádrais 

3 vikas éotepavwuévov. tÔv è mapakekànuévwv 
emi ròv mórov, œs eèkós, ovvemiaßouévwv rtis 
pidoTipias kal roô uèv Arwéinrov ovykataÎeuévov, 
TOÔ è Paoidéws Åuépav rås uáyns ráćavros, ©s & 
Ts povopayias xpóvos kev, modal uvpidões 

4 dvõðpõðv ovvýxðnoav mi rův Oéav. ral rôv uèv 
Maxeðóvwv ópoceðvôv čvrwv Tr Kopáyw kal toô 
Paciàéws ovugidotiuovuévov, tôv 8è ‘EMMúvov TÕ 
Arwginty ovvaywvóvTwv mpoñÀbev eis ròv åyôva 
ð êv Mareðòv moàureàéow ómÀois kekoocunuévos, 

56 © 'Alyvaîos yvuvòs óraànàuuévos, xwv pó- 
madov' oúuperpov. 

’Augporépwv è th Te roô owuaTos po t TA 

_Apgortépa T uN Kal rÅ 
TiS AAs ùrepoxi Bavuačouévæwv oiovel ris Oeo- 
payia péàovoa yiveobai mpoceðorýðn: ó èv yàp 
Maxeðav id re tv púow roô COUATOS Kal TÙV 
Àaurpórnra trôv õrmÀàwv peydàņv èmipépwv kard- 
TmÀnéw "Apei mapeudepis Úreàaußdávero, ó 8è Aid- 
EimTos Önepéywv Te TÑ poun kal &ià thv èk tis 
aoews pedéryv, éri Sè Sià Tiv mepi rò põrañov 
iÖLóTNTa TÙY Tpócow ‘Hpardewrihv eÎyev. 


BOOK XVII. 100. 1—5 

100. Alexander recovered from his wound, sacri- 326/5 s.c. 

ficed to the gods, and held a great banquet for his 
Friends. In the course of the drinking a curious 
event occurred which is worth mention.! Among the 
king’s companions there was a Macedonian named 
Coragus, strong in body, who had distinguished him- 
self many times in battle. His temper was sharpened 
by the drink, and he challenged to single combat 
Dioxippus the Athenian, an athlete who had won a 
crown in the foremost games. As you would expect, 
the guests at the banquet egged them on and Diox- 
ippus accepted. The king set a day for the contest, 
and when the time came, many myriads of men 
gathered to see the spectacle. The Macedonians 
and Alexander backed Coragus because he was one 
of them, while the Greeks favoured Dioxippus. The 
two advanced to the field of honour, the Macedonian 
clad in his expensive armour but the Athenian naked, 
his body oiled, carrying a well-balanced club. 

Both men were fine to look upon with their magni- 
ficent physiques and their ardour for combat. Every- 
one looked forward, as it were, to a battle of gods. 
By his carriage and the brilliance of his arms, the 
Macedonian inspired terror as if he were Ares, while 
Dioxippus excelled in sheer strength and condition ; 
still more because of his club he bore a certain re- 
semblance to Heracles. 

1 The story of Coragus and Dioxippus is otherwise told 
only by Curtius, 9. 7. 16-26 (calling the Macedonian ‘“* Cor- 
ratas °). Dioxippus had won the victory in boxing at 
Olympia, probably in 336 s.c. (Berve, Alewanderreich, 2, no. 
284). See Addenda. 

1 aîàov codd. ; corrected by Hemsterhuys. Cp. sect. 5, 


6 “Qs & énfyov dààńàois, ð uèv Makeðwv èk ovu- 
péTtpov čaorýuaTos ÀAðyx%qv Nkóvrioev, ð & Tepos 
Bpaxò mapeyràivas rùv èêmipepopévyv mànyùv èé- 
évevoev. O ó uèv rw Makreðovkiv odpioav 
mpoßePànuévos éreropevero, ò © èyyioavros aùroô 

7 TÔ pordàw mardéas Tùv odpioav anéðpavoev. ó ðè 
Òvoiv edatTóp agi mepireowv mi Tv anò toô Éi- 
ovs uáyņv karńývryoev. péààovros ò’ aùroð onâ- 
aĝo TV páyapav éġßace nporņðńoas kat TÅ pèv 
cùwvýpw karédaße trův čàkovoav TÒ Ċiġos xeîpa, 
Ti è àn Kwýoas ék tis Pdoews tròv dvrinañov 

8 Únéovpe Ta okéàn. pipévros È ènmi yiv èmpàs èri 
TÒV Tpdxnàov T@© most kal TÒ póraàov dvarewd- 
pevos avépàeypev mpòs Troùs Îewuévovs. 

101. `Avaßońoavros ðè ro màńlovs ıd Te Tò 
mapáðočov kal Tùv úneppoàiw ris dvpayaðías ó 
pev Paoideùs mpocéraćev aġeîvari kal ùv béav ĝia- 
Aúoas annààdyn, ðvodopðv èni t roô Makreðé- 

2 vos TTN. ó òè Arwéinros adeis Tov mentrwkóra 
kai mepipBónTov virny dTeveykáuevos dme Taw- 
oúpevos úno TÕv óuopúňwv, OS kowhv mÂot Toîs 
EMno: mapeoynuévos eùðogiav. où uiv ģ TÚXN ye 
celacev émi moàùv ypõvov kavxýoaoľat ròv dvõpa 
TÅ viy. 

3 “O TE yàp Paoideùs AÀdoTpróTEpov aiel crerébn 
mpòs aùróv, oi re pidor To `Adeédvðpov kal 
mavtes ot nepi Tv abÀàùv Marxeõóves, fhovoðvres 
aŬToÎ TH aperi, Emeirav pèv ròv èri tijs Šiaxovias 
terayuévov úmoßadeîv Ýrò rò mpookepdàarov ypv- 
coðv morýpiov, aùrol è kar rtòv ééñs mórov 
katuTiaodpevot KÀomTùv kat motýpiov eúpnkévat 
npoonolévres eis aioyúvņyv kai dðoćiav yayov 

BOOK XVII. 100. 6—101. 3 

As they approached each other, the Macedonian 326/5 s.c. 

flung his javelin from a proper distance, but the other 
inclined his body slightly and avoided its impact. 
Then the Macedonian poised his long lance and 
charged, but the Greek, when he came within reach, 
struck the spear with his club and shattered it. After 
these two defeats, Coragus was reduced to continuing 
the battle with his sword, but as he reached for it, 
the other leaped upon him and seized his swordhand 
with his left, while with his right hand the Greek upset 
the Macedonian’s balance and made him lose his 
footing. As he fell to the earth, Dioxippus placed 
his foot upon his neck and, holding his club aloft, 
looked to the spectators. 

101. The crowd was in an uproar because of the 
stunning quickness and superiority of the man’s skill, 
and the king signed to let Coragus go, then broke 
up the gathering and left. He was plainly annoyed 
at the defeat of the Macedonian. Dioxippus released 
his fallen opponent, and left the field winner of a re- 
sounding victory and bedecked with ribands by his 
compatriots, as having brought a common glory to 
all Greeks. Fortune, however, did not allow him to 
boast of his victory for long. 

The king continued more and more hostile to him, 
and Alexander’s friends and all the other Macedoni- 
ans about the court, jealous of the accomplishment, 
persuaded one of the butlers to secrete a golden cup 
under his pillow +; then in the course of the next 
symposium they accused him of theft, and pretending 
to find the cup, placed Dioxippus in a shameful and 

1 That is to say, the pillow upon his banqueting couch. 


` + e A A A > 9) 3 ` 
4 rov Awéimrov. ó è Qewpôv rův èr aùròv ovv- 
ô ~ ~ M Ò 2 2 hi 3? PAG 3 ~ 
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, > ta Wa k ? oo ` 207 2 
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z ` ? a m a a 
Tarv èv êverelñaTo Toîs Diois ovar TO Bacıàe?, 
e by ? 3 Coid ~ 
aŭròv &’ ek toô rjv peréornoev, aßovàws uèv eis 
Tv povopayiav ovykaraßás, moù © adpoveorépav 
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4 “A m 
moot rv kraraueupouévov aŭro tův vorav 
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eminàýrrovres čhacav yaderòv eîvar Sóvayıv pèv 
4 a 
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e ` > “~ 
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` y j S A la 
pev Nveykev émi Ti Tàvpòs tedevrý kal moàÀdkis 
Ed s ` 2 4 ? ~ ` ? A 3 
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+ > 2 $. 9 2 e 3 ` EA 
XPnoduevos, aróvra è enırolýoas őre oùðèv ödedos 
s bi > Co m 
éyvw Tv kaàokåyalbiav ravõpòs èk ts rôv ŝia- 
e 3 s 
102. “O & ov ’Adéfavðpos růùv uèv orpatiàv 
ld 11 ` En 
mpocéračev map’ ròv morauòv dvrinapdyew raîs 
lA 3 ` ` ` ` m "~ 
vavciv, aùTos è ròv ða TOÔ morao karà ròv 
3 ` a ~ 
Qkeavòv màoðv morovuevos karipev eis thv yópav 
"~ ? 1 m~ KA m~ 
2 rõv ðvouaopévwv Zaußaorôv. oror Sè TÔ Te 
# m~ > ~ ` a a $ ~ 
màile rv dvôpõðv kai raîs åperaîs oùðevòs rôv 
`I Ò ~ 29 ~ À £ ? ~ ` l 
vòikÕæv élvõv Àcimovrar: oikovres è módes ðn- 
+ % y y M 
pokparovuévas Krai Tv ëĥoðov rv Mareĝévwv 
z lA 
mvvlavópevot otpatiwrTas ÑŅOporoav Tretoùs uèv éća- 
+ e A h e 
kigpvpiovs, inmeîs òè éakioyiÀiovs, dpuara è 
A ` t A 
3 Toô è oródov mpoormàčćovros? rÔ čévw kal mapa- 

BOOK XVII. 101. 3—102. 3 

embarrassing position. He saw that the Macedoni- 326/5 s.c. 

ans were in league against him and left the banquet. 
After a little he came to his own quarters, wrote 
Alexander a letter about the trick that had been 
played on him, gave this to his servants to take to the 
king, and then took his own life. He had been ill- 
advised to undertake the single combat, but he was 
much more foolish to make an end of himself in this 
way. Hence many of those who reviled him, mocking 
his folly, said that it was a hard fate to have great 
strength of body but little sense. 

The king read the letter and was very angry at the 
man’s death. He often mourned his good qualities, 
and the man whom he had neglected when he was 
alive, he regretted when he was dead. After it was 
no longer of use, he discovered the excellence of Dio- 
xippus by contrast with the vileness of his accusers. 

102. Alexander gave orders to the army to march 
beside the river and escort the ships, while he resumed 
his river voyage in the direction of the ocean and 
sailed down to the country of the people called Sam- 
bastae.! These, in numbers of men and in good quali- 
ties, were inferior to none of the Indian peoples. 
They lived in cities governed in a democratic manner, 
and learning of the coming of the Macedonians as- 
sembled sixty thousand infantry, six thousand cavalry, 
and five hundred armoured chariots. 

When the fleet put in to them, they were amazed 

1 They are called Sabarcae in the manuscripts of Curtius. 
For the story cp. Curtius, 9. 8. 4-7. Arrian (6. 15. 1-4) gives 
completely different names and events, and it is impossible to 
reconcile the two accounts. 

1 èni codd. ; corrected by Hertlein. 
2 mÀéovros codd. ; corrected by Dindorf. 


ô $ m + [A ` ` 
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ywvieohai mevrýkovra Toùs émipaveoTáTovs mpe- 
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Peuràs ékanéoreriav, déroðvres hidavðpónrws aù- 
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xwpav katravroaş röv Te Õvuvádoryv ýroyeipiov 
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ÀaBav drérrewe kal rò ébvos Ýroyeipiov éroinoev. 
Paa ð 3 $ ĮI ž: + 3 hS 
efs © eis rv Ioprixdvov Svvaoreiav èufaàdv 
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aùrov è ròv Iloprixâvov eis ywpiov yvpòv kara- 
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pvyóvra xepwodpevos dmékTeiwve payóuevov. TS 
4 La e lA a ` m~ 
Ôe módeis åndoas tràs Únò roôrov Terayuévas éK- 
2 l4 
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e A bS 2 A 
6 “Efñs è rúv re Dapubov Bacideiav êterópônoe kal 
A ld 2 d 
ras mÀeloras nóñeis éfavðpanoðioduevos kal kara- 


1 Curtius, 9. 8. 8, merely says “ another nation.” The 
oe Sodrae recalls the name of the lowest Hindu caste, the 


BOOK XVII. 102. 3-6 

at the strange and unanticipated manner of its arrival 326/5 s c. 

and trembled at the great reputation of the Macedo- 
nians. Besides, their own older men advised them not 
to risk a fight, so they sent out fifty of their leading 
citizens as envoys, begging Alexander to treat them 
kindly. The king praised them and agreed to a peace, 
and was showered with large gifts and heroic honours 
by them. 

Next Alexander received the submission of those 
who dwelt on either side of the river; they were 
called Sodrae and Massani. Here he built a city 
Alexandria by the river, and selected for it ten 
thousand inhabitants.? Next he came to the country 
of King Musicanus ; getting him into his hands he 
killed him and made the country subject.? Then he 
invaded the kingdom of Porticanus,* took two cities 
by storm, allowed the soldiers to plunder the houses, 
and then set themon fire. Porticanus himself escaped 
to a stronghold, but Alexander captured it and slew 
him, still fighting. Then he proceeded to take all of 
the other cities of his kingdom and destroyed them, 
and spread the terror of his name throughout the 
whole region. 

Next he ravaged the kingdom of Sambus.5 He 
enslaved the population of most of the cities and, 

2 Curtius, 9. 8. 8; Arrian, 6. 15. 2 (at the junction of the 
Acesines and the Indus). 

3 Arrian, 6. 15. 5-7. He revolted later, Arrian, 6. 17. 1-2. 
Curtius speaks of a people called Musicani (9. 8. 8-10) and 
mentions this revolt (9. 8. 16). Onesicritus is the source of 
anecdotes about this kingdom (Strabo, 15. 1. 384; Jacoby, 
Fragmente der griechischen Historiker, no. 134, F 24). 

4 Curtius, 9. 8. 11-12; Arrian, 6. 16. 1-2 (calling him 
“ Oxycanus ”). 

5 Curtius, 9. 8. 13-16 ; Plutarch, Alexander, 64. 1 (Sabbas ; 
Strabo, 15. 1. 33, has Sabus); Arrian, 6. 16. 3-4. 



okdfpas karékoe rôv Bappápwv órèp tràs ökrà 

7 pvpidðas. TÒ èv oĝv člvos rÕv õvopačopévwv 
Bpayudávwv Toraúrais mepiéneoe ovuhopaîs: rôv Šè 
ÀAorrðv peb’ ikernpiðv õenhévrwv roùs altrwrárovs 
koàdgas roùs Àormoùs anéàvoe' rôv eykànudrwv. 
ó è Paoideds Ldupos perà rpidrovra eìepávrwv 
puya eis Thv mépav roô Ivot yøpav Siépvye ròv 

103. Ths © eoxárns rôv Bpayuávæv nóňews, ĝv 
òvouáčovow ‘Apuarýa, meġpovņnuariouévns èr 
dvõpeig kat’ Svoywpiais aréoreidev dàlyovs rÕv pe- 
Àv, npoordéas éédrreoðar TÔv moàeuiwv kal èàv 

2 èneiwow* Ýrodeúyew. oôrTot èv oĝv õvres mevra- 
kóciot kal mpoopayóuevot Toîs Telyect katehpový- 
Onoav. enegeàbóvrwv & èr ris nóňcws orparrwrôv 
TpioxiAiwv npoorombévres karaneràñybar mpòs pv- 

3 yv öpunoav. ó è Pacideùs uer’ dàiyov órooràs 
Toùs Õwkovras TÕv Pappápwv ral páx KApTEpàv 
ovorņnoduevos oŬs pèv dnékreiwe TÂv Bapßápæv, 
oùs © ekøypyoe. 

Tôv è perà roô Baoıiàéws oùe óàlyot Tpwbévres 

4 eis Toùs êoydárovs ÑAÂov rwðúvovs’ ó yàp tôv Bap- 
Bápwv oiðnpos* keypiouévos ĝv apuárov Îavaci- 
pov ðvváuet, Ñ meroióres karéßnoav eis Tv Õtà 
Tis uáxns kpiow. rareokeúaoro è ý roô hap- 

1 > # 3 3 2 3 i 
Je an e H simývn dġeis XQ. 
pp P., however, chap. 108. 8. 
3 kai & F. 
OPONE Üneéiwow X. 
enei kal ò év rois Béieor olônpos F. 



BOOK XVII. 102. 6—103. 4 

after destroying the cities, killed more than eighty 8326/5 s.o. 

thousand of the natives. He inflicted a similar 
disaster upon the tribe of the Brahmins, as they are 
called; the survivors came supplicating him with 
branches in their hands, and punishing the most 
guilty he forgave the rest. King Sambus fled with 
thirty elephants into the country beyond the Indus 
and escaped. 

103. The last city of the Brahmins, called Harma- 
telia, was proud of the valour of its inhabitants and 
of the strength of its location. Thither he sent a 
small force of mobile troops with orders to engage 
the enemy and retire if they came out against them. 
These were five hundred in number, and were de- 
spised when they attacked the walls.? Some three 
thousand soldiers issued out of the city, whereupon 
Alexander’s task force pretended to be frightened 
and fled. Presently the king launched an unexpected 
attack against the pursuing natives and charging 
them furiously killed some of the natives, and cap- 
tured others. 

A number of the king’s forces were wounded, and 
these met a new and serious danger.t The Brahmins 
had smeared their weapons with a drug of mortal 
effect ; that was their source of confidence when they 
joined the issue of battle. The power of the drug 

2+ According to Curtius (9. 8. 15), this was the figure given 
by Cleitarchus. 

2 The name appears also as Harmata (Stephen of By- 
zantium). Cp. note 2 on the opposite page. 

3 Curtius, 9. 8. 17-19 (“ at the extremity of the realm of 
Sambus ”); Arrian, 6. 16. 5. The same figures are given 
by Curtius, who identifies the ““ five hundred ” as Agriani. 

4 Curtius, 9. 8. 20-28 ; Justin, 12. 10. 1-3 (in the realms of 
King Ambus). 



£ ~ 
udárkov úvapus ëk trwwv öpewv Inpevouévwv rat 

was derived from certain snakes which were caught 326/5 s.c. 
? e m [A ~ * <3 
5 roúrwv eis Tòv ŅArov vekpõv Tileuévwv. TÕS Ò €K 

and killed and left in the sun. The heat melted the 

ToĵÔ kaúparos Îeppacias TNkoúons TYV TS capkòs 
púow ipôðras ékrintrew ovuvéßaiwe kal ða Ts 
voriðos ovvekkpiveohai! ròv rv Onpiwv ióv. rò 
kal To trpwbévros eùlùs évdpka Tò oôpa kat per 
òàlyov ogeîaı ovvykooðlovv oðúvai kai oracuòs 
kal Tpőuos TÒ ov õykov rareîyev, Ò TE XPS 
puypòs Kral meùMðvos? éyivero kal ðA TÕv èpéTwV 
etémimrTev Yod, mpòs è TOÚTOLS ATÒ TOD TPAŬÚLATOS 
édas dġpòs dréppet kal oņymeðwv yevvârTo. aŭry 
ToÔ cwparos kal ğewoùs Oavdrovs anerpydéero. 
6 rð ovvéßaiwe Tà ioa toîs ueyda Tpaŭúpar eàn- 
ġóot kal Toîs mikpàv kai Tv Tvyoðosav dp pvyův 

Toraúrn © arwàecig trv tTpwhévrwv dmTmoÀvué- 
væv ml èv Toîs &àdois oùy oŭrws ð Bacideùs 
eàvnrýân, èmi òè Iroàeuaiw TÖ vorepov uèv Ba- 
oi\eúcavti, Tote ÕèÈ dyarwpévw peydàws hyhéobN. 
WDiov yáp Te kal mapdõoćov ovvéßn yevéoðat mepi 
ròv Ilroàcuaîov, ô rwes eis Qeðv mpóvorav &véreu- 
mov. ayarmópuevos yàp Ý$ dndvrwv ĝid TE TÙV 
àperùv kal úneppoàńv ts eis mavras eùepyecias, 
oikeias tis piàavbpăórov Bonbeias ërvyev. ó yà 
Baoiñcds lev yiv karà ròv önvov, kab’ Hv čðoev 
ópâv ðpárovra Borávnv èv TÔ orTópartı kpareîv kal 
õeTéar raúrns tùv púow kat rhv úvauıw kal tTòv 
8 rómov êv ®© púerar. èyepheis oĝv ó ’Aàééavõpos 
kal Tùv Porávyv dvağnrýcas kal rpkbjas tó re 

1 êkkpivechðar RX. 
2 meos XQ. 


substance of the flesh and drops of moisture formed ; 
in this moisture the poison of the animals was secreted. 
When a man was wounded, the body became numb 
immediately and then sharp pains followed, and con- 
vulsions and shivering shook the whole frame. The 
skin became cold and livid and bile appeared in the 
vomit, while a black froth was exuded from the 
wound and gangrene set in. As this spread quickly 
and overran to the vital parts of the body, it brought 
a horrible death to the victim. The same result oc- 
curred to those who had received large wounds and 
to those whose wounds were small, or even a mere 

So the wounded were dying in this fashion, and for 
the rest Alexander was not so much concerned, but 
he was deeply distressed for Ptolemy, the future 
king, who was much beloved by him. An interesting 
and quite extraordinary event occurred in the case 
of Ptolemy, which some attributed to divine Provi- 
dence. He was loved by all because of his character 
and his kindnesses to all, and he obtained a succour 
appropriate to his good deeds. The king saw a vision 
in his sleep. It seemed to him that a snake appeared 
carrying a plant in its mouth, and showed him its 
nature and efficacy and the place where it grew. 
When Alexander awoke, he sought out the plant, and 
grinding it up plastered it on Ptolemy’s body. He 

VOL. VIII P 417 


côua roô Iiroàcuaiov karénràaoce kat meîv oùs 

Ivwobeions Sè rtis eùypnorias kai oi Àoimot 
Tuxóvres tis uolas Îepareias eowbnoav. TÙùv 
òè nów trv ‘Apparnàiwv, osav èyvupàv kal 
peyáànv, éneßáero pèv modopkeiv, rôv È èyxyw- 
piwv dravrnodvrwv peĝ’ ikernpiðv kal mapaĝóv- 
Twv éavroùs ATéÀvoev aÙToùs THS Ttuwpias. 

104. Aùròs ðè kararàcúcas ecis rov 'Qkeavòv 
perà rÕv hiiwv kai Svo výoovs évraðla karıiðæov 
éhvoev èv aùraîs roîs Îeoîs! peyadorperðs ral 
TOÀÀd èv êkmópara kai peyda ypvoĝ? kareróv- 
Tie taîs orovõðaîs ovvahieis, BPwpoùs Sè TnOúos 
kal 'Qkeavoô karackevdoas Únédafev Tereàevrh- 
kévat TùV mpokeyeipiopévny ortpareiav. àvačeúćas 
© evreblev eis roùniow Sià To morao mapé- 
2 màevoev eis Idrada,? mów èrionpov. aŭry õè 
Tùy noùpelav eye iarerayuévyv ópoiws r 
Zrndápry' ånò úo yàp oikwv èv aùr} Sıcðéyovro 
úo Pacideîs, aici rÕv karà módepov ýyoðuevot 
TmpatTTouévæwv, TÒ è rÕÔv yepővrwv åpyeîov rv 
SÀwv mpoeorhket. 

1 eúpwv êv aùraîs ¿luceev toîs beoîs F. 

2 kal peydàa èv kal moààà eknopara ypvoâ RX. 

3 eis rà aña R; els raúaàa X; ès réßaña F (raúaàa added in 
the margin by a second hand). 

4 7ò supplied by Fischer. 

1 Arriaņ’s failure to mention this incident, favourable as it 
is to Ptolemy, raises some question as to whether Ptolemy 

included it in his history. It is mentioned also by Strabo, 
15. 2. 7. 723. 


BOOK XVII. 103. 8—104. 2 

also prepared an infusion of the plant and gave 326/5 ».c. 

Ptolemy a drink of it. This restored him to health.1 

Now that the value of the remedy had been demon- 
strated, all the other wounded received the same 
therapy and became well. Then Alexander prepared 
to attack and capture the city of Harmatelia, which 
was large and strongly fortified, but the inhabitants 
came to him with suppliant branches and handed 
themselves over. He spared them any punishment. 

104. Now he resumed his voyage down the river 
and sailed out into the Ocean with his Friends.? 
There he discovered two islands è and on them per- 
formed rich sacrifices.t He threw many large cups 
of gold into the sea following the libations which he 
poured from them. He erected altars to Tethys and 
Oceanus ë and judged that his projected campaign 
was at an end. Setting sail from there, he proceeded 
back up the river to Patala, a fine city.* It had a 
government organized very much like that of Sparta. 
Two kings descended from two houses inherited their 
office from their fathers. They had charge of all 
arrangements concerning war, while the council of 
elders was the principal administrative body.? 

2 According to Plutarch, Alexander, 66. 1, the voyage had 
taken seven months. It was now the summer of 325 B.c. 
(Strabo, 15. 1. 17). 

3 One was in the river, one outside (Arrian, 6. 19. 3-4). 
Plutarch, Alexander, 66. 1, mentions only one island. 

4 To Poseidon and to the gods whom Ammon had desig- 
nated (Arrian, 6. 19. 4-5). No gods named (Curtius, 9. 9. 27 ; 
Justin, 12. 10. 4; Plutarċh, Alexander, 66. 1). 

5 Justin (12. 10. 6) mentions *‘ aras.” 

€ Arrian, 6. 20. 1. This was about the rising of the Dog 
Star, or mid-July 325 (Strabo, 15. 1. 17. 692). 

7 Only Arrian (6. 20. 2-5) at this point mentions Alex- 
ander’s voyage down to the Rann of Kutch. 



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6 òevrépov Aeovvdrov, kai Tùv uèv mapabadarriav 
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b4 m~ 
êkvpicvoav, rTÔv Ò davarpebévrwv owudrwv dpiðpòs 
1 ’ABpíras R; ‘Abpiras X ; °`Apbpiras F. 
2 Newrepiðas RX ; Newreplðos F ; corrected by Wesseling 

from other authors and the mention of the °Qpeîraı, below, in 
chap. 105. 

1 Curtius, 9. 10. 4. 

2 Plutarch, Alexander, 66. 2; Arrian, 6. 21. 1-3. Accord- 
ing to Curtius, Nearchus was ordered to explore the Ocean 
and then rejoin Alexander, either via the Indus or by way 
of the Euphrates (9. 10. 3). Curtius states that the fleet was 


BOOK XVII. 104. 3-7 

Alexander burned such of his boats as were 326/5 s.c. 

damaged.: The rest of the fleet he turned over to 
Nearchus and others of his Friends with orders to 
coast along through the Ocean and, having observed 
everything, to meet him at the mouth of the Eu- 
phrates River.? He set his army in motion and tra- 
versed much territory and defeated his opponents, 
while those who submitted were received kindly.* He 
brought over without fighting the so-called Abritae * 
and the tribesmen of Cedrosia. Then he marched 
through a long stretch of waterless and largely desert 
country as far as the frontiers of Oreitis. There he 
divided his force into three divisions and named as 
commander of the first, Ptolemy, and of the second, 
Leonnatus. He ordered Ptolemy to plunder the dis- 
trict by the sea and Leonnatus to lay waste the in- 
terior. He himself devastated the upper country and 
the hills. At one and the same time much country 
was wasted, so that every spot was filled with fire and 
devastation and great slaughter. The soldiers soon 
became possessed of much booty, and the number of 

commanded by Nearcbus and Onesicritus, Plutarch that 
Onesicritus was only the chief pilot, and Arrian (from 
Nearchus ; cp. 8. 20. 5) that Nearchus had sole command. 
The fleet waited until the end of the monsoons and sailed in 
the autumn (on the 20th of Boedromion, according to Arrian, 
Indica, 21. 1; but Arrian gives the wrong year) or about 
20 September 325 B.c. 

3 An anticipation of Vergil’s parcere subiectis et debellare 
superbos (Aen. 6. 853); like the Romans, Alexander did not 
accept neutrality. l 

4 They are called Arabitae in Curtius (9. 10. 5) and Arrian 

6. 21. 4). 

f 5 A 9. 10. 5-7, who also uses the term “ Cedrosii ” 
for the usual Gadrosia (Arrian, 6. 22. 1). He does, however, 
use the variant term “ Horitae ” (9. 10. 6). This expedition 
is sketched by Strabo, 15. 2. 1-8. 720-723. 



eyévero Toàðv uupidðwv. tH è rv ébvõv rov- 
Twv amwàeig nmdvres ot nÀnoiywpoi nepipoßor 
yevóuevoi Tpoceywpnoav T© Baciàe?. 

8 O ®© ’Aàéfavðpos mapa Odàarrav èpidoriuhin 
krisar móÀAvV kat Àpéva pèv eópàov drÀvorov, 
mÀnoiov © aùroô rórov eùŭberov črTioev èv aùrôÔ 
nóv °’ Aàefdvõperav. 

105. Eis ðè riv rôv 'Qperrðr? yøpav ĝia rv 
mapõðwv maperoeàbav rtayéws dmacav Únmýkoov 
enmorýoaro. oi è Qpeîra? rà pèv dàda rapa- 
nào roîs 'Ivõoîs čyovow, êv ðè éénàaypuévov 

2 kal mavtTeÀðs dmoTtov. TÖV yàp TEÀEUTNOÍVTWV 
map aèroîŭs rà oópara èkpépovow* oi ovyyeveîs 
yvuvoi Àóyyas éyovres, eis è roùs rl tis yøpas 
Ôpupoùs Îévres Tò cðpa ròv èv mepikeiuevov TÔ 
vekp® kóopov Tepiarpoðvrar, TÒ è oôpa rToÔ 
Tereàeurnkóros karañeinovoti Bopàv* roîs Onpiois’ 
ràs È eohñras Sıeàduevor Oúovot roîs karà yñv 
pwt kal rÕv oikelwv Ýnoĝoyyv moroðvrar. 

3 Merà ðè rað’ ó ’Aňékavðpos mpoñyev èml tùv 
Keõpwoiav, mapa Odàarrav Tùv mopelav mToroŭŬ- 
pevos, kal katrývryoev eis čðvos déevov kal mav- 

4 reàðs Ünpiðões. rovs re yàp övvyas oi The 

1 kai added by Fischer. 
? Newpirôv R; Newpnrâv X; Newpeirôv FE. 
3? Newpiru RX ; Newpeîrai F. 

Pae 4 ekpépovow Fischer ; ġépovow codd. 
B y 
eis Bopav X. 8 Tepwociav F. 

1 Curtius, 9. 10.7 ; Arrian, 6. 21. 5. It was built by Leon- 
natus (Arrian, 6. 22. 3). 


BOOK XVII. 104. 71—105. 4 

persons killed reached many myriads. By the de- 326/5 s c. 

struction of these tribes, all their neighbours were 
terrified and submitted to the king. 

Alexander wanted to found a city by the sea. He 
found a sheltered harbour with suitable terrain near 
by, and established there a city called Alexandria. 

105. He advanced into the country of the Oreitae 
through the passes and quickly brought it all into 
submission.? These Oreitae have the same customs 
as the Indians in other respects, but have one practice 
which is strange and quite unbelievable. The bodies 
of the dead are carried out by their relatives, who 
strip themselves naked and carry spears. They place 
the bodies in the thickets which exist in the country 
and remove the clothing from them, leaving them to 
be the prey of wild beasts. They divide up the cloth- 
ing of the dead, sacrifice to the heroes of the nether 
world, and give a banquet to their friends.” 

Next Alexander advanced into Cedrosia, marching 
near the sea, and encountered a people unfriendly and 
utterly brutish. Those who dwelt here let the nails 

2 Arrian, 6. 22. 1-2. Bare mention in Plutarch, Alexander, 
66. 2. 

3 This story is not otherwise told in this connection, but is 
of a type which is located in northern Iran. Onesicritus 
(Jacoby, Fragmente der griechischen Historiker, no. 134, 
F5; Strabo, 11. 11. 3) told that the Bactrians and Sogdians 
threw out their sick and elderly to be devoured by dogs, but 
that Alexander stopped the practice. Plutarch twice refers 
to this institution. Ín De Fortuna aut Virtute Alexandri, 1. 
5. 328 c, he says that Sogdians kill their parents, while the 
Scythians eat them. In Can Vice Cause Unhappiness? 3. 
499 n, he reports that the dead were devoured by dogs among 
the Hyrcanians, and by birds among the Bactrians (also 
Cicero, Disp. Tusc. 1. 45. 108). For other instances cp. 
Strabo, 11. 11. 3. 517 ; 8. 520; 15. 1. 56. 710; 62. 714. 

4 Curtius, 9. 10. 8-10; Arrian, 6. 23. 1-3. 



kaToikoûvtes ék yevers aŭćovot péypi yýpws kal 
TÒ Tpixwua nemiAwpévov oL, TÒ è ypðpa’ Õıà 
Tw To Hàlov Îepuóryra rarakekavpévov čyovo 
5 kal opas Onpiwv mepipéßànvrai. oiroðvrai è rà 
ekBadàóueva kýtT) capkoĥayoðvres kal tràs oikń- 
oes kaTagkeváčovot TOS èv Toiyovs . . . dvor- 
koðopoðvres, tràs È opo$ås k rÕv To kýrovs 
mÀcupõv, éé Öv ôkrwraðekanńýyeis okol karnpri- 
ovro' avri è rÕv kepápwv rais podici rÕv Eøwv 

“O ðe 'Aàééavðpos Seebàv roro rò ëlvos èm- 
mõvæşs d omávw rtpopis èvéßadev eis yópav 
épnpov rail nádvrwv TÕv eis TÒ Civ xpnoipaowv oravi- 
Covoav. moðv Sè Sià rùv ëvõerav Siapherpo- 
pévov Ñ re Šúvaus tÔv Mareðóvwv jhúunoev kal 
ó 'Aàéfavôpos événmeoev oùk els rùv tvyoôoav 
Àónyv re kai ppovriða’ Seiwòv yàp èfaivero roùs 
aperi kat roîs ömÀàois dravras neppadouévovs èv 
puw xópg návrwv oravitovras åkìeðs åmód\v- 
obar. Öıómep eùtævovs ävõpas ètérempev eis tùv 
IHaphvaiav kai Apayyiwv)v xal °Apiar? kal tàs Àdas 
tàs mÀncioxwpovs TÅ puw, nporrádčas tayéws 
dyayeîv mi tràs èupodàs ris Kappavias ŝpoudsas 
kapýàovs kat Tà vwropopeîv elwbóra tv ¢op- 

1 tpixwpa RX. 

BOOK XVII. 105. 4-7 

of their fingers and toes grow from birth to old age. 326/5 s.c. 

They also let their hair remain matted like felt. Their 
colour is burned black by the heat of the sun, and 
they clothe themselves in the skins of beasts. They 
subsist by eating the flesh of stranded whales. They 
build up the walls of their houses from . . .! and con- 
struct roofs with whale’s ribs, which furnish them 
rafters eighteen cubits in length.? In the place of 
tiles, they covered their roofs with the scales of these 

Alexander passed through this territory with diffi- 
culty because of the shortage of provisions and en- 
tered a region which was desert, and lacking in 
everything which could be used to sustain life.‘ 
Many died of hunger. The army of the Macedonians 
was disheartened, and Alexander sank into no ordi- 
nary grief and anxiety. It seemed a dreadful thing 
that they who had excelled all in fighting ability and 
in equipment for war should perish ingloriously from 
lack of food in a desert country. He determined, 
therefore, to send out swift messengers into Par- 
thyaea and Dranginê and Areia and the other areas 
bordering on the desert, ordering these to bring 
quickly to the gates of Carmania racing camels and 
other animals trained to carry burdens, loading them 

1 Arrian’s account (6. 23. 3) states that the walls were made 
of shells (critical note 2), but Diodorus seems to be thinking 
only of materials secured from whales. All of these anecdotes 
probably derive from Nearchus (cp. Strabo, 15. 2. 2. 720). 

2 Twenty-seven feet. Cp. Arrian, Indica, 30. 8. 

3 Whales, of course, do not have scales. 

4 Curtius, 9. 10. 8-17 ; Justin, 12. 10. T; Arrian, 6. 23. 
4—26. 5; Strabo, 15. 2. 5-6. 121-722. 

2 Fischer suggests èx kóyxæv ; cp. Arrian, 6. 23. 3. 
3 peled ’Apeía in chap. 78. 1. 


with food and other necessities. These messengers 326/5 s.c. 

Tiwv, yeuicavras cirov kal rÕv AAÀ\wv enmiryõeiwv. 
hurried to the satraps of these provinces and caused 

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> m~ 3 + ~ 
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eis TNV éavrÕv ywpav. 
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106. Móyıs ðè mepdoas tův čpņnpov rev eis 
7 -i ld ` l ~ 
xæpav oikovuévyv kal mávTrow TÖV yPpNoipwv 
3 Pa kJ Pd ` ~ A 2 
cúnmopoĝoav. év rary ðè mpocavadaßov tùv &ú- 
ka T N. ` ` e ld 2 ~ 
vapuv è’ énTà èv huépas mpoet KEKOOUNUÉVN TÅ 
lA A “~ 
Ôvvdpet mavnyvpikôs kat Aiovóow kôpov yyayev 
e€ , ITA 1 ` : 
éoptTdgwv ‘kal péby kal móTos ypóuevos? kaTà Tv 
3 4 Z ` 7 
Arò Toúrwv ĝe yevóuevos, åkoðoas őri Tool 
~ ’ $ ~ m 
TÕv Piaiws kai ófpiorikôs keypnuévwv raîs èé- 
# z Ea ~ 
1 This word does not make sense, and must be corrupt. 
Since after camels we should expect mules to be mentioned, 
Fischer’s suggestion of ópexôv is attractive. L. A. Post 
suggests ġopßdðwv. 
2 ypúópevos ġv F. 
zeo a a a e a a A 
1 Curtius, 9. 10. 17; Plutarch, Alexander, 66. 3. Arrian 
does not mention this, and all of these districts are so far 

from Carmania that they can hardly have sent help in time 
to be of any use. This tradition may be connected with the 


supplies to be transported in large quantities to the 
specified place. Alexander lost many of his soldiers, 
nevertheless, first because of shortages that were not 
relieved, and then at a later stage of this march, when 
some of the Oreitae attacked Leonnatus’s division 
and inflicted severe losses, after which they escaped 
to their own territory.? 

106. So with great diffculty Alexander passed 
through the desert and came into a well-populated 
country provided with everything needful.? Here he 
rested his army, and for seven days proceeded with 
his troops in festive dress. He himself led a Diony- 
siac comus, feasting and drinking as he travelled.t 

After this celebration was over, Alexander learned 
that many of his officials who had used their powers 
arbitrarily and selfishly had committed serious offen- 
ces, and he punished a number of his satraps and 

subsequent execution or removal of the satraps of Gedrosia, 
Susianê, and Paraetacenê as evidence for Alexander’s attempt 
to find scapegoats for his ill-planned march through the 
desert (E. Badian, Classical Quarterly, 52 (1958), 147-150). 

2 Curtius, 9. 10. 19. Leonnatus was later crowned for a 
victory on this occasion (Arrian, 7. 5. 5). 

3 This was Gedrosia ; Curtius, 9. 10. 18; Plutarch, Ælex- 
ander, 66.3; 67.4; Arrian, 6. 27. 1. 

4 This was in Carmania. Curtius (9. 10. 22-28) gives a 
lurid account of this celebration ; so also Plutarch, Alexander, 
67. 1-3. Arrian (6. 28. 1-2) states that this story was not told 
by Ptolemy or Aristobulus, and that he himself did not 
believe it. It may be connected, however, with the tradition 
of dramatic and athletic games held at this time in celebra- 
tion of the safe return of both army and fleet (E. Badian, 
Classical Quarterly, 52 (1958), 152). But both Philip (Book 
16. 87. 1) and Alexander (chap. 72 5) were fond of the comus 
in general. See Addenda. 



Kal orparnyðv Tiuwpias ŅÉiwoev. rhs È’ eis troùs 
mapavevonrkóras ńyeuóvas pmoonrovnpias Siaßon- 
Oeions mooi rv orparņnyðv ovveiðóres éavrtots 
Ùßpeis kal mapavouias eis póßov èvéminmrov Kal 
Twès pèv puohodópovs čyovres aßioravro roô ßa- 
ciÀéws, Tiwès è ypuara ovokevasduevot pac- 
3 oùs émoroĝvro. raîra è mvvÂavópevos ò Bacıňeùs 
mpos mdávras Toùs kaTà Tùv `Aciav orparqyoùs kal 
oatrpáras čypaev, êneðav avayvôot Tùv morto- 
Àńv, mapaypua mávraşs roùs pobopópovs àro- 

Kara è TroôrTov Tòv kapòv To Paoıiàéws iarpi- 
Povros év mii mapabañarriw róàei vopatouévn 
Zaduoĝrri kal okyrixoùs dyðvas èv TÔ bedrpw 
ToroÎvros katénàevoav oi Ôe 'OQkeavoô màe Tùv 
nmapaladdrriov dmeoraduévot kal mapaypua eis 
TÒ Îéarpov mapedlbóvres róv re `AàéÉavðpov hond- 
5 cavTo Kal mepi TÕv nenpaypévwv ànýyyeiav. oi 
ðe Makxeðóves holévres t nmapovoiq rÂv dvõpôv 
kpótw peyádňw TÒ yeyovòs énreoņnuývavro kal nâv 
rò Qéarpov peoròv Ñv yapâs åvvnrepßàńrov. 

Oi òè karameràevkóres amýyyeňov dumórTeS 

1 The repetitious and turgid aspect of this sentence has 

inclined the editors to emend it, but no suggestions have 
proved very convincing. 

e e a a a a Ea 
1 For Alexander’s disciplinary measures at this time c 
Curtius, 9. 10. 20-21; 10. 1. 1, 30-42; Justin, 12. 10. 5; 
tutarch, Alexander, 68. 2-3; Arrian, 27. 1-5: 29- 2 
dian, op. cit. 141-150). ' ARNAT 


BOOK XVII. 106. 2—6 

generals.! As the word spread of his righteous in- 326/5 ».o. 

dignation against his offending subordinates, many 
of the generals recalled acts of insolence or illegality 
which they had performed and became alarmed. 
Some who had mercenary troops revolted against the 
king’s authority, and others got together sums of 
money and fled. As news of this was brought to the 
king, he wrote to all his generals and satraps in Asia, 
ordering them, as soon as they had read his letter, 
to disband all their mercenaries instantly. 

At this juncture the king was resting in a seaside 
city called Salmus and was holding a dramatic con- 
test in the theatre, when into the harbour there sailed 
the fleet which had been ordered to return by way 
of the Ocean and to explore the coastal waters.? The 
officers came immediately into the theatre, greeted 
Alexander, and reported what they had done. The 
Macedonians were delighted at their arrival and wel- 
comed their safe return with loud applause, so that the 
whole theatre was filled with the wildest rejoicing. 

The mariners told how they had encountered as- 

2 Nearchus gave an account of his joining Alexander on 
two occasions, once, very dramatically, in Carmania (Arrian, 
6. 28. 5-6 ; Indica, 33-36), and again after sailing up the 
Pasitigris to Susa (Indica, 42). Curtius (10. 1. 10) and Plu- 
tarch (Alexander, 68. 1) seem to refer only to the former meet- 
ing. Neither meeting was on the coast. Salmus is not identi- 
fied. Reference to the dramatic festival makes it likely that 
Diodorus is here referring to the reunion at Susa (Pliny, 
Naturalis Historia, 6. 100, with reference to Nearchus and 
Onesicritus), but inserting it in the wrong place in his narra- 
tive. Pliny states that the voyage of Nearchus took six 
months, so the time would now be the spring of 324 s.c. B. 
Niese, Geschichte der griechischen und makedonischen Staaten, 
1 (1893), 153, note 5, calculated the length of the voyage as 
about seventy-five days, which would bring the reunion 
rather to December of 325. 



Tre kal nÀàńpas mapaðóčovs yíveoðĥðat karà ròv 
'QOkeavòv kai katà èv tàs dunmórTes mapaðóćovs 
výcovs te òpâcðat moňňàs ral peyddas êm ärpas 
Tis mapaĵañarriov yæpas, karà è tràs mÀàńýpas 
dmavraşs ToÙðs mpoepnuévovs rórovs karakÀúće- 
obar, ToàÀo® kal Biaiov peúuaros pepouévov mpòs 
TÙv xépoov, tijs © èmpaveias dpp TodÀĝ® evka- 
voévys. Tò Čè mapaĝočórartov, kýTeoL TOÀÀoîs kai 
Trò péyelos driotois ovykekvpneévar: rara Šè 
poßnlévras aùðroùs rò uèv mpôrov dreàriocat rò 
Civ òs aùrika uáàa perà rv okaġôv õıadhapn- 
couévovs, perà è rara eÉ ánávrwv mâs pavis 
ywopévns kal ĝia rv nràwv moo cvvredov- 
pévov póßov, mpòs è roúros tôv oaàmiyywv 
evepévwv T mapaðófw nronhivat trà npía kal 
Svar mpòs Pvbóv. 
107. ʻO ðè Paoıideds mepi roúrwv ŝiakovoas roîs 
èv Ñyovpévois To oróìov nmaphyyeiev mè ròv 
Eùgdpáryv karanàeñoar, aùròs Sè perà rûs vvd- 
pews Toà xöpav eàbàv ovvie roîs Lovca- 
voîs pois. mepi È roùs kapos Toúrovs Kápavos 
ó 'Ivõós, êv diňocopia peydànv čywv mpokorhv kal 
Tupwpevos r’ °`Aàeédvòpov, mapdõoćov ToýoaTo 
2 Tùv ToÔ Biov karaorpophv. BeßBrwròs yàp ër Tpia 
mpòs rToîs éßouńýkovra ral mávra ròv xpóvov 
dmeipatos yeyovws dppworias ëkpiwev éavróv èk 
TOÔ Çv peraorĝioar ós Tò réàciov Tis eùðaruovias 
i 1 The manuscripts have nveúuaros, which may be right. 

he current may have given the impression that it was caused 
by an on-shore wind. We could perhaps translate: “as if 

a strong wind was blowing toward the shore.” Th S 
in the text is that of Eicher, si e reading 


BOOK XVII. 106. 6—107. 2 

tonishing ebbings and flowings in the Ocean.! In 326/5 s.c. 

the former case, many large and unsuspected islands 
appeared along the coast, but in the latter all such 
places were flooded over as a copious and strong 
current bore in towards the land, while the surface 
of the water was white with much foam. But their 
most remarkable experience was an encounter with 
a large school of incredibly big whales.? The sailors 
had been terrified and despaired of their lives, think- 
ing that they would be dashed to pieces immediately 
ships and all. But when they all shouted in unison, 
beating upon their shields to make a great din, and 
the trumpets were blown loudly in addition, the beasts 
were alarmed by the strange noise and plunged into 
the depths of the sea. 

107. After this recital, the king ordered the officers 
of the fleet to sail on to the Euphrates,’ while he con- 
tinued on a great distance with the army, and came 
to the frontier of Susianê. Here the Indian Cara- 
nus, who had advanced far in philosophy and was 
highly regarded by Alexander, put a remarkable end 

‘to his life. He had lived for seventy-three years with- 

out ever having experienced an illness, and now 
decided to remove himself from life, since he had 
received the utmost limit of happiness both from 

1 Others described the ocean tides at the mouth of the 
Indus (Curtius, 9. 9. 9-25; Arrian, 6. 19. 1). 

2 Curtius, 10. 1. 11-12. The description is from Nearchus 
(Arrian, Indica, 30. 4-5). 

3 This order to Nearchus would have been better given in 
Carmania than at Susa. Cp. Arrian, 6. 28. 6. At all events, 
in the narrative of Diodorus Alexander is not yet in Susa. 

4 Plutarch, Alexander, 69. 3-4; Arrian, 7. 2. 4—3. 6. The 
name is usually given as Calanus (as Strabo, 15. 1. 64. 715 ; 
68. 717). For the vogue of the story in antiquity cp. M. 
Hadas, Hellenistic Culture (1959), 178 f. 


nature and from Fortune. He had been taken ill and 326/5 s.c. 

mapá tre Ts púoews kat ris tóyns dnenpos. 
each day becoming more exhausted he asked the king 

P ` 
3 karaneipaleis © ór dppworias kat kab?’ ńhuépav 


aiet p&ddov Papvvõpevos Ņéiwoe Tov Baoıňéa mvpàv 
aùr peydàņyy katraokevádoat kal mpocavaßdvros 
eri TaŬrņv aŭro npoordéat Toîs Únmnpérais nôp 

“O è ’Adéfarðpos Tò èv npôrov aùròv årorpé- 
mew enmepâro raúrns ris èmpoiñs, ós & ovy 
úmýkovoev, Óuoóynoe ovvreňéoew mepi ðv Ñéww- 
kws v. Siayyedbeions è ris npdčews ý èv mupà 
kaTteokevdoln, TÒ Sè nAÑÂos karývryoev émi Tùv 
mapáðočov éav. ó è Kápavos åroňovðńoas roîs 
iiois Ôóypacı Tebappnkórws ènéorn ri mup kal 
perà raúrņns karaġàeyleis èreeúrnoev. rôv ĝè 
mapõvrwv ot pèv paviav aùroô karéyvwcav, oi Sè 
kevoðoćiav ml kaprepia, Tiwès Sè Tùv eùpuyiav kai 
Tv TOÔ Bavárov karadpóvņow ébaúpacav. 

“O ôè Pacıiàcùs roôrov pèv élakbe movreiðs, 
aùros Õè mapeÀbàv eis Loôoa' rÅv èv mpeoßurépav 
TÕV Aapeiov Ovyarépwv Xrdrepav ëynpev, ùv õè 
vewTépav Hpauoriwv ovvýkioe Apurirw.? ëmeoe 
ë kai roùs empaveorárovs trÕv hiiwv yîuat kal 
ovvøkioev aùroîs rTàs eùyeveoráras maphévovs 

108. Kara roôrov ròv kaipòv rov eis tà Zoôoa 
Tpopópiot Tôv Ilepoðv, véot pèv mavredâs rais 
hàkiais, emiÀeÀeyuévot è raîs rtôv CWUATWV 
2 eùmpereias Te kat pouas. karà Šé twas evroààs 
ToÔ PaoiÀéws ŅOporopévor, ypóvov Íkavòv èmoráras 

1 Zovoav RX. 2 Apuriry F. 

SE a E E O a 
| Curtius, 10. 3. 11-12; Justin, 12. 10. 9-10; Plutarch, 

to erect for him a huge pyre and, after he had ascended 
it, to order the attendants to ignite it. 

At first Alexander tried to dissuade him from this 
plan, but when he was unsuccessful, he agreed to do 
what was asked. After the project had become 
generally known, the pyre was erected, and every- 
body came to see the remarkable sight. True to his 
own creed, Caranus cheerfully mounted the pyre and 
perished, consumed along with it. Some of those 
who were present thought him mad, others vain- 
glorious about his ability to bear pain, while others 
simply marvelled at his fortitude and contempt for 

The king gave Caranus a magnificent funeral and 
then proceeded to Susa, where he married Stateira, 
the elder daughter of Dareius, and gave her younger 
sister Drypetis as wife to Hephaestion. He prevailed 
upon the most prominent of his Friends to take wives 
also, and gave them in marriage the noblest Persian 

108. Now there came to Susa at this time a body 
of thirty thousand Persians, all very young and 
selected for their bodily grace and strength.? They 
had been enrolled in compliance with the king’s 
Alexander, 10.2 ; Arrian, 7. 4. 4-8. There were one hundred 
couples (Plutarch, De Fortuna aut Virtute Alexandri, 1. '. 
329 £). Justin and Plutarch report that Alexander married 
Stateira; Arrian names Barsinê and Parysatis. This 
marriage was described in detail by Chares, Alexander’s 
minister of protocol (Athenaeus, 12. 538 b-539 a). 

2 Arrian, 7. 6. 1; Plutarch, Alexander, T1. 1. Curtius (8. 
5. 1) mentions the organization of this force in Bactria in 
327; Plutarch (Alegander, 47. 3) places it in Hyrcania in 



kal dackdàovs eoynkóres rÕv modepukõðv épywv, 
návres è Makeðovikaîs mavoràiais ToÀvTeAðsS 
kekocunuévoi, mapeppoàùv pèv èrmorýoavro mpò 
Tis nmóňcws, êmðeÉduevor Sè TÖ Paoide? ryv év 
Toîs ômàois dokqow Kal peàéryv èreuýíņoav ia- 
3 depóvrws. rv yap Makeðóvæv mpos tův roô 
Táyyov norapoð idac dvrermóvræwv ral Toà- 
àdkis év raîs èkkàņnoias karapowvrwv ral Tùv éé 
”Aupwvos yéveow aocvpórrwv Toĵro* TÒ oúorTnpa 
kateokevaocev èk mâs èv HÀkias rôv Iepoôv kal 
óuoias ovveornkós, ðvváduevov è dvríraypa yevé- 
oĝai rå Mareðoviki pdàayyı. 

Kai rà èv mepi ` Aàétavôpov èv roúrois ĝv. 

“Aprados è rôv èv Bafvàðvı Oņyosavpõv kai rÕv 
npocððwv Ttův ghvàakiv memoTevpévos, énmetði 
ráyiora ò Pacideds cis tv Ivõikyv orpárevoev, 
anéyvw tùv èrdvoðov aŭro, oùs Ò éavròv eis 
Tpupiv kal nods xwpas droðederyuévos caTpËrns 
TÒ èv mpõrTov cis ÜPpeis yuvarkðv kal mapavó ovs 
épwras Bappápwv ¿éerpánn kal moààa ris yáins 
dkrpareorárais ovais karaváňwoev, amò è TÅs 
’Epvôpâs Qaàdoons moù Sıdornua rouibwv iybó- 
wv nÀÑlos kal Siarrav moàvðdravov éeviordpevos 

1 tovrwv F. 2 karņnváàwoev F. 

1 The account of the mutiny at Opis is broken by Diodorus 
into two sections; cp. chap. 109. 1 below. The full accounts 
are Curtius, 10. 2. 8-4. 3; Justin, 12. 11. 5—12. 7; Plutarch, 
Alexander, 11. 1-5; Arrian, 7. 8-11. “ Ganges ” is a slip 
(chap. 94). 

2 Justin, 12. 11. 6; Arrian, 7. 8. 3. 

3 The Harpalus story was well known (Plutarch, Alex- 
ander, 41. 4; Phocion, 21-22; Justin, 13. 5. 9), but was told 


BOOK XVII. 108. 2—4 

orders and had been under supervisors and teachers 326/5 s.c. 

of the arts of war for as long as necessary. They were 
splendidly equipped with the full Macedonian arma- 
ment and encamped before the city, where they were 
warmly commended by the king after demonstrating 
their skill and discipline in the use of their weapons. 
The Macedonians had not only mutinied when 
ordered to cross the Ganges River but were fre- 
quently unruly when called into an assembly + and 
ridiculed Alexander’s pretence that Ammon was his 
father.” For these reasons Alexander had formed 
this unit from a single age-group of the Persians which 
was capable of serving as a counter-balance to the 
Macedonian phalanx. 

These were the concerns of Alexander. 

Harpalus had been given the custody of the trea- 
sury in Babylon and of the revenues which accrued 
to it, but as soon as the king had carried his campaign 
into India, he assumed that Alexander would never 
come back, and gave himself up to comfortable living. 

Although he had been charged as satrap 4 with the 

administration of a great country, he first occupied 
himself with the abuse of women and illegitimate 
amours with the natives and squandered much of the 
treasure under his control on incontinent pleasure. 
He fetched all the long way from the Red Sea a great 
quantity of fish and introduced an extravagant way 
of life, so that he came under general criticism. 

here, in addition to Diodorus, only by Curtius. In the loss 
of parts of that text, only the end of the story remains (10. 2. 
1-3), told in a similar way to that here. The account of these 
events in Plutarch, Demosthenes, 25-26, may plausibly be 
ascribed to Theopompus, at least in part. 

4 Harpalus was not actually a satrap, but director general 
of the royal treasury. 



5 eBàaopnueîro. puera è rar èk trÂv 'Abnyrôv 
Tv êmpaveordaryv rÕv érapôv voa Hubovirnv 
peTenéuharo kai CÕodv te aùrhv Paciıkaîs w- 
peaîs èriuņoe kai perañdaćaoav ¿bape modure- 
ÀAÔs kal tdfov karà rùv `Arricùv kateokevace 

6 Merà è rara dÀàyv éraipav `Arricùv övopa 
PAvképav perareppapevos èv úrepßpaňovon tpvoñ 
kal moàvðardvw Õiarrýuarı Öretiyev: eis Sè rà 
mapáňoya Tis TÚXNS karahvyàs mopıčóuevos evep- 

yérei ròv TÕv ’Abnvaiwv Sĝpuov. 

Tof è ’Adeédvõpov perà riv eé 'Ivõðv èrdvoðov 
Todoùs TÕv carpanrâv karnyopnhévras åveňóvros 
poßnleis trv tiuwpiav kal ovokevacduevos åp- 
yvpíov pèv trddavra nevrakioyiàa, pobopópovs &’ 
dðpoívsas ééakioyiÀlovs dmĝpev èk ts °`Acias ka, 
7 katénàevgev eis thv °Attikúv. ovðevòs è aùr 
TpocéyovTos Toùs èv pobopópovs àréňire mepi 
Taivapov ts Aarkwvhs, aùròs è uépos rôv 
xPnpáTov avañaßpav ikérys èyévero toÔ òńuov. 
efarroúuevos è úm’ °`Avrindrpov kal  Oàvuridõos 
kai ToÀÀà xpýpara Šaðoùs roîs órèp aùroô ôn- 
pnyopoôor pýropot Štéðpa kal karñpev eis Taivapov 
8 pòs Toùs pmolodópovs. èkeîhev Sè mÀeúoas eis 
Kpńryv úno Oißpwvos évòs rôv piÀwv Eõodohovýðn. 
oit Ò 'Abnvaîot Tv roô ‘Apráàov XPNLáTwv Àdyov 

1 Ñ õvoua TÀvrépa RX. 

1 She is mentioned by Athenaeus, 13. 58 
; . 13. 586 c, wh 
accounts of her by Theopompus and Cleitarchus. AE 


BOOK XVII. 108. 4-8 

Later, moreover, he sent and brought from Athens 326/5 s.c. 

the most dazzling courtesan of the day, whose name 
was Pythonicê.! As long as she lived he gave her 
gifts worthy of a queen, and when she died, he gave 
her a magnificent funeral and erected over her grave 
a costly monument of the Attic type. 

After that, he brought out a second Attic courtesan 
named Glycera ? and kept her in exceeding luxury, 
providing her with a way of life which was fantastically 
expensive. At the same time, with an eye on the 
uncertainties of fortune, he established himself a 
place of refuge by benefactions to the Athenians. 

When Alexander did come back from India and 
put to death many of the satraps who had been 
charged with neglect of duty, Harpalus became 
alarmed at the punishment which might befall him. 
He packedup five thousand talents of silver, enrolledsix 
thousand mercenaries, departed from Asia and sailed 
across to Attica. When no one there accepted him, 
he shipped his troops off to Taenarum in Laconia, and 
keeping some of the money with him threw himself 

on the mercy of the Athenians. Antipater and 

Olympias demanded his surrender, and although he 
had distributed large sums of money to those persons 
who spoke in his favour, he was compelled to slip 
away and repaired to Taenarum and his mercenaries. 
Subsequently he sailed over to Crete, where he was 
murdered by Thibron, one of his Friends.’ At Athens, 
an accounting was undertaken of the funds of Har- 

2 Athenaeus, 13. 586 c. The considerable evidence on these 
two is collected by Berve, Alezanderreich, 2, nos. 231 and 

3 Curtius, 10. 2. 1-3; Book 18. 19. 2. The collaboration 

of Antipater and Olympias is odd, for they were ordinarily 
hostile to each other. 


avatnroðvres Anuoohévyv kai ğAňovs trwàs TÔv 
pnTópawv kareðikacav ws eiànpóras trÔv ‘Aprádàov 

109. “O è ’Adéfavðpos rôv 'Oùvuriwv övrwv 
ekýpvćev èv °Oìùvuria roùs pvydõðas mávras els tràs 
nartpiðas katiévai mÀ)v TÕv iepooóàwv kal povéwv. 
aùròs ©’ emAéćas Toùs mpeoßvrárovs rôv moùrôv 
daréàvoe tis orparelas, vras os uvupíovs. muv- 
Oavóuevos è moods aùrôv evar karaĝaveiovs èv 
pépa pĝ Tà ávera Bpaxòù Àcirovra rôv uvpiwv 
raàdvrwv Šiéàvoev. 

Tõv © darodeirouévav Makeóvæv ånrebovvrwv 
kat kaŭTà Tùv èkkàņnoiav karaßosvræwv mapotvvôeis 
katnyópņoev ačrðv rteĥappnkórws. kararàņéd- 
pevos è Tò nàñbos éróňuņoev aùròs karaßàs àrò 
To Pýpatos Toùðs aitwrárovs! rs rapayñs taîs 
iðiais yepol mapaðoðvaı Toîs Úrnpéras Tpos TV 
3 Tuuwpiav. eml moù è ris Sadopâs aùéavouévns 
ó pèv Paoieùs èk rôv èrdedeyuéevov Hepoôv 
Hyepóvas karéorņoe kal Toúrovs npoñyev èr} rò 
npwretov: ot è Makeðóves peravońsavres ral 

l1 alriovs RX. 

m a a l o o a 

1 Justin, 13. 5. 9. 

2 Curtius, 10. 2. 4-7 ; Justin, 13. 5. 2-5. Diodorus refers 
to this later with greater detail as one of the causes of the 
Lamian War (Book 18. 8. 2-7). The time was midsummer 
of Keb 

is story appears in differing versions. Curtiu ; 
2. 9-1 1) tells only of the payment of he debts, without TA 
ing either the number or the identity of the beneficiaries : 
10,000 talents were made available, and 130 were left over, 
Justin (12. 11. 2-3) says that 20,000 talents were distributed, 

BOOK XVII. 108. 83—109. 3 

palus, and Demosthenes and certain other statesmen 326/5 s 0 

were convicted of having accepted money from this 

109. While the Olympic Games were being cele- 
brated, Alexander had it proclaimed in Olympia that 
all exiles should return to their cities, except those 
who had been charged with sacrilege or murder.? He 
selected the oldest of his soldiers who were Mace- 
donians and released them from service ; there were 
ten thousand of these. He learned that many of 
them were in debt, and in a single day he paid their 
obligations, which were little short of ten thousand 

The Macedonians who remained with him were 
becoming insubordinate, and when he called them to 
an assembly, they interrupted him by shouting.* In 
a fury, he denounced them without regard to his own 
personal risk; then, having cowed the throng, he 
leaped down from the platform, seized the ring- 
leaders of the tumult with his own hands, and handed 
them over to his attendants for punishment.5 This 
made the soldiers’ hostility even more acute, so that 
the king appointed generals from specially selected 
Persians and advanced them into positions of re- 
sponsibility. At this, the Macedonians were repen- 

an act equally welcome to debtors and creditors. Plutarch 
(Alexander, T0. 2) uses the same total as Curtius (9870), 
but says that these were the debts of the guests at the mass 
marriage in Susa. Curtius expresses astonishment that the 
soldiers were so in debt. (From whom, as a matter of fact, 
would ten thousand soldiers borrow a talent each ?) At all 
events, Arrian (7. 12. 1) states specifically that the soldiers 
were Macedonian and each received a gift of a talent. 
4 The mutiny at Opis, continued from chap. 108. 3. 
5 Curtius, 10. 2. 30; Justin, 12. 11. 8. Arrian (7. 8. 3) 
says that he merely pointed out the ringleaders. 


TOÀ perà cakpýwv ðenlévres uóyıis čmeoav Tòv 
’Adéfavõpov aùroîs Siadayfvar. 

110. Er’ pxovros & ’Abúvnow ’Avricàéovs 
‘Pwpaioi karéornoav órdrovs Aeúkiov Kopvýňiov 
kal Kówrov Ioriàov. eml Sè roúrwv ’Aàééav- 
Ôpos eist ròv rv drodevuévæwv apiðuòv åveràńpw- 
ocev èk trôv Ilepoðôv kal yıàíovs aùrôv eis rovs 
mepi Tv avàùv čračev úracmioràs kal Trò oúvodov 
où% Ñrrovs eis miorw trv Maxeóvwv úrédaßev. 
kev è xarà roðrov ròv kupòv kal Ievkéorns 
aywv Ilépoas ro¢óras kai oġevðovýras Štopvpíovs' 
kartapigas è Troúrovs Toîs mpoŭrápyovot oTpatıó- 
TAS TÑ kawórTrı TS kawortoplas kareokevaoe 
Tv àv ðúvapıv kekpapévyv ral ápuóčtovoav rů 
iiq mpoaipécet. l 

Tõv ðè Maxeðóvwv ék rôv aiyuaàwriðwv yeyev- 
vykórwv vioùs tòv åpiðpòv rÕv malðwv årppâs 
eokéjaro, övrov © aùrâôv oyeðòv uvpiwv čmaoı 
tàs áppoģoðoas mpòs tpoßġův edevbépiov ovvrádćes 
dmoueploas ToŬTois pèv maevràs ènéornoe rToùs 
SDdéovras Tùv dpuótovoav maðeiav. 

Aùros è avadaßov råv õúvauw npoñĵyev èk rôv 

1 The preposition has been deleted by editors, but cp. 

SEG ?, 364. 61/2; Alexander’s army was filled *‘ to the 
number of the losses.” 

a ŘŮnaInOOU 

1 Anticles was archon at Athens from July 325 to J 
324 B.C. , L. Cornelius Lentulus and Q. Publikus Philo ai 
consuls in 327 s.c. (Broughton, 1. 145). In his narrative, 
Diodorus has reached, actually, the late summer of 324 B.c. 

BOOK XVII. 109. 3—110. 3 

tant. Weeping, they urgently petitioned Alexander 
to forgive them, and with difficulty persuaded him to 
take them back into favour. 

110. In the archonship of Anticles at Athens, the 
Romans installed as consuls Lucius Cornelius and 
Quintus Popillius. In this year Alexander secured 
replacements from the Persians equal to the number 
of these soldiers whom he had released, and assigned 
a thousand of them to the bodyguards ? stationed at 
the court. In all respects he showed the same con- 
fidence in them as in the Macedonians. At this time 
Peucestes arrived with twenty thousand Persian bow- 
men and slingers. Alexander placed these in units 
with his other soldiers, and by the novelty of this in- 
novation created a force blended and adjusted to his 
own idea.? 

Since there were by now sons of the Macedonians 
born of captive women, he determined the exact 
number of these. There were about ten thousand, 
and he set aside for them revenues sufficient to pro- 
vide them with an upbringing proper for freeborn 
children, and set over them teachers to give them 
their proper training.* 

After this he marched with his army from Susa, 

The narrative of Curtius is lost down to the story of Alex- 
ander’s death. 

2 Arrian (7. 6. 3) states that these thousand formed a fifth 
squadron of the Companion Cavalry. 

3 Peucestes had been rewarded with the satrapy of Persia 
after saving Alexander’s life (chap. 99. 4). Of all Alexander’s 
generals he showed the greatest willingness to conciliate the 
Persians. Arrian has described these new units earlier 
(1. 11. 3-4) but places this event a year later (7. 23. 1). 

4 Plutarch, Álegander, 11. 5; Arrian, 7. 12 (stating that 
these were the children of the veterans who returned to Mace- 
donia); Justin, 12. 4. 6 (under 330 B.c.). 


826/5 B.C. 

825/4 B.C. 

crossed the Tigris, and encamped in the villages 325/4 » c. 
called Carae. Thence for four days he marched 
through Sittacenê and came to the place called Sam- 

Zoúowv kai ĉiaßàs ròv Tiypw èv raîs Kdápais 
4 kañovuévais kópas kateorparornéðevoev. ééis © 

ev hpépais TéTTapot Tv Xirrakıviv” ĝiavóoas kev 
cis Tà kañoúueva Zdáppava. èévraðla Sè ueivas 
huépas émrtrà kail npocavadaßàv rùv Šúvapv Tpi- 
ratos eis roùs -Kéàwvas mpocayopevouévovs Îkev, 
ev © uéypi võv Õiauévet yévos Bordriov, karà uèv 
Tův Hép£ov otpareiav dváorartov yeyovós, mev- 
5 pévov © éti TÕV TaTpilwV vóuwV' ÖVTES yàp oÔTOL 
Ôipwvot t pèv érépg iadékrw èfwporóðnoav 
Toîs êyywpiois, T Ò érépa mÀeloras rÔv ‘EAàq- 
vikõðv Àéfewv Õierýpovv kal rv èmryõevudrwv 
éva ÕepúdarrTov. 

Tédos è mpoopeivas huépas . . ? àvétevée ral 
mapeykàivas tùv úrokeipévyv óðòv Odas čvekev 
ÑAGev eis tùv òvouatopévyv Bayıorávnv, Qeorpe- 
neoráryv Te xæpav osav kal TÀÝpN kapripwv 
Ôévõpwv xai rÕv Awv åndvrwv rv mpòs åmé- 
6 Àavow dvnkóvrwv. perà è rara mapeàbàv els 
Twa yøpav uvapévyv èkrpéhew dyéñas TAUTAN- 
leis inno, êv Ĥ rò Tadaov épacav ékkalðeka 
pvpidðas inmwv yeyovévar poppdðwv, karà Sè Tùv 
Adeávðpov mapovoíav £ uóvar pvpidðes Npibuý- 
Onoav, évraôla Sraueivas uépas tpiárovra éßðo- 

1 irra RX ; Eirra F, but cp. chap. 65.2. The correction 

was made by Wesseling. 
2 A numeral has dropped out here. 

l Diodorus’s topography is confused. His tradition (shared 
by Curtius) does not place the mutiny at Opis, as does Arrian ; 
hence Alexander is still at Susa. The “ Carian ” villages 
were in Babylonia (Book 19. 12. 1) and so on the right bank 
of the Tigris; Sittacenê was on the left bank (chap. 65. 2). 
The location of Sambana is unknown. Perhaps Alexander 


bana.! There he remained seven days and, proceed- 
ing with the army, came on the third day to the 
Celones, as they are called. There dwells here down 
to our time a settlement of Boeotians who were moved 
in the time of Xerxes’s campaign, but still have not 
forgotten their ancestral customs. They are bilingual 
and speak like the natives in the one language, while 
in the other they preserve most of the Greek vocabu- 
lary, and they maintain some Greek practices.? 

After a stay of some days he resumed his march at 
length and diverging from the main road ? for the 
purpose of sight-seeing he entered the region called 
Bagistanê, a magnificent country covered with fruit 
trees and rich in everything which makes for good 
living. Next he came to a land which could support 
enormous herds of horses, where of old they say that 
there were one hundred and sixty thousand horses 
grazing, but at the time of Alexander’s visit there 
were counted only sixty thousand.* After a stay of 
thirty days he resumed the march and on the seventh 
crossed the Tigris twice. By “‘ Tigris” in the text is not 
meant the Pasitigris (chap. 67. 1), which was south-east of 
Susa ; the city was on the Choaspes and Eulaeus Rivers 
(Strabo, 15. 3. 4. 728). 

2 These are probably the Eretrians whom Herodotus men- 
tions (6. 119) as having been carried off by Xerxes, although 
he places them nearer to Susa. The place is mentioned again, 
Book 19. 19.2. In their tenacious Hellenism, they anticipated 
the settlers of the Hellenistic period (cp. F. Grosso, Rivista di 
Filologia Classica, 36 (1958), 350-375). 

2 The age-old road from Baghdad to Hamadan, the main 
route from Mesopotamia to Iran. 

4 This was Nysa. Arrian (7. 13. 1) gives slightly different 
figures : formerly 150,000 mares, now 50,000. 


day came to Ecbatana of Media. They say that its 325/4 s.c. 

A la 3 kd ’ ~ L LA 
7 patos òiývvoev ELS Ekßárava TNS Mnôeias. TAUTNS circuit is two hundred and fifty stades. It contains 

t l ` $ z ’ y 
òé hacı Õiakociwv èv kal mevrýkovra oraðiwv TÙV 
mepiuerpov Ýndpyew, Baciàceira © ëyew ris ÖANS 
Mnåcias kat Onoavpoùs moňiðv ypnudrwv. 

”E ~ Lg k. ~ 2 > ` > ~ 

vla ù) ypõvov tivà Tùv úvaıv åvañaß&v áyô- 
vás Te Îvuedioùs noiet kal mórovs ovveyeîs TV 
£ 3 ` e # td ld + £ 
8 pwy, év oîs ‘Hpaworiwv dkaipois ébars ypnod- 
pevos? kal mepirecœav dppworig tròv Biov eééMrev: 

e A k3 “~ ? Z ` A ` ~ 
o ôe Pacideùs yaderðs évéyrkas rò ovufàv Tò oôpa 
TOD Tereàeurykóros Ilepðikka mapéðwrev eis Ba- 
Pvàðva kouioar, Bovàópevos èmipaveorádryv aùroô 
nmoroachari tv Tav. 

e $ $ F. KJ ~ 

111. “Apa è roúrois NPATTOMEVOLS KATA TNV 
Edàdôa rapayai cvvioravro kal mpayuárwv kat- 

m z ? P 
võv kwýoes, eE ðv ó Aapmakòs móàepos kànbeis 
z ` > ~ 
cape rùv àpxýv, èk Toraúrns twòs airias. toô 

l lA a 
Paociàéws mpooráźavros roîs oatpáras čmacw 
kd 7 i a 
amopiohovs moroai roùs mobopópovs kai Toúrwv 

“ l m 
TO TpôoTaypa ouvTedeodvrwv TOÀÀol TÑs oTpartelas 
ed À À + rA Ò l e er E kd la 
anodedvuévot čévot Õiérpeyov kab’ ôànv rùv °Aciav 

lA ` Ea 
mÀavóuevot kal tàs dvaykalaşs tpofàs èk rtÔv 
~ + m 
mpovopðv mopıóuevoi. merà è rara navrayólev 

À E S ! a 5 

2 ripar? mì Taivapov rs Aaxwviñs. óuolws ŝè 
` ~ Ca Ca m 
kai Ôv Ilepoixâv oatparðv kal rôv Aww hye- 

td e lA ld 
povwv ot mepiàeiphévTes ypýuaTá re kal orpatrıóras 
> 1 z t EER, | 
alpoibovres ënàcov ènmi Taivapov kal kowùv úvauıv 
3 n0 rA ` De À a ? ` > 

NUporbov. TO ðe Tedevraîov Newolévyv ròv Aby- 

a EA Ka 
vaŭov, åvôpa puyhis Àaunpórnre Šıdhopov ral 

2 kd > f. a 
paAOT dvTikeipevov Toîs ’Adeéávspov npáyuacw, 

bd ` D 
eiÀovro otparnyòv aùrokpáropa. oros &è Ti 

the palace which is the capital of all Media and store- 
houses filled with great wealth. 

Here he refreshed his army for some time and 
staged a dramatic festival, accompanied by constant 
drinking parties among his friends. In the course of 
these, Hephaestion drank very much, fell ill, and died. 
The king was intensely grieved at this ang entrusted 
his body to Perdiccas to conduct to Babylon, where 
he proposed to celebrate a magnificent funeral for 

111. During this period Greece was the scene of dis- 
turbances and revolutionary movements from which 
arose the war called Lamian.? The reason was this. 
The king had ordered all his satraps to dissolve 
their armies of mercenaries,’ and as they obeyed his 
instructions, all Asia was overrun with soldiers re- 
leased from service and supporting themselves by 
plunder. Presently they began assembling from all 
directions at Taenarum in Laconia, whither came 
also such of the Persian satraps and generals as had 
survived, bringing their funds and their soldiers, so 
that they constituted a joint force. Ultimately they 
chose as supreme commander the Athenian Leos- 
thenes, who was a man of unusually brilliant mind, 
and thoroughtly opposed to the cause of Alexander. 

1 Justin, 12. 12. 11; Plutarch, Alexander, 12 ; Arrian, "7. 
i Justin, 13. 5. 1-8. The war did not actually break out 
until after Alexander’s death, and Diodorus gives an account 

of it later (Book 18. 8 ff.) which repeats some of this material. 
3 Cp. chap. 106. 3. 

1 èv ols kapoîs TÔv piÀwv “Hoaoriwv pébas xpnodpevos RX. 
2 åriparv F. 



Povàñ Siadexleis êv dmoppýrors mevrýkovra uèv 

éÀape ráňavra mpòs rùv pmoboðociav, dràwv ŝè 

TmAÑÂos ikavòv eis? ràs katereryoúsas ypelas, mpòs 

ôe Airwàoùs ddotpiws ëyovras mpòs ròv Pacıàéa 

mepi ovupayias cierpecßevoaro kai návra tà Tpos 

TOv TóÀeuov mapeokeváćero. 

4 Aewohévns pèv oĝv mpoopópevos trò uéyebos roô 
moàéuov mepi rara Šrérpißev. ó © ’ AàéÉavõpos 
rõv Koosaiwv anreiboúvrwv orpárevoev èr aùroùs 
eùbovw Ti ðvvduet. roro è rò čðvos dÀkÑ ða- 
þépov karoe? uèv ris Mnêeias rùv òpewńv, me- 
mobos Sè t rv rómwv Õvoywpiqa kal traîs karà 
móÀcpov dperaîs oùðérore Seonóryv émnÀvv mpoo- 
còcðekTO, QÀÀQA kal karà thv Iepoôv Bacıàciav 
Òéuewev avdìwrov kal rtóre Tebpovnuatiouévov 
où kateràdyn thv trÔv Maresóvwv dperýv. ó ĝè 
Pacideùs/mporarañaßóuevos tràs mapõðovs kal TÎs 
Koooaias ùv mìeiornv nophýoas kal karà mdoas 
TAS OVUTÀOKAS Tmporepåv roddods èv darnékrewe 
trõv Papßpdpwv, moňìaràaciovs & etoyproev. 

Oi è Kocoaîot mávry vikópevot kal Sià Tò 
nÀflos rÕv éaňwkórwv yaňerôs pépovres Ñvayrd- 
obnoav tis rv aiyuaàórtwv cwrTypias Tv Õovàelav 
dàÀdéachar. Siò kal rà kab’ aóroùs enirpébavres 
eróyxavov eipývns oùv TÔ morei rò NpOOTATTÖUEVOV 
TO PaodeT. ó è `Adéfavõpos? èr’ Ñuépais Taîs 
máoas Teocapádkovra kaTtatoàeuńoas Tò čĝvos kai 



* mpòs RX, 2 Baoideùs F. 

BOOK XVII. 111. 3-6 

He conferred secretly with the council at Athens and 825/4 s.c. 

was granted fifty talents to pay the troops and a stock 
of weapons sufficient to meet pressing needs. He 
sent off an embassy to the Aetolians, who were un- 
friendly to the king, looking to the establishment of 
an alliance with them, and otherwise made every 
preparation for war. 

So Leosthenes was occupied with such matters, 
being in no doubt about the seriousness of the pro- 
posed conflict, but Alexander launched a campaign 
with a mobile force against the Cossaeans, for they 
would not submit to him.! This is a people out- 
standing in valour which occupied the mountains of 
Media; and relying upon the ruggedness of their 
country and their ability in war, they had never 
accepted a foreign master, but had remained un- 
conquered throughout the whole period of the Persian 
kingdom, and now they were too proudly self-confi- 
dent to be terrified of the Macedonian arms. The 
king, nevertheless, seized the routes of access into 
their country before they were aware of it, laid waste 
most of Cossaea, was superior in every engagement, 
and both slew many of the Cossaeans and captured 
many times more. 

So the Cossaeans were utterly defeated, and, dis- 
tressed at the number of their captives, were con- 
strained to buy their recovery at the price of national 
submission. They placed themselves in Alexander’s 
hands and were granted peace on condition that they 
should do his bidding. In forty days at most, he had 

1 Plutarch, Alexander, 12. 3; Arrian 7. 15. 1-3. This 
activity took place in the winter of 324/3 s.c. and was intended 
to solace Alexander’s grief for the death of Hephaestion. 

3 êv omitted by F. 


Ld > Ld > a [a / 3 
róàcis droàdyovs év raîs voywpiais rriosas dve- 
Àdupave rv úvapw.* 

x x x 

112? '’A\éfavõðpos karameroàeunkæs rò TtÕv 
Koosaiwv čðvos àvé%evće perà ris Švváuews kal 
npofyev émi Bafvàðvos, del Sè karà tràs orTparo- 
meðeias Õiadeimwv kal Tiv Šúvayv àvadaußávæv 
2 Novyi nmpoñyev. aréyovros è aùroô tpiakociovs 
oraðiovs rs Bafvàðvos ot KaňðaToi kaħoúpevos, 
peyiotryv pèv óav év dorpoàoyig mepireromuévot, 
Ôd ÒE Twos alwviov maparnphoews mpodéyew 
eiwhóres rà péovra, mpoeyeipisavro pèv èé 
éavrõv Tods mpeoßurárovs ral peyiornv èumeipiav 
éxyovtas, Õtà è ris TÕv dorépwv pavreias yvóvres 
Tův péňdovoav yiveobar roô Baciàéws TEÀEUTŮV év 
Baßvàðvı mpocéraćav uņvõsar T Bacıiàeî? ròv kiv- 
Ôvvov kai mapareàcúoacha? pnev? tpórw TÙV 
3eis riv mów eigoðov mowoachar Súvaoðar Sè 
aùròv ékpvyeðv ròv kivõvvov, àv dvaorýon ròv 
kaðņpnuévov úrò Ilepoðv roô Býdov ráģov kal TÙV 
Pepovàeuuévyv dõòv êmorýoas mapéàðy tův rów. 

Tõv ðè dmooradévrwv Xañðaiwv ó mpokpibeis, 
õvopa Bedepávrys, T® uèv Bacıide? ovvedberv els 
Àóyovs oùk èróàunoe ià ròv péßov, Nedpyw & 

1 The abrupt ending of this paragraph, where we should 
expect at least the length of Alexander’s stay, and the asyn- 
detical beginning of chap. 112 coincide with the intrusion 

of an unwanted dating formula to indicate a lacuna in the 

A 2 The manuscripts begin this chapter with the words 'Er 
čpxovros ò ’Abývnor . . . €v ‘Poun kareorábðnoav čraror Aecúrkios 
Kopvýñtos Aévràos kal Kówros IlomiAMos. emi Sè rovræv. The 

BOOK XVII. 111. 6—112. 8 

conquered this people. He founded strong cities at 325/4 n.c. 

strategic points and rested his army. 

112. After the conclusion of his war with the Cos- 
saeans, Alexander set his army in motion and marched 
towards Babylon in easy stages, interrupting the 
march frequently and resting the army.t While he 
was still three hundred furlongs from the city, the 
scholars called Chaldaeans, who have gained a great 
reputation in astrology and are accustomed to pre- 
dict future events by a method based on age-long 
observations, chose from their number the eldest and 
most experienced. By the configuration of the stars 
they had learned of the coming death of the king in 
Babylon, and they instructed their representatives to 
report to the king the danger which threatened. 
They told their envoys also to urge upon the king 
that he must under no circumstances make his entry 
into the city ; that he could escape the danger if he 
re-erected the tomb of Belus which had been de- 
molished by the Persians,? but he must abandon his 
intended route and pass the city by. 

The leader of the Chaldaean envoys, whose name 
was Belephantes,? was not bold enough to address the 
king directly but secured a private audience with 

1 Justin, 12. 13. 3-5; Plutarch, Alexander, 13. 1-2; Ar- 
rian, 7. 16. 5—18. 6. 

2 Arrian (7. 17. 1-4) makes the reverse statement, that the 
priests wanted to keep the revenues of the temple of Bel to 
themselves. 3 The name is not otherwise reported. 

archon’s name is missing and the consuls are repeated from 
chap. 110. i 

3 The manuscripts have mapaokevácacðar, which was cor- 
rected by Dindorf. 

VOL. VIII Q 449 


~ hs ` 
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t m~ ~ 
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~ Ri ~ 
4 Baoiàct. ó © 'Adéfavðpos akoúosaşs map ToÔ 
LA ` ~ 1 P À / 
Nedpyov trv rv Xaàðaiwv mpóppnow katrenàdyn 
kat pêààov del tv dyyxívorav rÕv dvðpõðv ral 
A Ld 
òóéav dvadoyičópevos raparrero Tùv uyýv. Tédos 
A A A “~ $ 3 rA kd x 
ðe roùs mooùs rv piwv drocreidas eis TÀv 
: 3 4 , DPN > ` Àc 2 AN 
nóv aùros eis &ÀAÀnv dtTparov perafadwv? maphà- 
Aage tv Baßvàðva kai karaorparoneðevoas aro 
oraðiwv ðiakociwv hovyiav elyev. 
$: ` 2 KA ` ? ` KA 
Havræv è avuatóvrwv kov mpòs aùròv dAdo 
re mÀelovs trôv ‘EdMývwv kal rv diùocóġwv oi 
A ` > A D hi a 4 TARR j 
5 mepi ròv `Aváéapyov. ofroi è pabóvres Tùv airiav 
kal Toîs Ek þhiùooopias ypnodpevoi Àdyois vepyôs 
Tocoĵrov perélykav aùròv wore karappovĝoat uèv 
náons avriks, pádùiora òè tis mapà Xadðaiois 
mpotiuwpévns. Šiórep ó Pacidevs, orepel Terpw- 
2 hi ` ` a A z e A 
pévos Tù puxhv kal toîs rÕv hiàoocódwv úyiacbeis 
Àóyois,? eis riv Bafpvàðva perà ris Svváduews 
6 cioĵAlev. rÕv È eyywpiwv, kabdrep kai mpórepov, 
piàavlpórws úroðeyopévwv Toùs orparibras åmav- 
Tes Öppnoav mpòs dveow kal tpupýv, moñs TÔv 
emiryòciwv nmapeokevacuévys Ŝapiicias. 
Tara uèv ov ènpdyðn rarà torov ròv èv- 
1 $é rvi F. 
2 eis ei A drpanòv maphàaćte RX; els Anv årparòv pera- 

Tmaphàaće ome participle such as peraßaàdv (Fischer) 
had apparently been lost. 

3 úmaybeis àdyors RX ; àdyors úyiaobeis F. 

BOOK XVII. 112. 3-6 

Nearchus, one of Alexander’s Friends, and told him 325/4 B.C. 

everything in detail, requesting him to make it known 
to the king. When Alexander, accordingly, learned 
from Nearchus + about the Chaldaeans’ prophecy, he 
was alarmed and more and more disturbed, the more 
he reflected upon the ability and high reputation of 
these people. After some hesitation, he sent most of 
his Friends into Babylon, but altered his own route 
so as to avoid the city and set up his headquarters in 
a camp at a distance of two hundred furlongs.? 

This act caused general astonishment and many 
of the Greeks came to see him, notably among the 
philosophers Anaxarchus.* When they discovered the 
reason for his action, they plied him with arguments 
drawn from philosophy and changed him to the 
degree that he came to despise all prophetic arts, 
and especially that which was held in high regard by 
the Chaldaeans.t It was as if the king had been 
wounded in his soul and then healed by the words 
of the philosophers, so that he now entered Babylon 
with his army. As on the previous occasion,’ the 
population received the troops hospitably, and all 
turned their attention to relaxation and pleasure, 
since everything necessary was available in profusion. 

These were the events of this year. 

1 Plutarch, Alexander, 13. 1. 

2 Arrian does not think that Alexander heeded the warn- 
ings of the Chaldeans, but quotes Aristobulus (7. 17. 5-6) to 
the effect that Alexander did wish to avoid the city, but could 
not pass it because of the swamps. 

3 Justin, 12. 13. 5. This was the celebrated philosopher of 
Abdera, of the school of Democritus. He had been with 
Alexander throughout the campaign. 

2 That is, astrology. Itis odd that Diodorus should speak 
so well of Greek rationalism, when in this case the Chaldaeans 
knew better. 5 Cp. chap. 64. 4. 



113. Er’ dpyovros © ’`Abývyow ’Ayyoiov ‘Pw- 
aîot karéorņnoav úrárovs Fdiov lIóràov ral 
IHaripiov, oÀvumias È hxOn rTerdápry mpòs raîs 
e ` ` [A > a ADN i E: lA 
ekaròv kal Õéka, kab? Ñv evika ordðieov Mirivas 
‘Póðios. rara è roôrov ròv ypóvov è áånrdáonņs 
oyeðov ris oikovuévys kov mpéoßeis, ot pèv ovy- 
xaípovres èm roîs karopfwuaocw, oi Sè oreha- 

a EA ` ` l ` t A 
voĝvres, AAÀol è diàlas ral ovuuayias rihéuevot, 
Tool Òè Öwpeas peyadormpenreîs kouibovres, Tivès 
2 è órèp rÕv éyrañovuévwv amoňoyoúuevor. ywpis 
yàp rv ano ris Acias èĝvôv kal móàewv, ëri ðè 
ðuvacrðv, Tool kal trv èk ts Eùpórmys rai 
ABúns karývryoav, èk èv Ains Kapynõóvior xal 
Apvupoivixes kal mávres ot Tv mapáňov oikoûvres 

[g ~ ‘H À ld AĜ 3 * la 3 A 
expt Tv Hpardeiwv ornàðrv, ek ðè ris Eùpórns 
at re rÔv ‘Edúvav móde etéreppav kal Maxe- 
ò Lg s ò ` >TIAÀ ` ` ~ ` ` kd ld 

Öves, étt Õe upiot kat TÕv Tepi TÒv °` Aĝplav 
oikoóvræwv ot mÀelovs, td te Opdkia yévy kai TÔv 
mànowxøpwv Tadarôv, v róre mpôrov rò yévos 
3 “~ € 
eyvócby mapà roîs “Edànow. 
e ~ 
3 “O 8è ’Aàééavspos droypadiv Àaßàv tôv mpéo- 

Pewv diérage roîs uèv mpærois Stdvar ràs årorpi- 
ges kat Toîs és draci. kal mpõórois èv èypn- 

2 m m~ ~ 
paTioe Tois rèp rÕv iepðv mapayeyevnuévois, 

[A a Ca ~ € m 
Ôeurépors è rots mepi rÔv wpeðv ýkovow, ééfs 

` A > 3 
è roîs dupıoßnrýoes ëyovot mpòs Toùs öuőpovs, 
eo a A a 

1 Hegesias (as the name appears in the Attic inscriptions) 
was archon from July 324 to June 323 s.c. The consuls of 
326 B.c. were C. Poetelius Libo Visolus and L. Papirius 
Cursor (Broughton, 1. 146). The Olympic Games were held 
in the summer of 324 s.c. (chap. 109. 1). The name of the 

victor is given as Macinnas by Eusebius. The time was 
actually the spring of 323 s.c. 


BOOK XVII. 113. 1-3 

113. When Agesias was archon at Athens, the 824/3 B.C. 

Romans installed as consuls Gaius Publius and Pa- 
pirius, and the one hundred and fourteenth celebra- 
tion of the Olympic Games took place, in which 
Micinas of Rhodes won the foot race. Now from 
practically all the inhabited world came envoys on 
various missions, some congratulating Alexander on 
his victories, some bringing him crowns, others con- 
cluding treaties of friendship and alliance, many 
bringing handsome presents, and some prepared to 
defend themselves against accusations. Apart from 
the tribes and cities as well as the local rulers of Asia, 
many of their counterparts in Europe and Libya put 
in an appearance ; from Libya, Carthaginians and 
Libyphoenicians and all those who inhabit the coast 
as far as the Pillars of Heracles ; from Europe, the 
Greek cities and the Macedonians also sent embas- 
sies, as well as the Illyrians and most of those who 
dwell about the Adriatic Sea, the Thracian peoples 
and even those of their neighbours the Gauls, whose 
people became known then first in the Greek world.? 

Alexander drew up a list of the embassies and 
arranged a schedule of those to whom first he would 
give his reply and then the others in sequence.’ First 
he heard those who came on matters concerning re- 
ligion ; second, those who brought gifts ; next, those 
who had disputes with their neighbours ; fourth, 

2 Justin, 12. 13. 1-2 ; Arrian, 7. 15. 4-6 (embassies from 
the west); 19. 1-2 (embassies from the Greeks). Arrian 
(7. 15. 5-6) expresses doubt about the embassy from Rome, 
reported among others by Cleitarchus (Jacoby, Fragmente 
der griechischen Historiker, no. 137, F 31; from Pliny, 
Naturalis Historia, 3. 57). ` 

3 These ingenious and methodical arrangements of Alex- 
ander’s court are not otherwise reported. 



mTois Òe Tois dvridéyovot mepi Ts kabóðov rv 
4 pvydðwv. roîs èv ov `Hàelors mpõrois èypn- 
paricev, era °Aupwvieioi kal Aeàġoîs kat Kopi- 
Olors, črt è 'Emðavpiois kal roîs dAdois, karà 
Tùv dav rv iepôv nmpokpivwv rtas évrevées. 
mdoas è raîs mpeofelars hiorieunbeis keyapıo- 
pévas ovar TàS dTokpioeis edapeorovuévas åné- 
Àvoec karà TO Ôuvaróv. 

114. ’Aroàŭúoas è tràs mpeoßeias mepi Tùv ra- 
pův èyivero roô ‘Hgpawriwvos. rTtoscaúrņyv ŝè 
anovðùv èrorýoaro mpòs tùv rs ekdopâs èm- 
péàceav oTe uù póvov tràs mpoyeyevnuévas mtap’ 
avôpúrois raġàs úrepßpaňéoßar, AAÀù Kal Tois èco- 
pévois pyòepiav úrépłeow karaùıreîv. ral yàp 
pyámnoev avròv udora! rv èv oropyi wv 
Õočaouévwv kal erà Tùv Teàeurhv èriunoev aùròv 
dvureppàńrws. CõÕvra uèv yàp mpoeriunoe mávrwv 
TrÕv diwy, kainep Kparepoô diàlav ëyovros èvd- 
2 pmàdov. êrnet ydp tis rÕv éraípwv eÎmev unèèv 
karaðeéorepov ‘Hoaioriwvos ròv Kparepòv orépye- 
ohłai, ênephéyćaro Kparepòv èv yàp evar dido- 
Paoiàéa, ‘Hpaioriwva Sè piňaàéfavõpov. ris Sè 
Aapeiov unTpòs katà Tùv mpærTnv čvrevěw ià Tùv 
dyvorav mpookvvoúons tòv ‘Hoaiworiwva os övra 
Bacia kal perà rùv enmiyvwow ĝiarperopévns 
eînev, Mnåèv dpovrions, © urep: kal yàp oĝros 

Kadov yàp ó ‘'Hpawriwv rosaúrys ètovoías 

1 udora Reiske; aùròv raîs rôv R; aùròv râôv XF. 


BOOK XVII. 113. 3—114. 83 

those who had problems concerning themselves alone; 324/3 s.o. 

and fifth, those who wished to present arguments 
against receiving back their exiles. He dealt with 
the Eleians first, then with the Ammonians and the 
Delphians and the Corinthians, as well as with the 
Epidaurians and the rest, receiving their petitions in 
the order of importance of the sanctuaries. In all 
cases he made every effort to deliver replies which 
would be gratifying, and sent everyone away content 
so far as he was able. a 

114. When the embassies had been dismissed, 
Alexander threw himself into preparations for the 
burial of Hephaestion. He showed such zeal about 
the funeral that it not only surpassed all those pre- 
viously celebrated on earth but also left no possibility 
for anything greater in later ages. He had loved 
Hephaestion most of the group of Friends who were 
thought to have been high in his affections, and after 
his death showed him superlative honour. In his life- 
time, he had preferred him to all, although Craterus 
had a rival claim to his love ; so, for example, that 
when one of the companions said that Craterus was 
loved no less than Hephaestion, Alexander had 
answered that Craterus was king-loving, but Hephae- 
stion was Alexander-loving.! At their first meeting 
with Dareius’s mother, when she from ignorance had 
bowed to Hephaestion supposing him to be the king 
and was distressed when this was called to her atten- 
tion, Alexander had said: “ Never mind, mother. 
For actually he too is Alexander.” ? 

As a matter of fact, Hephaestion enjoyed so much 

1 That is, Craterus loved Alexander as the king, Hephaes- 
tion loved Alexander for himself. On the relations between 

Craterus and Hephaestion cp. Plutarch, Alexander, 47. 5-7. 
2 Cp. chap. 37. 5-6. 



bi A A A r e A OÀ 
kai hiùikjs èkowwve nappnoias œs TÎS vu- 
mdðos dAdortpiws èyoúons mpòs aùrov ða TÖV 
[A kA Tan 
ld ~ 3 À E £? XAA / 
okàņnpórepov kat ànmeroúons Ta Tte dÀàa yppa 
emi redeuris Oeîvar rara’: Kai mpòs ýuâs mavov 
[A si A A bS bd J 3 A 
Sraßbadouévy kat uù) yadérawe unòè dreier’ el Õe 
2 [A l a À £ O al e ? À ld 
uN, perpiws uiv peàńoe oldas yàp ört ` AÀcé- 
e A 
O & ov Bacıideùs tà mpos tùv èkpopàv mapa- 
oKkevačóuevos tas èv mÀnoiov módeot npocéraće 
`N 2 A ` A A kd po 
kara úvauıv ovußdàdecchat mpos rov rs èkpopâs 
d m a m 
kóguov, nct ðè Toîs karà tTův `Aoclav oikoĝot 
Lg a a 
npocéračev Tò mapa Tots Ilépoais iepòv nõp kañoðv- 
pevov emiueðs oféocar, péypi äv Treća tv èk- 
? A m 
dopáv: roro è ciwbaoiw oi Iépoai morõv karà 
kJ “~ ~ 
5 ràs TÕv Pacidéwv reàevrás. Tò ðe mÀñÂos yaňeròv 
3 a 
oiwvòv èriĝero Tò npóorayua kat rò beîov Ýreàdu- 
Bavov nmpooņnuaivew ròv roô Pacıiàéws Odvarov. 
3 ld ` $ 3 ~ lA m“ 
eyévero è katl AÀda oneta mapdðoča mpoðnàoðvra 
` AÀ , 5 À 7 a o v 
Tv ` A\eẸdvòðpov redevrýv, mepi ðv pmrkpòv Čorepov 
? “~ € K ` a ? m m 
épopev, ótrav Tòv mepi Ts êkhopâs Àóyov aroðð- 
~ ` e ? 4 ei 
115. Tôv yàp hyepóvwv kai piiwv čkaoros oro- 
lg A “~ [d > 
xatóuevos Ts To Baciàéws dpeokreias kareokeða- 
LÒ À Ò > À lA ` m~ ` ~ KA 
tev eiðwda Òr! àéhavros kal ypvooô kai rv ÀAAwv 
m # td 
tTÕv lavpačouévwv map’ avhpænrois, aùròs Sè roùs 
3 + 3 r Ca “~ ~ 
apxırékrTovas aðpoicas kal Aentrovpyðv màñÂos roô 

1 Hephaestion’s usage here suggests the pluralis majestatis. 
He can hardly mean anyone but himself. 


BOOK XVII. 114. 3—115. 1 


power and freedom of speech based on this friendship 324/3 v.c. 

that when Olympias was estranged from him because 
of jealousy and wrote sharp criticisms and threats 
against him in her letters, he felt strong enough to 
answer her reproachfully and ended his letter as 
follows : “ Stop quarrelling with us and do not be 
angry or menacing. If you persist, we t shall not be 
much disturbed. You know that Alexander means 
more to us than anything.” 

As part of the preparations for the funeral, the king 
ordered the cities of the region to contribute to its 
splendour in accordance with their ability, and he 
proclaimed to all the peoples of Asia that they should 
sedulously quench what the Persians call the sacred 
fire, until such time as the funeral should be ended. 
This was the custom of the Persians when their kings 
died, and people thought that the order was an ill 
omen, and that heaven was foretelling the king’s own 
death. There were also at this time other strange 
signs pointing to the same event, as we shall relate 
shortly, after we have finished the account of the 

115. Each of the generals and Friends tried to meet 
the king’s desires and made likenesses of Hephaestion 
in ivory and gold and other materials which men hold 
in high regard.? Alexander collected artisans and an 
army of workmen and tore down the city wall to a 

2 A similar account of Hephaestion’s funeral was probably 
given by Curtius and is now lost from the manuscript of book 
10. The references in Justin (12. 12. 12), Plutarch (Alexander, 
72), and Arrian (7. 14) are briefer, and locate it before, not 
after, the Cossaean campaign. See Addenda. 

3 These were probably medallions or small images to be 
worn in wreaths, as one wore images of the gods. It was a 

common ancient practice, employed later in the case of the 
Hellenistic kings and the Roman emperors. 



èv reiyovs kabeîev émi éka oraðiovs, thv & 
ontùv mÀivhov dvaàeźduevos kat rov ĝeyóuevov TÅV 
TerpárÀcvpov mupáv, oraĝðiaias oÙŬonS ékáoTNs 
2 mÀcupâs. eis rpidkovra è Öóuovs ĝreAduevos Tòv 
tóTov kal karaorpúocas tàs poas dowikwv 
oreàéyeot Terpádywvov eroiņoe nâv rò karacreú- 
aspa. peTà Õe rara nmepieribei TÖ mepiPpóàw mavri 
kóouov, of Tùv pèv kpnriða ypvoa? mevrypikal 
mpõpar ovveràýpovv, osat Tòv dpiðpòv Õiaréoiat 
Teooapákovta, émi ðè TÕv êmwrlòwv éyovoai úo 
pèv Toģőtas eis yóvv rekalıkóras TETPATÝXELS, 
davôpidvras è nmevrarýyeis kaĥðwnouévovs, Toùs 
ðe perač rómrovs ġowiklðes averàńpovv mÀnTaí. 
3 Órepdvw ðè roúrwv Tv evrépav èraveîyov yæpav 
SGðes mevrekaiðekanýyeis, karà pèv tùy Àaßùv 
Exovoar ypvooñs orehdvovs, karà è rv èkpàóyw- 
ow deroùs Jiarenerakóras* TÀS mTÉpuyas kal káTW 
veúovras, map Sè ràs Pdoeis pdrovras åpopôvras 
Toùs deroús.? karà è trùv Tpirnv mepipopàv kare- 
okeúaoTto Çwwv navroðarðv tilos kvvyyovuévwv. 
4 emera Ú pev Terápry yæpa kevravpopayiav ypv- 
ov eîyev, ġ è méunmty Àéovras kat rtaúpovs 
évadÀdé ypvooðs. rò È dvørepov pépos èreràń- 
pwro? Makeõovxôv kai Bapßpapıkðv ömiwv, v 
pèv tàs åvpayalias, ðv è ràs rras onuawóvrwv. 
eml nâo Õe èherorýkeoav Leipiives Sidrordor Kal 
Svváuevar Aeànlórws Séfaohaı roùs èv aùraîs övras 
kal &õovras émkýðiov Opvov TÔ rTeredevrykóri. 

1 ianenrakóras RX. 


py A 3 
2 mepi roùs deroŭús F. 

BOOK XVII. 115. 1-4 

distance of ten furlongs. He collected the baked tiles 324/3 s.c. 

and levelled off the place which was to receive the 
pyre, and then constructed this square in shape, each 
side being a furlong in length. He divided up the 
area into thirty compartments and laying out the 
roofs upon the trunks of palm trees wrought the 
whole structure into a square shape.! Then he de- 
corated all the exterior walls. Upon the foundation 
course were golden prows of quinqueremes in close 
order, two hundred and forty in all. Upon the cat- 
heads each carried two kneeling archers four cubits 
in height, and (on the deck) armed male figures five 
cubits high, while the intervening spaces were occu- 
pied by red banners fashioned out of felt. Above 
these, on the second level, stood torches fifteen cubits 
high with golden wreaths about their handles. At 
their flaming ends perched eagles with outspread 
wings looking downward, while about their bases were 
serpents looking up at the eagles. On the third level 
were carved a multitude of wild animals being pur- 
sued by hunters. The fourth level carried a centauro- 
machy rendered in gold, while the fifth showed lions 
and bulls alternating, also in gold. The next higher 
level was covered with Macedonian and Persian arms, 
testifying to the prowess of the one people and to the 
defeats of the other. On top of all stood Sirens, hol- 
lowed out and able to conceal within them persons 
who sang a lament in mourning for the dead. The 

1 The brevity of Diodorus’s account leaves the meaning a 
little obscure. Itis possible that the ground plan was divided 
into thirty transverse compartments, each thus about 22 feet 
wide and 220 yards long. Each of these could be roofed with 
fiat timbers to support the next higher section of the pyre. 

3 énìņpoôro X; drorenràýpwro F. 





570 Ò vos v ðàov ToÔ katraokevádouartos mýyeELS 

Kalódov è rv re hyepóvwv kat TÕv oTpatrıwrÂv 
ámávrwv kal rv mpéoßewv, éri 8è TÕv èyywpiwv 
hiàotriunhévrwv ecis ròv tis ekpopâs kóopov aci 
Tò nàñlos rv dvaàwhévræv ypnuátræwv yeyovévat 

6 mÀciw TÕv uvupiwv kal cioyiÀiwv TaÀdvrwv. dko- 
Aoðbws Sè rary TÅ peyañonpenelg kal rv &AÀwv 
yevopévwv karà Tùv èkhpopàv tiu®v TÒ TeÀevraîov 
npocéraģev anacı búew ‘Hoawriwvi eÔ rap- 
éòpw" kal yàp karà túóyņv kev eîs rôv piwv 
Diùmros, xpnopòv fépwv map "Auuwvos Búew 
Hgparoriwvi be. Sıórep yevópevos mepiyaps èr 
TÕ kal Tòv Îeòv kekupwkévar Tùv aùroô yvöuny 
npõTos Tv Îvoiav éneréàcoev kal Tò mÀñbos Àa- 
mpõs Ýneðééaro, ópia rov apıðpðv Oóocas iepeîa 

116. Merà sè TÙV érpopàv eis dvéoeis kal mAvN- 
yvpixòv piov ÊKTpPATÉVTOS To Paoidéws, cokoûvros 
ioxúew TÓTE mÀcîoTov kal páNoT ebðaruoveîv, Ù 
menpwuévy ovvýpet rov úno tis púoews aùr® 
avykeywpnpévov To iv ypővov. eùĝù è kal rò 
Oeîov eońpawe tův reàevrův aùrtoô, moàðv kal 
mapaðóéwv owvðv kal oņpelwv ovvreňovuévwv. 

1 The manuscripts have mpoéspw, but cp. Lucian, Calum- 
niae non temere credendum, 17. 148: éĝvov mapéðpw rai 
dàefikárw ðe®. Editors have corrected accordingly. ` 

2 emi TÊ le® kuphoavti Tùv adro yvópyy X. 

E a a 

1 Justin (12. 12. 12) gives the same figure; Plutarch 
(Alevander, 72. 3) and Arrian (7. 14. 8), 10,000 talents. 

2? Lucian (Calumniae non temere credendum, 17) gives a 
fuller account of Hephaestion’s deification; he received 


BOOK XVII. 115. 5—116. 1 

total height of the pyre was more than one hundred 324/3 s.c. 

and thirty cubits. 

All of the generals and the soldiers and the envoys 
and even the natives rivalled one another in con- 
tributing to the magnificence of the funeral, so, it is 
said, that the total expense came to over twelve 
thousand talents.! In keeping with this magnificence 
and the other special marks of honour at the funeral, 
Alexander ended by decreeing that all should sacrifice 
to Hephaestion as god coadjutor.? As a matter of 
fact, it happened just at this time that Philip, one of 
the Friends, came bearing a response from Ammon 
that Hephaestion should be worshipped as a god. 
Alexander was delighted that the god had ratified his 
own opinion, was himself the first to perform the sa- 
crifice, and entertained everybody handsomely. The 
sacrifice consisted of ten thousand victims of all sorts. 

116. After the funeral, the king turned to amuse- 
ments and festivals, but just when it seemed that he 
was at the peak of his power and good fortune, Fate 
cut off the time allowed him by nature to remain 
alive. Straightway heaven also began to foretell his 
death, and many strange portents and signs occurred. 

temples and precincts in the cities, his name was used in the 
most solemn of oaths, and he received sacrifice as a mdpeðpos 
kal åìetíkakos ĝeós. No archaeological record of any of this 
remains (C. Habicht, Gottmenschentum und griechische 
Städte, 1956), and the ancient tradition was various. Justin 
(12. 12. 12) reports, like Diodorus, that Alexander ordered 
that Hephaestion was to be worshipped “ ut deum.” Plut- 
arch (Alexander, 12. 2) states that Ammon recommended 
that he should be honoured as a hero, and so did he also 
according to Arrian (7. 23. 6), after first refusing to allow 
him divine worship (7. 14. 7). The term mápeðpos is odd : 
elsewhere it seems to mean a priest (G. E. Bean, Journal of 
Hellenic Studies, 12 (1952), 118. 



7 g 

2 T O / > , Ii pa a 
o yap Pacidéws dàerpouévov ral tis Bacidris Once when the king was being rubbed with oil and 324/8 s.c. 

eobñros kal ğaĝýuaros èri twos Opóvov relévros 
Tõv eyxwpiwv Tis Ôeðeuévos EAúlN ràs réas aŭro- 
paTws kal Aabłwv roùs púdaras SrhAbe Sià rÕv rhs 
3 aùàñs Ovpôv dvemıkwàórws. mpooeàbàv Sè TÂ 

the royal robe and diadem were lying on a chair, one 
of the natives who was kept in bonds was spontane- 
ously freed from his fetters, escaped his guards’ 
notice, and passed through the doors of the palace 
with no one hindering. He went to the royal chair, 

2 ` ` 
Opóvw kat Tv Paciùeùv evõvodpevos éobñra kai 
2 3 
Tò dönya meptbépevos èrdhioev mè ròv Opóvov 
y z 
rai Tùy havylav Ñye. yvwoleions” è rs mpádéews 
ó Paces karamàayeis TÒ mapdõočov mpooñÀle 
m~ ` ` 
a Opóvæw kal xwpis kararàńéews ovy ròv &v- 
+ kal É 
Ppwrov avékpive ris &v kal ri Bovàópevos tToôro 
“~ b > 
4 mpage. To è eimóvros unõèv arðs ywdorew 
TOIS pavteot mpooavahépevos mept roô onuelov 
ToÛTOov uèv karà Tùův èkei f Té 
r P a Thv ékeivav kpiow ànékrtewev, 
TWS TA onpawðueva Svoyeph) eis keîvov TpémNTatL 
aùros è avadaßav rv ècbñ l ) i 
a apay Thv éobira kal Îeoîs dmorpo- 
n voas ev aywvig kabeorýret kal ris tÔv 
2 ? i j 
addarav mpopphoews épvnuóvevoe kal Toùs uèv troubled- He xecatled the predictior oE E Sina 
lg j i 
ovuneioavras pidooógovs rapeňbeî els 7 Jv Bafv- daeans and was angry with the philosophers who had 
~ £ i 
Ava? kareuéupero, thv è téyvnv rv Xadðalwv a a e pie 
% * M > j i 
K ~ > la i 
at Tv TÕv avôpôðv åyyíivorav éhavuače, raðódov a N A 

put on the royal dress and bound his head with the 
diadem, then seated himself upon the chair and re- 
mained quiet.? As soon as the king learned of this, he 
was terrified at the odd event, but walked to the chair 
and without showing his agitation asked the man 
quietly who he was and what he meant by doing 
this. When he made no reply whatsoever,? Alex- 
ander referred the portent to the seers for interpreta- 
tion and put the man to death in accordance with 
their judgement, hoping that the trouble which was 
forecast by his act might light upon the man’s own 
head. He picked up the clothing and sacrificed to 
the gods who avert evil, but continued to be seriously 

menta, 1956, 109 f.), it was “ capital ” for anyone to sit on 
the throne of the king of Persia.) Plutarch, Alexander, 13. 
4, states that he was a Greek. It is possible that he did not 
put on the royal garments, but merely held them. Later 
references to the significance of the throne are Dio, 50. 10. 2 ; 
56.29. 1; Script. Hist, Aug., Septimius Severus, 1. 9. See 

1 yvwpiobeions F. 2 Baßfvàwwviav RX. 

1! Plutarch, Alegander, 173. 3-4, says that the prisoner had 

been miraculously freed by S is : : 
Bebed not been hdd in bends o TR, Mge E athiat 

2 The significance of the royal throne in the Orient has 

appeared in chap. 66. 3- Addenda. 

native, he may EA E note 2). Ifthe man was a 3 Either because he was too frightened to speak, or because 
a place of refuge from the a nee] yroral least as he did not speak Greek. Plutarch makes him claim to have 
account, they did not venture to n him oa ne Ba DaS bp aaanS i tug did not pete im tne 

cause of some Persi ? i 
tee Paka eer O 5 (According to the anecdote á Plutarch, Alexander, 14, 1, Arrian (T. 24. 3) reports 
y O. Seel (Pompeius Trogus, Frag- only that he was tortured to make him explain his actions. 

462 463 


è roùs raîs eúpnoroyiais karasogičouévovs Tùův 
Súvauıv ris menrpwpévns eBàacphue. 

5 Mer òàiyov õè dào onueîov aùr® mepi ris Ba- 
oiÀeias* Tò Õaruóviov ènéornoe. Bovàouévov yàp 
aŭro Bedoaohar Tv mepi thv Baßvàðva? Àiuvnyv 
kal mÀéovros perà rÕv pi\wv ëv row årárois ep 
ýpépas pév Twas drooyiobeions ris veds årò trôv 
dwy okapôv erdavýðņ uóvos, ğore ral TV 
6 owrnpiav anoyvõvar: čmera Šid Tiwos abÀâvos 
oTevoĵ kal ovunervkacpévov Šévõpeot Siaràéovros 
kal TÕv pèv Ýrepreruévwv, roô Šè Siaðńparos rò 
ToúTwv aplévros rai máùw eis Thv Àluvyv nmeoóvros 
cis rÕv perv’ nmpoovnéduevos kal ßBovàópevos 
dopadôs cõca TÒ idna npocébero TÅ kepaàf 
7 Kal TpooevýćaTo T® mÀoiw. rTpeîs è ýuépas kal 
Tas toas vúrras ğıandavnleis Sieowbn kal rò Šid- 
Ônua mepiléuevos dveàniorws mdv roîs LOVTEGL 
npocavépepe mept TÔv mpoonpawouévwv. 

117. Toúrwv è mapakeàcevouévwv* Âuolas èn- 
redeîv roîs Qeoîs peyadonpenreîs perà TANS 
amovõñs mapekàńðn mpós riwa rôv hiňwv Mýðiov 
rov Oerrañðv èri kõôpov Mbe kke moàùdv 

i , "i . 
Possibly for redàevrâs, as Fischer, or roô Pacidéws reevrîs. 

2? Baßvàwviav R, perhaps rightly ; th 
well to the south of Babon: REEE a 

3 únnperâðr F. 
; z 
4 máàw mapakeàevopévov X. 

1 Or, perhaps, “ about his death ” ; ¢ 
; ; i ; cp. note 1 above. 
i Arrian (7. 22) tells this story earlier than the one about 
the throne, and gives various accounts about the incident of 

BOOK XVII. 116. 4—117. 1 

sight, and generally railed at those who used specious 324/3 s,c. 

reasoning to argue away the power of Fate. 

A little while later heaven sent him a second por- 
tent about his kingship. He had conceived the desire 
to see the great swamp of Babylonia and set sail with 
his friends in a number of skiffs.” For some days his 
boat became separated from the others and he was 
lost and alone, fearing that he might never get out 
alive. As his craft was proceeding through a narrow 
channel where the reeds grew thickly and overhung 
the water, his diadem was caught and lifted from his 
head by one of them and then dropped into the swamp. 
One of the oarsmen swam after it and, wishing to 
return it safely, placed it on his head and so swam 
back to the boat. After three days and nights of 
wandering, Alexander found his way to safety just as 
he had again put on his diadem when this seemed 
beyond hope. Again he turned to the soothsayers 
for the meaning of all this. 

117. They bade him sacrifice to the gods on a grand 
scale and with all speed, but he was then called away 
by Medius, the Thessalian, one of his Friends, to take 
part in a comus.? There he drank much unmixed 

the lost diadem and its recovery ; it was the other boats 
which became lost, but Alexander sent a pilot and rescued 

3 Justin, 12. 13. 7. These events are described from the 
royal journal more circumstantially by Plutarch, Alexander, 
75. 3, and Arrian, 7. 24. 4—25. 1. Medius belonged to a 
noble family of Larisa and had accompanied Alexander as a 
personal friend, not in a military capacity (Berve, Alexander- 
reich, 2, no. 521). Aelian ( Varia Historia, 3. 23) gives a day- 
by-day account of Alexander’s drinking and resting during 
the last three weeks of his life, crediting this to Eumenes of 
Cardia, the keeper of the journal, but gives the month 
wrongly as Dius. See Addenda. 



y kd A kd ` ~ e + g 
akpaTov éuphopnheis éri redeuris ‘Hparàéovs uéya 
2 morýpiov mÀàņnpwcas eéémev. àdvw è ğonep ré 
Twos nmàņnyis ioyvpôs menràņyuévos dveorévaćče 
péya Pońoas kat úrò rv giňwv annàdártrero 
xepaywyoðpevos. eùhùs ’ oi pèv nepi Tùv Qepa- 
melav ekĝedpuevot karékùwav aùròv kal mpooń- 
3 Òpevov émiueÀðs, ToD è mdlovs èmirelvovros kal 
rÕv iarpõðv ovykànlévrwv Ponbĝoai uèv oùĝeis 
eõuvýðn, moddoîs è móvois kai Šewaîs dàynõóoı 
ovoyebleis, ene Tò Civ aréyrw, TEpPLEÀÓ HEVOS TÖV 
4 ðakrúňiov éðwke Iepõikka. rôv è pidwv erepw- 
Tóvrwv, Tivi rv Baoiàceiav àrodeireis; erev, Tô 
kpatioTw, kal mpocephéyéaro, raúrnv rteàevralav 
pwvhv mpoéuevos, ötri uéyav ayôva aèr èmrtágiov 
ovotrýoovtrat mávres ot mpwTeúovres rv diiwv. 
5 oôros pèv ov TÒv Tpoerpnuévov Tpórov reìeúrnoe 
Pacidcúoas ër wðeka kal pvas érrTá, mpačes 
Ôe peyioras kaTepyaodpevos où uóvov TÔv T pò 
aŭro Paocidevodrrwv, aÀÀà Kal trÔv üorTepov ègo- 
pévwv épi To kał ġuâs Blov. 

1 Justin, 12. 13. 8-9. Arrian (7. 27. 2) gives this story of 
the sudden stab of pain as a variant version, and Plutarch 
(Alexander, 15. 3-4) specifically denies it. Diodorus here 
explains the *“ cup of Heracles ” mentioned by Plutarch. 
There was an annual festival of the death of Heracles on Mt. 
Oeta, with which Medius, as a Thessalian, was familiar. Its 
date has been unknown (M. P. Nilsson, Geschichte der 
griechischen Religion, 1, 1941, p. 120), but this anecdote may 
indicate that it occurred in the Macedonian month of Dae- 

2? Curtius, 10. 5. 4; Justin, 12. 15. 12. Curtius’s narrative 
resumes at this point. 

3? So also in Arrian, 7. 26. 3. In Book 18. 1. 4, Diodorus 
says “‘ To the best,” agreeing with the “ optimus ” of Cur- 
tius, 10. 5. 5, and the “ dignissimus ” of Justin, 12. 15. 8. 

BOOK XVII. 117. 1—5 

wine in commemoration of the death of Heracles, and 324/8 Bc. 

finally, filling a huge beaker, downed it at a gulp. 
Instantly he shrieked aloud as if smitten by a violent 
blow and was conducted by his Friends, who led him 
by the hand back to his apartments.! His chamber- 
lains put him to bed and attended him closely, but the 
pain increased and the physicians were summoned. 
No one was able to do anything helpful and Alex- 
ander continued in great discomfort and acute suffer- 
ing. When he, at length, despaired of life, he took 
off his ring and handed it to Perdiccas.? His Friends 
asked : ‘‘ To whom do you leave the kingdom ? ” and 
he replied: “ To the strongest.” ®© He added, and 
these were his last words, that all of his leading 
Friends would stage a vast contest in honour of his 
funeral.t This was how he died after a reign of twelve 
years and seven months. He accomplished greater 
deeds than any, not only of the kings who had lived 
before him but also of those who were to come later 
down to our time. 

It is true, of course, that xpdrioros may mean “‘ best ” as well as 
“ most powerful.” 

4 Curtius, 10. 5. 5; Arrian, 7. 26. 3. 

5 Alexander died on the 28th of Daesius (Plutarch, Alex- 
ander, '16. 4, so also the Babylonian records, but Aristobulus 
(Plutarch, Alexander, 15. 4) said the 30th ; it was a hollow 
month, without any 29th, and Alexander died about sun- 
down; this was the 10th of June), and it has been argued 
above that the assassination of Philip and the accession of 
Alexander must have taken place in the same month (p. 100, 
note 1). This would give Alexander thirteen years of reign, 
and tbis figure is actually given by the Oxyrhynchus Chrono- 
loger (P. Oxy. 1. 12. v. 31-32). Since Daesius was the eighth 
Macedonian month, the “ seven months ” of Diodorus and 
the “ eight months ” of Arrian (7. 28. 1) represent exclusive 
and inclusive counting from the first new year after Alexan- 
der’s accession. Cp. Beloch, Griechische Geschichte, 3. 2. 59. 


; pe 



Enei é rives rÕv ovyypapéwv mepi Tis Tedevris 
To Paoiàéws roúrov ðianepwvýkacw, ároßġawó- 
pevot Sià ġappárov Îavacípov yeyovévar rTòv 
fávarov, avaykaîov hyoúueða Sev uù) mapaùıreîv 
aŭrðv Toùs Àdyovs. 

118. Daci yàp `Avrimarpov èm ris Eùpørmns 
otpatrqyòv óm’ -aŭro raradeiphévra ieveyhñvar 
mpos Oñvumidõða TÙV uNTÉpa toô Baciàéws kal rò 
èv mpõTov katapoveîv aùTs ðıà TO uù) mpooðéye- 
abau Tv Añéčavðpov TAS kar’ aùroô Õiaßoàds, 
voTepov ò alel Tis E€xbpas aùkouévns, To Baciàéws 
òà TÒ TpÒS TÒ Oetov eùoeßès mávra Bovàopévov ri 
pnTpi xapikeobar, Tods eupdocis Siðóva Tîs 
mpos aùròv dÀdoTpiótTNTos: mpòs è roúrois Ts 
lHappeviwvos kai Dwrov opayis pirn èurowov- 
ans Toîs hiàois Sià ToÔ lÖiov vio Terayué l 

NS TO ; yuévov mepi 
rov kvaĥov ovar meîv Îavdoruov fáppakov TÔ 
2 Paodet. pETà Sè TÅv TeÀevriv mÀeîorov loyúoavros 
tv katà av Eùporyv kal perà rara Kacdvõpov 
TOÔ vio ôraĝefauévov Tùv Pacideiav moods ovy- 
ypageîs uN) Toàuâv ypdpar mept ris pappareias. 
pavepòv è yeyovévaı Kácavðpov Š? ačrôv râv 
Tpágewv dàdotTpörara Õıareipevov roîs ’A\eédv- 
ŝpov Tpáypaot' Týv Te yàp 'Oàvumidõa poveúoavra. 
ärtahov ppa kai tàs Ýr’ èkeivov karacrapeicas 
Opas dvorxisai! perà modiis omovõĝs. 

Merà ðe TÙV To Paoiéws redevriv Xiovyyau- 
Pps ý Aapeiov HÝTNP, TOAÀù karabpyvýcaca TÚV 
TE Adegdvõpov TeàeuTiv kat rùv éavrijs èpņuiav, 
emi Ts éoxarns ToÎ Biov ypappñs èykaprephoaca 

1 à 1 Fi h ? m 3 
voixioai Fischer ; oikoa RX; olkioa F. 


BOOK XVII. 117. 5—118. 3 

Since some historians disagree about the death of 324/3 s.c. 

Alexander, and state that this occurred in conse- 
quence of a draught of poison, it seems necessary for 
us to mention their account also.! 

118. They say that Antipater, who had been left 
by Alexander as viceroy in Europe, was at variance 
with the king’s mother Olympias. At first he did 
not take her seriously because Alexander did not heed 
her complaints against him, but later, as their enmity 
kept growing and the king showed an anxiety to 
gratify his mother in everything out of piety, Antipater 
gave many indications of his disaffection. This was 
þad enough, but the murder of Parmenion and Philotas 
struck terror into Antipater as into all of Alexander’s 
Friends, so by the hand of his own son, who was the 
king’s wine-pourer, he administered poison to the 
king.? After Alexander’s death, Antipater held the 
supreme authority in Europe and then his son Casander 
took over the kingdom, so that many historians did not 
dare write about the drug. Casander, however, is 
plainly disclosed by his own actions as a bitter enemy 
to Alexander’s policies. He murdered Olympias and 
threw out her body without burial, and with great 
enthusiasm restored Thebes, which had been des- 
troyed by Alexander.” 

After the king’s death Sisyngambris, Dareius’s 
mother, mourned his passing and her own bereave- 
ment, and coming to the limit of her life she refrained 

1 Justin, 12. 13. 10; Arrian, 7. 27. 1. See Addenda. 

2 Justin, 12. 14; Plutarch, Alexander, TY. 1-3; Arrian, 
7.27. The son’s name was Iollas, but Justin associated with 
him his brothers Philip and Casander, the later king. Curtius 
does not mention this tradition. 3 Book 19. 49-51 ; 53. 

2 Xeovyapßpis codd. 



teese $å Be a T emÀúmws év, oùK from food and died on the fifth day, abandoning life 8324/3 s.c. 
ocuévy rò hv. infully b inølori i 
4 “Huete Sè eri ray’ j . s painfully but not ingloriously. 
peis è emi rÅv ° Adeédvõpov reeuriv mapóvres Having reached the death of Alexander as we pro- 

kaTa Tv èv apx Tis BiBàov nmpóheow rà f 
; i TAS TÕV T 

brasefauévwv mpages êv rtaîs abo uévais BiBois posed to do at the beginning of the book, we shall 

meipacóuela ðiefrévar.” try to narrate the actions of the Successors in the 

; R RX add a subscription, missing in F: Aosópov Xexe- books which follow. 
MUTOV ISTUP E; 1 Curtius, 10. 5. 19-25. 

470 471 


P. 4. The possibility should be mentioned that Dio- 

dorus used the writings of Duris of Samos, since 
he mentions him in Book 15. 60. 6 and cites him 
in Book 21. 6. C. Dolce (Kokalos, 6, 1960, 124- 
166) and E. Manni (ib. 167-173) argue that Dio- 
dorus drew his account of Agathocles from Duris. 

Pp. 7 f. The important book of L. Pearson, The Lost 

Histories of Alexander the Great (1960), came into 
my hands too late to be used in this discussion. 

P. 13. My assumption that Curtius belongs to the 

early Augustan period is supported by D. Kor- 
zeniewski, Die Zeit des Quintus Curtius Rufus 
(1959). Others have argued for a Flavian or 
Hadrianic date, and C. A. Robinson, Jr. (American 
Journal of Philology, 82, 1961, 316-319) would 
date Curtius to the Severan period. None of 
these later datings would affect my theory that 
both Curtius and Diodorus drew their accounts 
of Alexander from Trogus. 

Pp. 81, 325, 427, 465. Three of the four komoi reported 

by Diodorus were celebrations of important 
successes, and it may be that the komos at which 
Alexander became fatally ill, also, was not an 
ordinary party but an event of some importance. 
The komos in Carmania was in honour of Diony- 
sus, that in Babylon, apparently, in honour of 



P. 159, n. 2. The same story of Leôs and Erechtheus 
is mentioned by Cicero, De Natura Deorum, iii. 50. 

P. 253. Straton may have been put to death by 
Alexander; the historian Anaximenes described 
his death as violent (Athen. xii. 531 d-e). 

P. 267. I have argued in an article to appear in 
Historia that the foundation date of Alexandria 
given by Pseudo-Callisthenes, i. 32 : 25 Tybi = 
8 April 331, may be accepted as correct, and that 
it supports the report of Aristobulus that the city 
was founded, formally at least, after the visit to 
the Oasis of Siwah. 

Pp. 306, n. 2, and 462, n. 2. To the discussions of the 
significance of the throne should be added that 
of P. Wolf-Windegg, Die Gekrönten; Sinn und 
Sinnbilder des Königtums (1958), 159-166. 

P. 407, n. 1. Dioxippus appears as a citizen of Athens 
involved in a law, suit in Hypereides’s speech On 
Behalf of Lycophron. Diodorus mentions (Book 
16. 44. 3) another instance of a soldier garbed as 
Heracles in the case of the Argive general Nicos- 

P. 427, n. 4. Carystius of Pergamum was probably 
referring to this event when he described Alex- 
ander as kwuáfov rì övov åpparTos (Athen. x. 
434 f). 

P. 457. The ultimate source of this description ma 
have been Ephippus’s treatise On the Funeral (or 
Death) of Alexander and Hephaestion (Jacoby, no. 

P. 469, n. 2. According to Pseudo-Plutarch, Lives of 
the Ten Orators (Moralia, 849 F), Hypereides pro- 
posed that the Athenians should honour Íolas 
(Iollas) for having poisoned Alexander. 



ABRITAE, people of Gedrosia, 421 

Abuleutes (Abulites), treasurer of 
Dareius IFI at Susa, 305 

Acamaniapa: Acarnanian, 125, 

Acesines, river in India, 395, 397 

Achaean cavalry with Alexander 
ITI, 283 ; Achaean mercenaries 
with Alexander III, 283 

Achilles, 163, 401 

Achradina, part of Syracuse, 33 

Ada, ruler of Caria, 383, 45, 185 

Aåmetus, Macedonian commander 
(of battalion of Foot Guards ?), 
killed at Tyre, 247 

Adranum, Adranitae, city in Si- 
cily, 31, 33 

Adrestians, people of India, 383 

Adriatic Sea, 453 

Aeacides, Molossian, father of 
Pyrrhus, 41 

Aeacids, 121 

Aegae, city of Macedonia, 91 

Aemilius, Lucius, consul in 338/7 
B.C., 71 

Aemilius Mamercus, Tiberius, con- 
sul in 336/5 B.0., 89 

Aeschines, Athenian orator and 
statesman, 129 

Aetna, city in Sicily, 27, 67 

Aetolians, 125, 447 

Agalasseis, people of India, 397 

Agamemnon, king of Mycenae, 81 

Agathocles, despot (king) of Syra- 
cuse, 71, 183 

Agathon, Macedonian from Pyd- 
na, commander of the citadel at 
Babylon, 301 

Agesias, Attic archon in 324/3 B.C., 

Agis III, son of Archidamus, king 
of the Lacedaemonians, 85, 256, 

Agrianians, in army of Alexander 
IIL, 165 

Agrigentum, city in Sicily, 55 

Agyrium, city in Sicily, 67, 69, 71 

Ajax, 163 

Alcadas, see Callimenes 

Alexander (Paris), son of Priam 
king of Troy, 135 

Alexander, sacrificant (probably 
mistake for Aristander), 167 

Alexander, son of Aeropus, prince 
of Lyncestis, 207, 349 

Alexander IIL, the Great, son of 
Philip, king of the Macedonians, 
45, 79, 103, 107-121, 125-185, 
139, 141, 145, 151, 161-185, 189, 
193, 195, 205-213, 221-2833, 237, 
241, 245-261, 265-283, 289, 291, 
295-301, 305, 309-389, 395-441, 
445-457, 461-471 

Alexander of Epirus, brother of 
Olympias, husband of Cleo- 
patra, king of the Molossians, 
41, 91 

Re city in Egypt, 267, 

Alexandria, city in Gedrosia, 423 

Alexandria, city of the Caucasus, 
357, 359 

Alexandria, city on the fndus 
River, 413 

Amazons, 109, 339, 341 

Ambraciots, 125, 127 

Ammon, 107, 259, 263, 391, 435, 

Ammonians, of the Oasis of Si- 
wah, 455 

Amphictyons (Delphi), 127 

Amphipolis, city of Macedonia, 301 

Amyntas, son of Andromenes, 
brother of Simmias, Attalus, 
and Polemon, friend and general 
of Alexander ITE, 249, 259 



Amyntas, son of Antiochus, Mace- 
donian with Dareius III, 255, 

Amyntas III, king of the Mace- 
donians, father of Philip II, see 
Philip II 

Anaxarchus of Abdera, philoso- 
pher with Alexander III, 451 

Andromachus, tyrant of Taurome- 
nium in Sicily, 31 

Andromenes, father of Simmias, 
Attalus, Polemon, and Amyn- 
tas, 249 

Anticles, Athenian, Olympic vic- 
tor in 340 B.C., 53 

Anticles, Attic archon in 3825/4 
B.C., 441 

Antigonus, son of Philip, general 
of Alexander III, satrap of 
Great Phrygia 333-323 B.O. 
(probably named erroneously as 
relative of Philotas instead of 
Antipater), 349 

Antipater, son of Iolaüs, of Pa- 
liura in Macedonia, general and 
viceroy of Alexander III, 107, 
161, 167, 297, 303, 329, 437, 469 

Antissa, city of Lesbos, 199 

Antixyes, Persian noble killed at 
Issus, 213 

Aaris, fortress in Swat, 113, 365, 

Aphrices, Indian general, 869 

Apollo, 235, 237, 251 

Apollo Philalexander, 251 

Apollodorus of Amphipolis, 
brother of Peithagoras, military 
governor of Babylon with 
Menes, responsibility as far as 
Cilicia, 301 

Apollonia, city in Sicily, 43 

Apolloniades, tyrant of Agyrium 
in Sicily, 67 

Arachosia, province of eastern 
Iran, 353 

Araxes River, in Persis, 315 

Arbela, city in Assyria, 107, 273, 
295, 299, 301 

Arcadians, 125, 139 

Archelaüs, king of Macedonia 
413-399 B.C., 163 

Archidamus, king of the Lace- 
daemonians, 85 

Archons, Athenian, 23, 33, 37, 41, 
45, 53, 65, 71, 85, 89, 121, 163, 


199, 231, 257, 295, 329, 353, 
373, 441, 453 

Areia, province of Persia, 343, 
353, 359, 425; Areii, 109, 111 

Ares, 407 

Argives, 125, 141 

Arimaspians, called Benefactors, 
people of Arachosia in eastern 
Iran, 351, 353 

Ariobarzanes, brother of Arta- 
bazus, satrap of Persis under 
Dareius III, 311, 315 

Ariobarzanes, ruler of Cius in 
Mysia, 87 

Ariobarzanes, satrap of Phrygia e. 
388—361 B.C., 167 

Aristarchus, persuaded Am- 
braciots to expel Macedonian 
garrison 336 B.O., 125 

Aristolochus of Athens, Olympic 
victor in 344 B.C., 33 

Aristophanes, Attic archon in 
331/0 B.C., 257 

Aristophon, Attic archon in 330/ 
329 B.C., 295 

Armenia, 301 

Arsamenes (Arsames), satrap of 
Cilicia under Dareius III, 171 

Arsanes, father of Dareius ITI, 183 

arses, king of Persia 338-336 B.C., 

Arsites, satrap of Hellespontine 
Phrygia under Dareius III, 171 

Artaxerxes II, king of Persia 405- 
359 B.C., 183 

Artaxerxes III, king of Persia 359- 
338 B.C. (see also Ochus), 133 

Arymbas, king of the Molossians, 

Asia, Asiatic, 45, 47, 89, 91, 99, 
107, 119, 123, 129, 131, 139, 
161-165, 173, 201, 219, 221, 299, 
819, 325, 329, 337, 341, 343, 
429, 437, 445, 453, 457 

Athena, 167, 177 

Athens, Athenian, Athenians, 23, 
33, 37, 41, 45, 51, 53, 65, 71-85, 
89, 91, 115, 121, 123-129, 141, 
159, 161, 163, 189, 199, 201, 
231, 257, 295, 297, 327, 329, 
353, 373, 407, 437, 441, 445, 
447, 453; Athenian ships with 
Alexander HII, 181 

Atilius, Marcus, consul in 332/1 
B.C., 231 


Atizyes, brother of Pharnaces and 
of the queen to Dareius III, 177 

Attalus, Macedonian noble, 
general of Philip II, uncle of 
Cleopatra, wife of Philip, son- 
in-law of Parmenion, 89, 97, 
123, 125, 129, 131 

Attalus, son of Andromenes, of 
Tymphaea in Macedonia, friend 
and general of Alexander III, 

Attica, Attic, 73, 75, 83, 115, 127, 
325, 437 

Babylon, 109, 115, 117, 203, 205, 
227, 271, 301, 303, 321, 435, 
445, 449, 451, 463; Babylonia, 
309, 465 

Bactra, city in Bactria, 327 

Bactria, 301, 327, 329, 353, 359, 
405; Baetriani, 111 ; Bactrian 
cavalry at the Granicus, 171 

Bagistanê, district in the Zagreus 
Mountains, 443 

Bagoas, eunuch and king-maker 
at Persian court, 131, 133 

Bagodaras, Persian in the service 
of Bessus, defected to Alexan- 
der II, 361 

Balacrus, father of Philip, 281 

Balonymus (Abdalonymus), made 
king of Tyre (Sidon) by Alexan- 
der III, 253 

Barxaës (Barsaëntes), 
noble with Bessus, 329 

Basista, district in Sogdiana, 111 

Belephantes, Chaldaean, 449 

Belus, god in Babylon, 449 

Benefactors, name given to the 
Arimaspians, 351, 353 

Bessus, satrap of Bactria, 109, 
1i: 327, 329, 343, 345, 359, 

Bitter Lake, in Libya, 261 

Bodyguards, of Alexander II, 101, 

Boeotia, Boeotians, 75-83, 127, 
145, 443; Boeotian League, 75, 

Brahmins, people of India, 415 

Branchidae, people of Bactria, 111 

Bruttium, in Italy, Bruttians, 65 

Bucephala, city on the Acesines 
River in India, 395 

Byzantium, Byzantines, 47-53 


Cadmeia, citadel of Thebes, 125, 
127, 139, 141, 153 
Cadusians, people of northern 
Mesopotamia, 133; Cadđusian 
cavalry in the army of Dareius 
Callas (properly Calas), son of 
Harpalus, general of Alexander 
III, satrap of Heliespontine 
Taryel 334-c. 328 B.C., 137, 
Callimenes, son of Alcadas, first 
priest of Zeus Olympius at 
Syracuse, 39 
Callisthenes, philosopher and his- 
torian with Alexander II, 111 
Camarina, city in Sicily, 89 
Campanians, 27, 67, 89 
Cappadocians (troops of Dareius 
III at the Granicus), 177 
Carae, villages in Babylonia, 443 
Caranus, Indian philosopher, 
friend of Alexander III, 431, 433 
Caria, Carians, 33, 45, 183, 185 
Carmania, Gates of, 425 
Carthage, Carthaginian, Cartha- 
ginians, 25-35, 43, 45, 53-67, 
183, 233, 251 
Casander (properly Cassander), 
son of Antipater, 469 
Caspian Sea (see also Hyrcanian 
Sea), 333 
Cassander, general of Alexander 
III, 165; see also Casander 
Catania, city of Sicily, 35 
Cathaeans, people of India, 385 
Caucasus, mountain of eastern 
Iran (Hindu-Kush), 357 
Cebalinus, Macedonian, younger 
brother of Nicomachus, at 
headquarters of Alexander III 
(not royal page), 347, 349 
Cedrosians (Gedrosians), people of 
eastern Iran, 353; Cedrosiaą, 
421, 423 
Celones, people of Babylonia, 443 
Celts, mercenaries of Carthage, 
45; Celtic dagger, 99 
Centuripae, city in Sicily, 67 
Cephalus of Corinth, legal adviser 
of Timoleon at Syracuse, 69 
Cephisophon, Attic archon in 
829/8 B.C., 329 
Cersobleptes, king of the Thra- 
cians, 39 



Chabrias, Athenian general, 77 
Chaeroneia, city in Boeotia, 75, 

Chalcis, city in Euboea, 231 

Chaldaeans, scholars of Babylon, 
117, 449, 451, 463 

Chares, Athenian general, 75, 77 

Charidemus, Athenian, at the 
court of Dareius, 201, 203 

harondo Attic archon in 838/7 
B.C., 71 

Chios, Chians, 41, 53, 199, 205 

Chortacana (Artacoana), city of 
Areia, 343 

Chremes, Attic archon in 326/5 
B.0., 373 

Cilicia, 107, 195, 205, 221, 255, 257, 

71, 301 

Cithanran, mountain of Attica, 

Cities of Ammon, in Libya, 261 

Cleitarchus, tyrant of Eretria in 
Euboea, 45 

Cleitor, city of Arcadia, 89 

Cleitus the Black, son of Dropidas, 
commander of the Royal 
Squadron of Companions under 
Alexander JII, 111, 177, 281 

Cleomantis of Cleitor, Olympic 
victor 336 B.C., 89 

Cleopatra, daughter of Philip II 
and Olympias, sister of Alex- 
ander III and wife of Alexander 
of Epirus, 91 

Cleopatra, niece of Attalus, last 
wife of Philip II of Macedonia, 
97, 123 

Clodius, Marcus, consul in 329/8 
B.C., 329 

Coenus, son of Polemocrates, 
brother of Oleander, general of 
Alexander III (commander of 
the battalion of the Macedonian 
Ponlonz from Elimiotis), 281, 

Comus, celebration in honour of 
Dionysus, 81, 8325, 427; of 
Heracles, 465 

Consuls, Roman, 23, 33, 37, 41, 
45, 53, 65, 71, 85, 89, 121, 163, 
199, 231, 257, 295, 329, 353, 
373, 441, 453 

Coragus (Corratas), Macedonian, 
friend of Alexander III, 407, 409 

Corcyraeans, 23 


Corinth, Corinthian, Corinthians, 
23, 25, 29, 85, 37, 67, 69, 85, 
87, 129, 329, 337, 455 ; League 
of Corinth (see also Hellenic 
League), 257 

Cornelius, Aulus, consul in 340/39 
B.C., 53 ; in 330/29 B.0., 295 

Cornelius, Lucius, consul in 325/4 
B.C., 441 

Cornelius, Publius, consul in 326/5 
B.O., 373 

Cos, Coans, 53, 195 

Cossaea, Cossaeans, people of the 
Zagrus Mountains, 117, 447, 
449; Cossaean troops in the 
army of Dareius III, 287 

Craterus, son of Alexander, com- 
mander of a battalion of the 
Macedonian phalanx, 283, 397, 

Crete, Cretan, 255, 437; Cretan 
archers with Alexander ITI, 283 

Crimisus, river in Sicily, 59 

Ctesicles, Attic archon in 334/3 
B.C., 163 

Cyclades Islands, 199 

Cymê, city of the Aeolig, 51 

Cyprus, 255 

Cyrenê, 259 

Cyrus, king of Persia 549-529 B.C., 
321, 351, 353 

Cyzicus, city on the Hellespont, 
135, 137 

Dactyls, Idaean, 135 

Damascus, city of Syria, 207 

Danaüs, king of Egypt, 261 

Dareius III, king of Persia 336- 
330 B.C., 107, 109, 111, 133, 135, 
173, 177, 181, 183, 199, 201, 
205-215, 219-231, 253-257, 269, 
273-279, 283, 287-295, 299, 305- 
309, 327-337, 341, 343, 361, 433, 
455, 469 

Decius, F ubita, consul in 337/6 

Delphi, Delphians, 55, 145, 455 

Demades, Athenian orator and 
statesman, 81, 83, 159, 161 

Demaratus of Corinth, friend of 
Alexander III, 337 

Demeter, 25, 145 

Demetrius, Syracusan herald, 87 
emophon, seer with Alexander 
TIT, 401 


Demosthenes, orator and states- 
man at Athens, 73, 75, 77, 123, 
127, 129, 141, 159, 439 

Dimnus of Chaelestra in Mace- 
donia, friend of Alexander III, 

347, 349 

Diocles, Syracusan lawgiver, 69 

Dionysius, brother of Timotheüs, 
tyrant of Heracleia-Pontica, 85 

Dionysius I, the Elder, tyrant of 
Syracuse, 41 

Dionysius IJ, tyrant of Syracuse, 
27, 29, 33, 37, 41 

Dionysus, 111, 112, 325 ; 
siac, 427 

Dioxippus, Athenian boxer, Olym- 
pic victor in 336 B.C. (?), friend 
of Alexander III, 407-411 

Dircê, fountain in Thebes, 145 

Dium, city in Macedonia, 168 

Diyllus of Athens, historian, 53 

Dog Star, 187 

Domitius, Gaius, consul in 330/29 
B.C., 295 

Dranginê (Drangianê), province of 
Persia, 345, 351, 425 

Drypetis, daughter of Dareius 
III, wife of Hephaestion, 4833 


Bobatana, city in Media, 299, 351, 

BeA, 107, 213, 231, 249, 255- 
261, 267, 269 

Elateia, city in Phocis, 73 

Eleians, 125, 141, 455 

a district of Macedonia, 


Embisarus, Indian king, 
called Sasibisares, 373 

Engyum, city in Sicily, 43 

Entella, city in Sicily, 27, 43 

Ephialtes, Athenian, at Wali- 
carnassus, 189-193 

Ephorus of Cymê, historian, 51, 53 

Epidaurians, 455 

Epirus, &pirots, 91 

Eressus, city of Lesbos, 199 

Eretria in Euboea, 4 

Erigyius, son of Larichus of Mity- 
lenê, resident of Amphipolis, 
general and friend of Alexander 
IIE, commander of the allied 
cavalry s at Gaugamela, 165, 283, 
353, 359 i 

Ethiopians, 261 


Etruscans, 65 

Euboea, 199 

Bubulus, Attic archon in 8345/4 
B.C., 23 

Euphrates River, 271,278, 421,431 

Europe, 101, 119, 163, 169, 201, 
255, 299, 329, 53, 469 

Euthycritus, Attic archon in 328/ 
327 B.C., 353 

Evaenetus, Attic archon in 385/4 
B.C., 121 

Fabius, Marcus, consul in 345/4 
B.C., 28 

Fate, 461, 465 

Fortunate Villages, in Hyrcania, 

Fortune, 51, 81, 173, 199, 205, 
219, 227, 249, 255, 289, 307, 
817, 409, 433 

Friends of Dareius III, 203, 217, 
277; of Alexander III, 161, 
163, 205, 207, 223, 229, 249, 
255, 269, 273, 279, 281, 303, 
347, 349, 395, 399; 407, 419, 
421, 433, 451, 455, 457, 461, 
465, 467, 469 ; of Mophis, 371 ; 
of Harpalus, 437 

Furius, Lucius, consul in 335/4 
B.C., 121 

Galeria, city in Sicily, 27 

Gandara, Gandaridae, 113, 8383, 

Ganges, river in India, 113, 389, 

Gauls, 453 

Gaza, city of Philistia, 257, 259 

Gelon, tyrant of Syracuse, 59 

Qisco, son of Hanno, Carthagi- 
nian general, 65 

Glycera, Athenian courtesan in 
service of Harpalus, 437 

Granicus, river in Hellespontine 
Phrygia, 107, 169, 183 

Great Harbour, Syracuse, 33 

Great King (of Persia), 143 

Greece, Greek, Greeks, 35, 39, 41, 
43, 51, 53, 59- 67, 71, 783, 83- 91, 
103, 107-111, 117, 123- 129, 135, 
139, 143-147, 151, 155, 157, 

165, 185, 199, 201, 205, 

255, 257, 295- 299, 309, 315, 

325, 327, 8331, 337, 391, 395, 

405-409, 443, 445, 451, 453 




Grylus of Chalcis, Olympic victor 
in 332 B.C., 231 , 

Grynium, city of Aeolis, 137 

Halicarnassus, Halicarnassians, 
107, 183, 185 

Hall of the Sixty Couches, on the 
Island at Syracuse, 71 

Halys River, 229, 273 

Hanno, Carthaginian general, 27, 

Harmatelia, city of the Brahmins 
in India, 415, 419 

Harpalus, father of Callas, 165 

Harpalus, son of Machatas, of 
Elimiotis in Macedonia, friend 
and treasurer of Alexander III, 
called satrap of Babylonia 
(wrongly), 115, 435 

Hecataeus, friend of Alexander, 
murderer of Attalus, 123, 131 

Hecatontapylus (Hecatompylus), 
city of Hyrcania, 333 

Helius (see also Spring of the Sun), 

Hellenic League (see also Corinth, 
League of), 329 

Hellespont, Hellespontine, 39, 135, 

Hellespontine Phrygia, 169 

Hephaestion, son of Amyntor of 
Pella, friend and general of 
Alexander III, 117, 223, 225, 
253, 295, 383, 387, 397, 433, 
445, 455, 457, 461 

Heracleia-Pontica, 85 

Heracleidae, 51 

Heracles, 121, 127, 365, 397, 407, 

467 ; Heracles of Tyre, 231, 
zat, 251; Pillars of Heracles, 

Hermocrates, sophist, 99 

Hicetas of Syracuse, tyrant of 
Leontini, 27-35, 41, 43, 55, 67 

Hiero, king of Syracuse, 71 

Hyacinthus, honoured in Attic 
mythology, 159 

Hydaspes, river in India, 397 

Hyphasis, river in India, 389 

Hyrcania, province of Iran, 109, 
333, 335, 839, 345; Hyrcanian 
cavalry in the Persian army at 
the Granicus, 171 

Hyrcanian Sea (see also Caspian 
Sea), 333 


Iberians of Spain, mercenaries of 
Carthage, 45 

Ida, daughter of Melisseus, 135 

Ida, mountain in the Troad, 135 ; 
Idaean Dactyls, 135 

Idrieus, ruler of Caria, 33 

Illyria, Illyrian, Ilyrians, 35, 97, 
139, 453 ; Illyrians, in army of 
Alexander IIF, 165 

India, Indians, 113, 367-381, 385- 
391, 397, 403, 405, 411, 423, 
431, 435, 437 ; Indian troops in 
the army of Dareius III, 287 

Indus River, 115, 367, 371, 389, 
399, 415 

Ionia, 171, 173 

Ionian Gulf, 23 

Iphicrates, Athenian general, 77 

Iranian, Iranians (“ Barbarians’ $R 
111, 329, 335, 359, 361 

DAR at Syracuse, 29, 33, 37, 


Issus, city in Cilicia, 107, 209, 221, 
227-231, 255, 257 

Isthmus (Corinth), 141 ; Isthmian 
Games, 59 

Italy, 25, 65, 83 

Lacedaemonians (see also Sparta, 
Ppartans), 85, 107, 125, 297, 299, 

Laconia, 115, 437, 445 

Lamian War, 445 

Latins, 89 

Leonnatus of Orestis in Macedo- 
nia, friend and general of Alex- 
ander III, 101, 223, 421, 427 

neoan, city in Sicily, 29, 41, 43, 

E eponymous hero at Athens, 

Leosthenes, Athenian general, 
117, 445, 447 

Leptines, tyrant of Engyum, in 
Sicily, 43 

Lesbos, 199, 205 

Leucadians, 23 

Leuctra, city in Boeotia, 147, 151 

Libya, Libyans, subjects of Car- 
thage, 45, 63, 183, 263, 453 

Libyan Sea, 63 

Libyphoenicians, 453 

Ligurians, mercenaries of Car- 
thage, 45 

Lilybaeum, city in Sicily, 63 


Little Harbour at Syracuse, 71 

Locrians, people of Central Greece, 
military force with Alexander 
TII, 288 

Lucanians, in Italy, 85 

Lycia, Lycian, 195, 313 

Lyciscus, Attic archon in 844/3 
B.C., 33 

Lycurgus, Athenian orator and 
statesman, 83, 159 

Lycus, river in Sicily, 67 

Lydia, 179 

Lynceestis (Lyncestae, Lynces- 
tian), districtin Macedonia, 207, 
281, 349 

Lysicles, Athenian general, 75, 83 

Lysimachides, Attic archon in 
839/8 B.C., 65 

Macedonia, Macedonian, Mace- 
donians, 35, 39, 41, 49, 87, 91, 
95, 113-117, 121, 125-131, 135- 
139, 143, 149-153, 157, 161-165, 
169-173, 177, 181, 187-195, 201- 
205, 209-221, 233, 235, 239-251, 
255, 259, 277, 279, 283-289, 293- 
297, 301, 303, 311, 313, 319, 
331, 337, 343, 845, 349, 351, 

. 357, 359, 363, 365, 369, 871, 
875-379, 3883, 387, 391, 393, 397, 
403-413, 425, 429, 435, 439, 
441, 447, 453, 459 

Madetes, cousin of Dareius III, 
general in the Uxian country, 

Malis, district in northern Greece, 
cavalry from, with Alexander, 

Mallians, people of India, 401 

Mamercus, tyrant of Catania, 33 

Manius, Gaius, consul in 8335/4 
R.O., 121 

Manlius, Titus, consul in 343/2 
B.O., 37 

Manlius Torquatus, Titus, consul 
in 341/0 B.O., 45 ; in 337/6 B.C., 
85; victor over Latins and 
Campanians at Suessa, 89 

Mantinea, city in Arcadia, 151 

Marcius, Gaius, consul in 341/0 
B.C., 45 

Marcus (Mamercus), tyrant of Ca- 
tania, 33 

Mardi, people of the region south 
of the Caspian, 109, 337; 


Mardian troops in the army of 
Dareius, 287 

Mar paten people in Lycia, 195, 

Massaca, city of India, 113 

Massani, people of India, 413 

Mazaeus, general of Dareius III, 
277, 285-291 

Medes, 171, 351 ; Media, 299, 351, 
857, 445, 447 

Medius, son of Oxynthemis of 
Larisa in Thessaly, friend of 
Alexander ITI, 465 

Meleager, son of Neoptolemus, 
commander of a battalion of the 
Macedonian phalanx, 257 

Melisseus, see Ida 

Memnon of Rhodes, brother-in- 
law and son-in-law of Artabazus 
and husband of Barsinê, general 
of Dareius III, 135, 137, 169, 171, 
179, 183, 187-193, 197, 203, 205 

Memnon, Macedonian governor of 
Thrace, 295 

Memphis, city in Egypt, 257 

Menes, son of Dionysius of Pella, 
military governor of Babylon 
with Apollodorus; responsi- 
bility as far as Cilicia, 301 

Menidas, Macedonian cavalry 
commander under Alexander 
IH at Gaugamela, 295 

Mesopotamia, 321 

Messana, city of Sicily, 35 

Metapontum, city in Southern 
Italy, 25 

Methymna, city of Lesbos, 199 

Micinas of Rhodes, Olympic vic- 
tor in 324 B.0., 453 

Miletus, Milesians, 107, 181, 183 

Mithridates, ruler of Cius in 
Mysia, 87 

Mithrines, satrap of Sardes under 
Dareius III, 179; satrap of 
Armenia, 303 

Mithrobuzanes, commander of the 
Cappadocians under Dareius 
IIÍ at the Granicus, 177 

Mitylenê, city of Lesbos, 199, 205, 

Molossians, 41 

Mophis, son of Taxiles, king in In- 
dia, also called Taxiles, friend 
of Alexander III, 371, 373 

Mather of the Gods, 135 



Muses, 163 
Musicanus, king in India, 413 

Nabarnes (Nabarzanes), Iranian 
noble with Bessus, $829 

Nasamonians, people of Africa, 
63 : 

Nautices, people of Nautaca in 
Sogdiana, 111 

Neapolis, part of Leontini, in Si- 
cily, 41 

Neapolis, part of Syracuse, 33 

Nearchus, son of Androtimus, of 
Latô in Orete, citizen of Amphi- 
polis, friend and admiral of 
Alexander III, 421, 451 

Neoptolemus, Athenian actor, 
friend and agent of Philip II, 93 

Neoptolemus, son of Arrhabaeus, 
brother of Amyntas, killed at 
Halicarnassus, 189 

Nicaea, city on the Acesines River 
in India, 395 

Nicanor, son of Parmenion, 
general of Alexander III, com- 
mander of the Foot Guard at 
Gaugamela, 281 

Niceratus, Attic archon in 832/1 
B.C., 231 

Nicocrates, Attic archon in 838/2 
B.C., 199 

Nicodemus, tyrant of Centuripae 
in Sicily, 67 

Nicomachus, Attic archon in 
341/0 B.C., 45 

Nicomachus, Macedonian, brother 
of Cebalinus; beloved by 
Dimnus; at headquarters of 
G II (not royal page), 

Nineveh, city in Assyria, 273 
Nysia, city of India, 113 

Ocean, 115, 379, 395, 419, 421, 429, 

Oceanus (deity), 419 

Ochus (Artaxerxes III), king of 
Persia 359-338 B.0., 131 

Onr ians, in Alexander’s army, 

Olympia in Elis, 439 

Olympiad, Olympic @ames, 33, 
53, 89, 231, 255, 439, 453 

Olympias, daughter of Neoptole- 
mus, wife of Philip II, mother 


of Alexander III, 41, 91, 437, 
457, 469 

Olympieium, at Syracuse, 29, 71 

Olympus, mountain in Thessaly, 
Olympius (Zeus), 39 

Onchestus, city in Boeotia, 145 

Orchomenians (Boeotia), 155 

Oreitis, district in Gedrosia, 421; 
Oreitae, 423, 427 

Orestis, district of Macedonia, 
Orestae, 97, 281 , 

Ostanes, grandfather of Dareius 
III, brother of Artaxerxes II, 

Oxathres, brother of Dareius III, 
211, 341 

Oxyartes, Sogdian noble, father 
of Roxanê, 111 

Paeonia, Paeonians, 1389; Paeo- 
nian prodromoi in army of 
Alexander III, 165 

Paphlagonia, 171 

Papirius, consul in 324/3 B.C., 453 

Papirius, Lucius, consul in 834/3 
B.C., 163; in 333/2 B.O., 199; 
in 328/7 B.0., 353 

Parmenion, son of Philotas, 
general of Philip II and Alex- 
ander III, father-in-law of 
Attalus and Coenus, father of 
Philotas, Nicanor, Hector, 89, 
109, 123, 131, 137, 161, 165, 173, 
207, 275, 279, 281, 291, 293, 349, 
351, 469 

Paropanisadae, provinceofeastern 
Iran, 109, 355 

Earbpanieumn, Mt. (Hindu-Kush), 


Parthyaea, province of Iran, 425 

Patala, city of India, 419 

Pausanias, beloved of Philip IT, 97 

Pausanias, son of Cerastus, of 
Orestis in Macedonia, Body- 
guard of Philip II, and his 
assassin, 95, 97-101 

Pella, city of Macedonia, 301 

Peloponnese, Peloponnesians, 37, 
125, 141, 297, 303; Pelopon- 
nesian cavalry with Alexander 
TII, 283 

Pelusium, city in Egypt, 255 

Perdiccas, son of ÓÔrontes, of 
Orestis in Macedonia, friend 
and general of Alexander III, 


commander of the battalion of 
the phalanx from Orestis and 
Lyncestis, 101, 151, 189, 281, 
295, 445, 467 

Perinthus, "Perinthians, 45-51 

Persephonê, 25 

Persepolis, 109, 315, 819-323 

Persia, Persian, Persians, 47, 85, 
89, 93, 95, 109, 111, 115, 117, 
129-133, 139, 143, 157, 169-189, 
199-203, 207, 209-221, 231, 249, 
255-259, 275, 279, 281, 287-295, 
305, 309-315, 319, 321, 325, 327, 
841, 343, 351, 433, 435, 439, 
441, 445-449, 451, 459 

Persis, 311, 327 

Peucestes (Peucestas), son of 
Alexander of Mieza, brother of 
Amyntas, general and friend of 
Alexander III, 117, 405, 441 

Pharnaces, brother of Atizyes and 
of the queen to Dareius III, 177 

Pharos, island at Alexandria in 
Egypt, 267 

Phasis, river of the Caucasus, 339 

Phegeus, Indian king, 387, 389 

Philip, Acarnanian physician, 205 

Philip, friend of Alexander, 
brought message from Ammon 
concerning Hephaestion, 461 

Philip, son of Balacrus, com- 
mander of a battalion of the 
Macedonian phalanx, 281 

Philip, son of Menelaüs, com- 
mander of the Thessalian 
cavalry at Gaugamela, 283 

Philip II, son of Amyntas, king of 
the Macedonians, 35, 39, 41, 45- 
53, 71-77, 81, 85-103, 119, 123, 
125, 129-135, 143, 193, 201, 267 

Philotas, Macedonian garrison- 
commander in the Cadmeia at 
Thebes, 141 

Philotas, son of Parmenion, 
general of Alexander III, 109, 
165, 281, 309, 347-351, 469 

Phocian, Phocians, 55, 147; 
Phocian contingent with Alex- 
ander III, 283 

Phocion, Athenian statesman, 45, 

Phoenicia, Phoenician, Phoeni- 
cians, 231, 237, 239, 245, 255 

Phoenicians (Carthaginians), 27, 
59, 61 

Phrygia, 107, 167, 195; Helles- 
pontine Phrygia, 169 ° 

Phrypichis, Attic archon in 337/6 

Phthiotis, district in Thessaly, 
cavalry with Alexander III, 283 

Pillars of Heracles, 453 

Pitanê, city of Aeolis, 137 

Pizodarus, Tuler of Caria, 45 

Plataeans (Boeotia), 155 

Platius, Lucius, consul in 328/7 
B.C., 353 

Plautius, Gaius, consul in 343/2 
B.C., 37 ; in 338/7 B.C., 71 

Pleurias, king of the Illyrians, 97 

Polyperchon, son of Simmias, 
commander of the battalion of 
the Macedonian phalanx from 
Stymphalia at Gaugamela, 281 

Popillius, Quintus, consul in 8325/4 
B.C., 441 

Porticanus, king in India, 413 

Porus, cousin of Alexander’s 
friend King Porus, Indian king, 
fled and lost his kingdom, 383 

Porus, Indian king, defeated foe 
and friend of Alexander III, 
113, 373-383, 389, 395 

Poseidon, 63, 233, 235 

Postumius, Aulus, consul in 326/5 
B.C., 373 

Postumius, Etruscan pirate, 65 

Postumius, Spurius, consul in 
331/0 B.C., 257 

Prometheus, 357 

Providence, 93, 259, 417 

Ptolemy, son of Lagus, of Eordeia 
in Macedonia, friend and general 
of Alexander III, 417-421 

Publius, Gaius, consul in 324/3 
B.C., 453 

Publius, Marcus, consul in 344/3 
B.C., 33; M. Gnaeus Publius, 
consul in 342/1 B.C., 41 

Publius, Quintus, consul in 336/5 
B.C., 89 

Pydna, city of Macedonia, 301 

Pylae (Thermopylae), 127 

Pyrrha, city of Lesbos, 199 

Pyrrhus, Molossian, 41 

Pythia at Delphi, Pythian Oracle, 
89, 95, 391 

Pytho of Byzantium, orator and 
fdipiomst in service of Philip IJ, 




Pythodorus, Attic archon in 336/5 
B.C., 89 
Pythodotus, Attic archon in 343/2 

Pythonicê, Athenian courtesan, 
in service of Harpalus, 437 

Red Sea (Persian Gulf), 435 

Rhegium, Rhegians, 25, 29 

Rheomithres, general of Dareius 
III, 171 

Rheomithres, Persian noble killed 
at Issus, 213 

Rhodes, Rhodians, 53, 135, 169, 
171, 453 

Rhoetium, cape in the Troad, 139 

Rhosaces, Persian noble, brother 
of Spithridates, 175, 177 

Rock, name of various places in 
Asia: in Lycia, 195, 197; in 
Hyrcania, 333; in Areia, 109; 
in the Caucasus, 357; in Sog- 
diana, 111; in Swat (Aornus), 
113, 365-369 

Rome, Romans, 23, 33, 37, 39, 41, 
45, 53, 65, 35, 89, 121, 163, 199, 
y 257, 295, 329, 353, 3873, 441, 

Roxanê, daughter of Oxyartes of 
eua wife of Alexander III, 

Royal Relatives (Persian), 173, 
177, 203, 217 

Rutilius, Marcus, consul in 8339/8 
B.0., 65 

Sacred Battalion, corps d'élite of 
the Carthaginian army, 61 
Salmus, city in Carmania, 429 
Sambana, city in Sittacenê, 443 
Sambastae, people of India, 411 
Sambus, king in India, 413, 415 
Sardes (Sardians), city in Asia 
Minor, 179, 303 
Sasibisares (Abisares), also called 
Embisarus, Indian king, 381 
Satibarzanes, satrap of Areia 
under Dareius III, 343, 353, 359 
Scythians, 111 ;_Seythian cavalry 
with: Dareius III, 287, 289 
Servilius, Quintus, consul in 339/8 
B.O., 65 
Sibians, people of India, 397 
Sicanians, 48 
Siceliot Greeks, 69, 87 


Sicels, 43 

Sicily, Sicilian, Sicilians, 23-27, 
33, 39-45, 53, 65, 69, 71, 81 

Sirens, on Hephaestion’s catafal- 
que, 459 , 

Sisyngambris, mother of Dareius 
IIT, 223, 225, 289, 469 

Sittacenê, district on the lower 
Tigris, 303, 443 

Sodrae, people of India, 413, 

Sogdiana, 371, 405 ; Sogdiani, 111 

Sopeithes, Indian king, friend of 
Alexander, 113, 385 

Sosigenes, Attic archon in 342/1 
B.O., 41 

Sparta, Spartans (see also Lace- 
daemonians), 419; Spartiates, 
199, 255, 299, 329 

Spithrobates, satrap of Ionia 
under Dareius III, son-in-law of 
Dareius and brother of Rho- 
saces, 171, 173 

Spring of the Sun, at the Oasis of 
Siwah, 263 

Stasanor, of Soloi in Cyprus, 
general and satrap of Areia 
under Alexander III, 353 

Stateira, daughter of Dareius III, 
wife of Alexander III, 433 

Stiboeites, river of Hyrcania, 333 

Straton, king of Sidon, 253 

Stymphaeans, people of Macedo- 
nia, 281 

Successors, kings after Alexander 
III, 471 

amema (Arunca), city of Latium, 


Sulpicius, Gaius, consul in 334/3 
B.C., 163 

Sulpicius, Servius, consul in 345/4 
B.C., 23 

Susa, 109, 309, 321, 433, 441 H 
Susianê, 305, 431 

atu Gates, 109 ; Susian Rocks, 


Sydracae, people of India, 401 

Syracuse, Syracusan, Syracusans, 
23, 27-35, 39, 43, 55, 57, 63-71, 
87, 183 

Syria, 207, 269 

(Syrian) Gates, 207 

Tabraesians, people of India, 389 
Taenarum, promontory in Laco- 
nia, 115, 437, 445 


Tarentum, city in South Italy, 85 

Tasiaces, Persian satrap of Egypt, 
killed at Issus, 213 

Tauromenium, city in Sicily, 31 

Taxiles, Indian king, father of 
Mophis, who was also called 
Taxiles, friend of Alexander III, 
113, 371 

Tethys, 419 

Thaïs, Athenian courtesan, with 
Alexander III at Persepolis, 
325, 327 - 

Thalestris, queen of the Amazons, 
109, 339, 341 

Thebes, Theban, Thebans, 73, 75, 
83, 107, 125, 189-161, 469 

Theophrastus, Attic archon in 
340/39 B.C., 53 

Fhroporopus of Chios, historian, 


Thermodon, river of eastern Asia 
Minor, 339 

Thersites, character in the Iliad, 81 

Thespians (Boeotia), 155 

Thessaly, Thessalian, Thessalians, 
35, 37, 125, 465; Thessalian 
cavalry in the army of Alex- 
ander IIJ, 165, 173, 179, 209, 
283, 291, 293; Thessalian 
League, 127 

Thibron, friend and murderer of 
Harpalus, 437 

Thrace, Thracian, Thracians, 39, 
41, 139, 141, 295, 297, 453; 
Thracians in the army of Alex- 
ander III, 165, 303 

Thrasius, mercenary leader with 
Timoleon, 55, 57, 65 

Thrasybulus, Athenian, at Hali- 
carnassus, 189 

Tigris River, 271, 277, 443 

Tigris River (Pasitigris), river of 
the Susianê, 309 

Timaenetus, see Timoleon 

Timoleon, son of Timaenetus, of 
Corinth, 23, 25, 29-37, 41, 43, 55- 
65, 69, 87 

Timotheüs, Athenian general, 77 

Timotheüs, tyrant of Heracleia- 
Pontica, 85 

Tiridates, commander of the cita- 
del of Persepolis under Darcius 
III, 315 

Tiridates, governor of Arimaspia 
and Gedrosia under Alexander 
III, 3853 

Trallians, people of Thrace, serv- 
ing with Alexander III, 303 

Triballians, in the army of Alex- 
ander III, 165 

Tripolis, city of Phoenicia, 255 

Troad, 139, 163, 167 

Tyndaritae, city in Sicily, 33 

Tyre, city in Phoenicia; Tyrian, 
Tyrians, 107, 231-243, 247-253 ; 
Old Tyre, 233 

Uxianê, 311 ; Uxii; Uxian, people 
of the lower Zagreus, 309, 811 

Valerius, Caeso, consul in 8333/2 
B.C., 199 

Valerius, Ģ@aius, consul in 329/8 
B.C., 329 

Valerius, Marcus, consul in 344/3 
B.C., 33; in 342/1 B.C., 41; in 
340/39 B.C., 58; in 332/1 B.C., 

Veturius, Titus, consul in 331/0 
B.C., 257 

Xandrames, king of the Gan- 
daridae in India, 389 

Xerxes, king of Persia 485-464 
B.C., 157, 327, 443 

Zeus, 163; Zeus Olympius, 39 

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and M. B. McElwain. 

Froxnro: Corrrsroxpexce. C. R. Haines. 2 Vols. 

Grruius. J. C. Rolfe. 3 Vols. 

Horace: Opes anp Eropes. C. E. Bennett. 

Horace : Sarires, ErisrLes, Ars Poerica. H.R. Fairclough. 

Jerome: Serect Lerrers. F. A. Wright. 

Juvexar asp Persius. G. G. Ramsay. 



Lıvy. B. O. Foster, F. G. Moore, Evan T. Sage, A. C~ 
Schlesinger and R. M. Geer (General Index). 14 Vols. 

Lucan. J. D. Duff. 

Lucretrius. W. H. D. Rouse. 

Martuar. W.C. A. Ker. 2 Vols. 

Mıxor Larıx Poers: from PusuLius Syrus to RuTILIUS 
NamartIraxus, including GraTTIUsS, CALPURNIUS SICULUS, 
NemeEsranus, Avranus, with “ Aetna,” “ Phoenix ” and 
other poems. J. Wight Duff and Arnold M. Duff. 

Ovo: Tuar Arr or Love anD oruER Porms. J. H. Mozley. 

Ovo: Fasrtı. Sir James G. Frazer. 

Ovo: Herorpes ann Amores. Grant Showerman. 

Ovıp: MeETamorrnoses. F. J. Miller. 2 Vols. 

Ovın: Tristia ann Ex Poxro. A. L. Wheeler. 

Perroxius. M. Heseltine: SENECA: APOCOLOCYNTOSIS. 
W. H. D. Rouse. 

Praurus. Paul Nixon. 5 Vols. 

Prrny: LerTeERrs. Melmoth’s translation revised by W. M. L. 
Hutchinson. 2 Vols. 

Priny: Narurar Hisrory. 10 Vols. Vols. I-V and IX. 
H. Rackham. Vols. VI-VIII. W. H. S. Jones. Vol. 
X. D. E. Eichholz. 

Propertius. H. E. Butler. 

Prupextius. H. J. Thomson. 2 Vols. 

Qurxtitax. H. E. Butler. 4 Vols. 

Remains or Orp Larix. E. H. Warmington. & Vols. 
Vol. I (Ennius and Caecilius). Vol, II (Livius, Naevius, 
Pacuvius, Accius). Vol. III (Lucilius, Laws of the XII 
Tables). Vol. IV (Archaic Inscriptions). 

Sarrust. J. C. Rolfe. 

GcrirtTorEs Hisrorrar Aueusrtar. D. Magie. 3 Vols. 


Geneca : ErrsruLar Moraes. R. M. Gummere. 3 Vols. 

Seneca : Morar Essays. J. W. Basore. 3 Vols. 

Seneca : Tracepwes. F. J. Miller. 2 Vols. 

Sipoxrus: Poems ann Lerrers. W. B. Anderson. 2 Vols. 

Sıtrus Irarrcus. J. D. Duff. 2 Vols. 

Srarrus. J. H. Mozley. 2 Vols. 

Surroxius. J. C. Rolfe. 2 Vols. 

Tacırus: Draroeus. Sir Wm. Peterson : and AGRICOLA 
anD Germania. Maurice Hutton. 

Tacrrus: Haisrories ann Axxwars. C. H. Moore and J. 
Jackson. 4 Vols. i 



Terexce. John Sargeaunt. 2 Vols. 

TERTULLIAN : AroLocIa anD De Srectracuus., T.R. Glover; 
Mrıxuciıus Ferrx. G. H. Rendall. 

Vareriws Fraccus. J. H. Mozley. 

Varro: De Liıncua Larina. R. G. Kent. 2 Vols. 

VELLEIUS PareRrcuLUs anp Res Gesrar Dirvi Avcusri. F, W. 

Virc. H. R. Fairclough. 2 Vols. 

Vrrruvius: De Arcarrecrura. F. Granger. 2 Vols. 


AcĦILLES Tatius. S. Gaselee. 

Arrian: On tHE Nature oF Animaus. A. F. Scholfeld. 
8 Vols. 

IHinois Greek Club. 

AEscHINES. C. D. Adams. 

ArscuyLus. H. Weir Smyth. 2 Vols. 

Benner and F. H. Fobes. 

AroLLODORUS. Sir James G. Frazer. 2 Vols. 

AroLLoxNius Ruopius. R. C. Seaton. 

Tur Arosrorıc Farners. Kirsopp Lake. 2 Vols. 

Aprriaxn’s Roman Hisrory. Horace White. 4 Vols. 


ArısToPHANES. Benjamin Bickley Rogers. 3 Vols. Verse 

ARISTOTLE: ART of RueTorc. J. H. Freese. 

VırTUES anD Vices. H. Rackham. 


ARISTOTLE: MeEraPuysics. H. Tredennick. 2 Vols. 


ARISTOTLE: Mınor Worxs. W. S. Hett. “ On Colours,” 
“ On Things Heard,” “ Physiognomics,” “ On Plants,” 
“ On Marvellous Things Heard,” Mechanical Problems,” 
“On Indivisible Lines,” “ Situations and Names of 
Winds,” “ On Melissus, Xenophanes, and Gorgias.” 

ARISTOTLE: Nıcomacuean Ernies. H. Rackham. 



ARISTOTLE: Oercowomica anD Maexa Moraria., G. C. 
Armstrong. (With Metaphysics, Vol. II.) 

ARISTOTLE: Ovn TuE Heavens. W. K. C. Guthrie. 

W. S. Hett. 

Cooke; Prior Axaryrtics. H. Tredennick. 

ARISTOTLE: Posrerror Anaryrtics. H. Tredennick ;. Torrcs. 
E. S. Forster. 

Passıne-away. ÈE. S. Forster. On Tue Cosmos. D.J. 

Procression or Animais. E. S. Forster. 

ArısrorLe: Puysics. Rev. P. Wicksteed and F. M. Corn- 
ford. 2 Vols. 

Hamilton Fyfe; Demetrius ox Styre. W. Rhys Roberts. 

ARISTOTLE: Porrmics. H. Rackham. 

ARISTOTLE: Progrrems. W. S. Hett. 2 Vols. 

(With Problems, Vol. II.) 

Iliffe Robson. 2 Vols. 

ATHENAEUS: DerrxosornIsTaE. C. B. Gulick. 7 Vols. 

Sr. Bası: Lærrers. R. J. Deferrari. 4 Vols. 

CaLrLimacnus: Fracmenrs. C. A. Trypanis. 

A. W. Mair; Aratus. G. R. Mair. 

CLEMENT OF ALEXANDRIA. Rev. G. W. Butterworth. 


DaPrnynis anD CurLor. Cf. Loneus. 

rroxs: I-XVII anp XX. J. H. Vince. 

DemostHENEs II: De Corowa anD DE Farsa LEGATIONE. 
C. A. Vince and J. H. Vince. 


A. T. Murray. 

DemostHENES VII: FUNERAL SPEECH, Erotic Essay, Ex- 
oRDIA AND Lerrers. N. W. and N. J. DeWitt. 

Dro Cassius: Romax Hisrory. E. Cary. 9 Vols. 



Dio Curysosrom. 5 Vols. Vols. I and II. J. W. Cohoon. 
Vol III. J. W. Cohoon and H. Lamar Crosby. Vols. IV 
and V. H. Lamar Crosby. 

Dıroporus Srcurus. 12 Vols. Vols. I-VI. C. H. Oldfather. 
Vol. VII. C. L. Sherman. Vol. VIII. C. B. Welles. 
Vols. IX and X. Russel M. Geer. Vol. XI. F.R. Walton. 

Drocexrs Larrrius. R. D. Hicks. 2 Vols. 

man’s translation revised by E. Cary. 7 Vols, 

Erıcrerus. W. A. Oldfather. 2 Vols. 

Evurmrines. A. S. Way. 4 Vols. Verse trans. 

Evsesgtus: EccresrasticaL Hiısrory. Kirsopp Lake and 
J. E. L. Oulton. 2 Vols. 

Garen: On tHe Narurar Facurties. A. J. Brock. 

TuE Greek AnrtHoLocy. W. R. Paton. 5 Vols. 

Tur Grerk Bucoric PoETS (TurocriTUus, Brox, Moscuvus). 
J. M. Edmonds. 

Edmonds. 2 Vols. 

Greek MaruemaricaL Works. Ivor Thomas. 2 Vols. 


Heropotus. A. D. Godley. 4 Vols. 

Hesron and rue Homeric Hymys. H. G. Evelyn White. 

HirrocraTES AND rue Fracmenxrs or Heracross., W. H.S, 
Jones and E. T. Withington. 4 Vols. 

Homer: Irta. A. T. Murray. 2 Vols. 

Homer: Opyssey. A. T. Murray. 2 Vols. 

Isarus. E. S. Forster. 

Isocrates. George Norlin and LaRue Van Hook. 3 Vols. 

Sr. Jous Damascene : BarLaam ann loasarn. Rev. G. R. 
Woodward and Harold Mattingly. 

Josernus. 9 Vols. Vols. I-IV. H. St. J. Thackeray. Vol. 
V. H. St. J. Thackeray and Ralph Marcus. Vols. VI 
and VII. Ralph Marcus. Vol. VIII. Ralph Marcus and 
Allen Wikgren. 

Jurian. Wilmer Cave Wright. 3 Vols. 

Loxncus: DAPHNIS AND CHLOE. Thornley’s translation re- 
vised by J. M. Edmonds; and PartTuENIus. S, Gaselee. 

Luciraw. ` 8 Vols. Vols. I-V. A. M. Harmon; Vol. VI. 
K. Kilburn; Vol. VII. M. D. Macleod. 

Lycornrox. Cf. CALLIMACHUS. 

Lyra Graeca. J. M. Edmonds. 3 Vols. 

Lysras. W. R. M. Lamb. 


Maxeruo. W.G. Waddell. Proremy : Terrasigsros. F. E. 

Marcus AvurrLIUsS. C. R. Haines. 

Mexaxnper. F. G. Allinson. 

Miīixor ArTIC Orarors. 2 Vols. K. J. Maidment and 
J. O. Burtt. 

Noxļnxos: Droxysiaca. W. H. D. Rouse. 3 Vols. 

Orrian, CoLLUTHUS, Tryruroporus. A. W. Mair. 

Paryri. Non-Lrrerary SeLrcrions. A. S. Hunt and C. C. 
Edgar. 2 Vols. Lrrerary Serecrioxs (Poetry). D. L. 

PARTHENIUS. Cf. Loncus. 

Pausanias: Descrirerriox or Greece. W. H. S. Jones. 5 
Vols. and Companion Vol. arranged by R. E. Wycherley. 

Purto. 10 Vols. Vols. I-V. F. H. Colson and Rev. G. H. 
Whitaker; Vols. VI-X. F. H. Colson; General Index. 
Rev. J. W. Earp. 

Two Supplementary Vols. Translation only from an 
Armenian Text. Ralph Marcus. 

A. Fairbanks. 

PurLostRaTUS: Tue Lire or AroLLoNIUus oF Tyaxa. F.C. 
Conybeare. 2 Vols. 

Wilmer Cave Wright. 

Prnpar. Sir J. E. Sandys. 

Turaces, Mrwos ann Errnyomis. W. R. M. Lamb. 

Hirrrras. H. N. Fowler. 

H. N. Fowler. 

Praro: Lacmes, Proracoras, MeENo, EUTHYDEMUS. 
W. R. M. Lamb. 

Praro: Laws. Rev. R. G. Bury. 2 Vols. 

Praro: Lysis, SYMPOSIUM, GORGIAS. W. R. M. Lamb. 

Praro: Repusic. Paul Shorey. 2 Vols. 

Praro: SraresmaN. Pmregus. H. N. Fowler: iov. 
W. R. M. Lamb. 


sruraE. Rev. R. G. Bury. 

Puurarcu: Morata. 15 Vols. Vols. I-V. F.C. Babbitt; 



Vol. VI. W.C. Helmbold; Vol. VII. P.H. De Lacy and 
B. Einarson; Vol. IX. E. L. Minar, Jr., F. H. Sandbach, 
W. C. Helmbold; Vol. X. H. N. Fowler; Vol. XII. H. 
Cherniss and W. C. Helmbold. 

Prurarcu: Tar PARALLEL Lives. B. Perrin. 11 Vols. 

Porysrus. W. R. Paton. 6 Vols. 

Procorrus: Hiısrory oF rue Wars. H.B. Dewing. 7 Vols. 

ProLemy: TerrasBLos. Cf. MANETHO. 

Quintus SmyrxaEUs. A.S. Way. Verse trans. 

Sexrus Emrrricus. Rev. R. G. Bury. 4 Vols. 

Sornocres. F. Storr. 2 Vols. Verse trans. 

STRABO: GrEocraruy. Horace L. Jones. 8 Vols. 

TueornRasrus: Cuaracrers. J. M. Edmonds; Heroes, 
ete. A. D. Knox. 

TurEoPHRAsTUS: EwgurirRY inTO Prants. Sir Arthur Hort. 
2 Vols. 

Tuucyprines. C. F. Smith. 4 Vols. 

TryPHIoporus. Cf. OpPraN. 

XrĒxornon : Cyrorarpra. Walter Miller. 2 Vols. 

sıuĪ. C. iL. Brownson and O. J. Todd. 3 Vols. 

Xexnornon: MemorasgiLIa anb Orcoļwomicus. E.C. Mar- 

XrNnorHon: Scripra Minora. E. C. Marchant. 


ArıstToTLE: Historia AnmaLrum (Greek). A. L. Peck. 
Basrius (Greek) anD PHAEDRUS (Latin). B. E. Perry. 
Prormwus (Greek). A. H. Armstrong. 

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